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Progress in Human Geography
http://phg.sagepub.com/
Crossing the qualitative-quantitative divide II: Inventive approaches to big data, mobile
methods, and rhythmanalysis
Dydia DeLyser and Daniel Sui
Prog Hum Geogr published online 23 April 2012
DOI: 10.1177/0309132512444063
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What is This?
Dydia DeLyser
Louisiana State University, USA
Daniel Sui
The Ohio State University, USA
Abstract
In this second of three reports on qualitative and quantitative methods we highlight novel methods with
particular purchase on the problems of our time. We again focus on scholarship crossing multiple geo-
graphical divides, those of neo/paleo geography, qualitative/quantitative methods, and physical/human geo-
graphy. We do so now by concentrating on three areas: the emerging digital humanities and the rise of big
data, mobile methods, and rhythmanalysis. With this broad approach we seek also to encourage consilience,
synergy, and a positive embrace of diversity in geographical scholarship.
Keywords
big data, digital humanities, inventive methods, methodology, mobile methods, mobilities, qualitative, quan-
titative, rhythmanalysis
into its open-endedness. Such methods, they scholars – and the connected public – to pose
advise, cannot be external to the problems new research questions some suggest could
they address, but must be answerable to those lead to better understandings of our world and
problems, holding the capacity to change ourselves (Dalbello, 2011; Manovich, 2011).
those problems as they unfold. Significantly, The emerging digital humanities, with their
Lury and Wakeford argue, the inventiveness ‘alliance of geeks and poets’ (Cohen, 2010),
of methods cannot be determined in advance: may represent a moment of methodological
methods are not intrinsically inventive, they possibility for geographic research and scholar-
become inventive in their engagement. Many ship, and may lead to broader efforts at crossing
of the new and renewed methods we here the qualitative-quantitative chasm (Sui and
describe could therefore be termed inventive DeLyser, 2012).
methods – made novel by their purchase on Human geographers have rich traditions of
particular problems of our time. humanities engagement, often through quali-
To continue our focus on areas of conver- tative approaches. Indeed, nearly all the con-
gence and mutual interest despite differences, tributions in two volumes devoted to
we here highlight three areas of potential geographical engagements with the huma-
engagement across widely perceived geogra- nities are informed by qualitative research
phical divides: communication between ‘paleo’ (Daniels et al., 2011; Dear et al., 2011). The grow-
and ‘neo’ geography in the emerging digital ing efforts to digitize human traces may signal an
humanities; mutual interests across quantitative opening in methodological approaches, for much
and qualitative methods in research on mobili- digital-humanities scholarship is quantitatively
ties; and crossing scales, senses, and the based, or grounded in artful combinations of both
physical-human divide in rhythmanalysis. quantitative and qualitative methods (Bodenha-
mer et al., 2010; Daniels et al., 2011; Dear et
II Crossing disciplinary boundaries al., 2011).
Because digital-humanities data are elec-
through the emerging digital tronically searchable, scholars gain ‘the abil-
humanities ity to read the archive of core texts, together
The second decade of the 21st century has with their residual materiality from previous
gained multiple labels related to the huge media contexts in order to produce intensive
quantities of data made available by new tech- modes of engagement with particular docu-
nologies: the age of ‘big data’ (CORDIS, ments, [and] groups of texts’ (Dalbello,
2010; Manyika, 2011; ORT, 2011), the ‘data 2011: 497), something practically impossible
avalanche’ (Miller, 2010), and the ‘exaflood’ using the original (print) sources. In this kind
(Swanson, 2007). This is accompanied by what of environment it is not hard to imagine that
Nielsen (2011) heralds as a paradigm shift in quantitative data-mining methods and GIS
research methodologies, what some call the may have particular purchase. In fact, the
fourth paradigm – data-intensive inquiry across ‘spatial humanities’, a subfield of the digital
the physical and social sciences (Hey et al., 2009), humanities often tied to the so-called spa-
but also the arts and humanities (Bartscherer and tially integrated social sciences, aims to
Coover, 2011; Borgman, 2009). Indeed, the leverage GIS to analyze the massive amounts
exaflood has inundated the humanities under the of geocoded data now available (Gibson et
umbrella terms ‘humanities 2.0’ and ‘digital al., 2010). Not all of this work involves GIS
humanities’. Digital-humanities research, pow- and/or quantitative methods; the emerging
ered by massive searchable databases, enables ‘geohumanities’ scholarship (Daniels et al.,
2011; Dear et al., 2011) encompasses much collaborating with Harvard researchers, aims
broader ongoing intellectual efforts to to digitize all published books. Despite copy-
engage geography and the humanities right controversies (Adrien, 2009), they have
together. already digitized approximately 4% of all
But these massive databases about both past books ever printed (approximately 5.2 mil-
and present have made big data available to those lion books) making them available to the
who may not have previously considered using it public for free downloads and online
– databases include digitized books, newspapers, searches (Michel et al., 2010; download at
photos, paintings, unpublished manuscripts, http://ngrams.googlelabs.com/datasets). This
music, audio recordings, transactional data like 500-billion-word database covers books
web searches, sensor data,1 cell-phone records, printed between 1800 and 2000 in multiple
social-media postings (such as Facebook or Twit- languages (Chinese, English, French, German,
ter) and much more. They have unleashed efforts Russian, and Spanish). Borrowing techniques
by scholars in the humanities to study their from genomics, researchers have developed new
subjects from both spatial/temporal and geogra- search strategies that treat each individual word
phical/historical perspectives – bringing multiple as a sort of cultural gene. This branch of digital
geographical modes of analysis to humanities- humanities research, known as ‘culturomics’
based scholarship (Bodenhamer et al., 2010; (http://www.culturomics.org), opens, through
Daniels et al., 2011; Dear et al., 2011; see also data mining, new possibilities for research and
Berry, 2012). education (Michel et al., 2010). Culturomics and
We share the concerns, expressed by skep- Google’s ‘n-gram database’ can extend the
tical scholars (Gold, 2012), that the current boundaries of quantitative inquiry to a wide array
tide towards digital humanities could sub- of research problems in the humanities and social
merge traditional interpretative scholarship sciences traditionally addressed qualitatively
with superficial number crunching. Making (Lieberman-Aiden and Michel, 2011; Michel et
sense of such huge quantities of data requires al., 2010). Quantitative analysis of this massive
not only computationally based research corpus of words/texts can potentially enable geo-
methods to process and analyze the data, but graphers to investigate broader disciplinary
also the ability to situate the results (Berry, trends – revealing cultural contexts and disciplin-
2012). As Borgman (2009) advises, digital- ary shifts that were previously practically impos-
humanities scholarship should be led by those sible to probe.
in the humanities; thus the age of big data and For example, we used the n-gram database to
digital humanities calls for a new level of synth- track occurrences of four pairs of key geogra-
esis and synergy between qualitative and quanti- phical terms between 1800 and 2000 for the
tative approaches in geographic research (see also books in the database (Figure 1). Note the
Sieber et al., 2011). increase, since the mid-1980s, of the term
Several new mega projects in this area, funded ‘qualitative’ and the significant decline of
by both public and private sectors, could have last- ‘quantitative’. Despite the steady decline of
ing impacts. In the USA, Google (TOGB, 2010) ‘place’ and increase of ‘space’, ‘place’ still
and the National Endowment for the Humanities appears twice as frequently as ‘space’. Although
(‘Digging into Data’ initiative; NEH, 2011) and, ‘global’ has increased dramatically, ‘local’ still
in Europe, DARIAH (Digital Research Infrastruc- far exceeds ‘global’ in the period covered. Until
ture for the Arts and Humanities; http://www.dar- 1960, ‘men’ appeared far more frequently than
iah.eu) could form part of a new research ‘women’ in the books in the database, but since
infrastructure for humanities scholarship. Google, 1960 ‘women’ sharply increased with a
concomitant decline of ‘men’. By the mid- While transport geography holds a generally
1980s, ‘women’ surpassed ‘men’ in frequency positivist and science/social-science-based
of appearance, and so it has remained. Massive focus (see, for example, Keeling, 2009), others
digital databases like n-gram can be mined to lend an interpretative and social-theoretical
gain greater understanding of the changing con- focus, as part of the ‘mobilities turn’ (Sheller
text for our discipline, but though compelling, and Urry, 2006). Seeking to understand the
merely mining the data provides neither con- social meanings and political implications of
text, analysis, nor interpretation; here qualita- movement, and not seeing movement as dead
tive-quantitative synergies grounded in time on the way to destination, they foreground
humanities scholarship may lead to new movement itself (walking, driving, passenger-
insights. ing) as worthy of study (Cresswell and
Merriman, 2010). Coupled to these new interests
lies an upsurge in mobile research methods –
III Spanning space and time methods for understanding mobilities embodied
through mobile methods and digital, real and virtual, of people and things,
Geographers have long appreciated the impor- for researchers in offices or mobile with their
tance of movement and today engage with par- subjects (Büscher et al., 2011; D’Andrea et al.,
ticipants ‘on the move’ in invigorated ways 2011; Fincham et al., 2010; Hein et al., 2008).
(Cressie and Wikle, 2011; Cresswell, 2010, Some mobile methods, rather than relying
2011a; Cresswell and Merriman, 2010; Shaw on after-the-fact, stabilized retellings, priori-
and Hesse, 2010; Shaw and Sidaway, 2010). tize the researcher’s being there, in motion,
deeper engagement in the mobile practices of connections to respondents in the field, even
cycling than had the researchers actually been when the researcher has returned to the office
there. Similarly, dashboard-mounted video – something requiring more methodological
cameras enabled Laurier and Lorimer (2012) consideration (Pfaff, 2010a; see also Sui and
to follow up on their ride-alongs with groups Goodchild, 2011).
of automobile commuters – the two methods The mobilities turn is not confined to
together showed how the vehicle itself studying people’s mobilities. ‘Follow-the-
becomes a setting for family- and group- thing’ methods trace objects’ life-cycle jour-
based social experiences, revealing commuting neys, from production through consumption,
as socially organized by all those in the vehicle. engaging cultural meanings and use practices
Thus, video can bring researchers closer to the (Appadurai, 1986; Cook, 2004; Marcus,
experiences they cannot completely share, 1995). Vitellone (2010: 869) traced the syr-
offering insights when, for the researcher, inge through its movement to understand
going along would be impossible or undesir- how the object itself ‘makes space meaning-
able (Brown and Spinney, 2010; Fincham et ful’. Pfaff (2010b) followed one mobile
al., 2010: 8; Laurier and Lorimer, 2012; Spin- phone in Africa, tracing its importance in
ney, 2011; see also Garrett, 2011). cultural practices to show how the phone lies
Whether the researcher is mobile or not, embedded in processes of exchange and
Bissell (2010b: 58) cautions against privileging abandonment that influence its meaning and
active and intentional aspects of mobilities and variable value; any particular phone plays a
mobile bodies over those more fragile, pacific, role in individual expression and identifica-
and stationary, for mobility also involves tion. Ramsay (2009) followed tourist souvenirs
‘weariness, tiredness, lethargy, hunger and pain: from points of production and purchase in
all hugely significant entanglements of body Swaziland to homes in the UK to reveal the
and world that might be precipitated through complex (spatial) relations between people,
movement’ but readily overlooked by mobile souvenirs, and places. Schwanen (2007) traced
methods. objects using Hägerstrand’s (1970) time geo-
Because mobile phones enable people to graphy and actor-network theory (ANT) to
be contacted wherever they are, and because reveal delicate interrelations and interactions
mobile phones (along with their capabilities – of spacing and timing on both humans and arti-
GPS, location tracking, camera, sound facts. Soon, with rapid-response code and
recording, pedometer . . . ) have spread so RFID (radio frequency identification) chips
widely, engaging research through mobile embedded in more objects, and the develop-
phones can facilitate engagements with people ment of the Internet of Things (Ashton,
mobile and dispersed (Berry and Hamilton, 2009), tracking the mobility of individual
2010; Hein et al., 2008; Kwok, 2009; Pfaff, objects throughout their entire life cycles will
2010a, 2010b). Mikkelsen and Christiansen become easier, with profound implications for
(2009) used SMS (text) messaging to conduct human-geographic research on things in motion
a rolling survey of children’s mobilities, query- and, along with that, ethical concerns for the
ing five times daily about activity, mobility, people whose lives these things touch and
location, and companionship. And Pelckmans thereby monitor (Beer, 2010; Dodge and
suggested that mobile phones’ abilities to call, Kitchin, 2007).
calendar, and record make them research assis- As D’Andrea et al. (2011) observe, mobili-
tants (2009). Because mobile phones facilitate ties methods and scholarship has tended to
communication, they enable ongoing focus on individual, daily, even local
mobilities rather than structures, processes, we analyzed rhythms as a tool to reveal how they
and systems that hinder and/or facilitate mobi- ‘shape human experience in timespace and per-
lities, or within which mobilities lie embedded. vade everyday life and place’ (Edensor, 2010c:
In a world of global flows, mobilities research- 1) to reveal new possibilities for methods in
ers – and ethnographers more broadly – also both physical and human geography (Eden-
seek to engage multiple (mobile) methods, sor, 2010b). Analyses of various rhythms
mustering the diverse tools of ethnography in draw out spatiotemporal tensions: Edensor
‘mobile’ (Ingold and Vergunst, 2008), ‘multi- and Holloway (2008) show how tourism’s
sited’ (Marcus, 1995), and even ‘global’ rhythms reveal a more thoughtful (not duped)
(Burawoy et al., 2000) ethnographies (see also tourist; Hall (2010) shows how life rhythms of
Büscher et al., 2011; D’Andrea et al., 2011; homeless persons conflict with rhythms
Fincham et al., 2010; Urry, 2007). In what Blok imposed by urban managers; Meadows (2010)
(2010: 509, 523) calls a ‘mobile ethnography shows how insomniacs’ diurnal rhythms may
of situated globalities’, local and global, rather fall out of synch but also lead to heightened
than existing in dichotomy, can attain the ‘frac- watchfulness; Hornsey (2010) and Spinney
tal character of situated co-presence’. The task, (2010) show how pedestrians’ and bicyclists’
he argues, for today’s mobile ethnographer, is rhythms run against norms of vehicular traffic;
to ‘understand the very production of . . . and Conlon (2010) shows how asylum seekers
localities and globalities’, while heeding the resist the rhythms of consumerism. Others
‘forging [of] globalities-in-the-making’. reveal how spatiotemporal rhythms help pro-
Because ‘globality is our never-ending com- duce our experiences of place and space across
mon project’ mobile ethnography can help us different scales (Edensor, 2006, 2010a; Jiron,
better understand – and intervene in – our 2010; Jones, 2010; Kärrholm, 2009; Pinder,
world (Blok, 2010: 514, 516, 525). 2011; Vergunst, 2010; Wunderlich, 2008).
Conceptually, rhythmanalysis may enable a
shift in geographic focus from one ocularcentric
IV Crossing scales, senses, and to one more auditory: according to Lefebvre
domains through rhythmanalysis (2004: 87), a rhythmanalyst is ‘capable of lis-
One research method, rhythmanalysis – linked tening to a house, street, a town as one listens
to mobile methods but an approach of its own to a symphony, an opera’. Using rhythmanaly-
– merits its own section because rhythmanalysis sis, Obert (2008) revealed viewers’ experience
can help cross the quantitative-qualitative of TV time as cyclic (contrary to the linear time
chasm by connecting multiple scales, senses, evoked by print media), reframing the suppo-
and domains in geographic research. sedly passive viewer as active listener, impli-
Rhythmanalysis, the study of spatiotemporal cated in the ‘production of televisual tempo’
rhythms and the dynamic time-spaces such (p. 415). Such a shift of metaphor in geographic
rhythms create (at the bodily, institutional, urban, discourse and method could have profound
regional, national, and even global scales), was ontological as well as epistemological implica-
suggested by Henri Lefebvre (2004: 8) who saw tions (Sui, 2000).
that rhythm could ‘reunite’ quantitative and qua- Rhythmanalysis can also cross domains to
litative analyses. Geographers have been inter- illustrate how various embodied rhythms
ested in the rhythms of both nature and society become practiced second nature, linking
for some time (Edensor, 2010a; Edensor and humans to music, machines, and animals
Holloway, 2008; Kärrholm, 2009; Mels, 2004; (DeLyser, 2010; Evans and Franklin, 2010;
Simpson, 2008). But only in recent years have Hensley, 2010). Reaching across human and
physical geography, rhythmanalysis can show rhythmanalysis (Shoval and Isaacson, 2007).
how tidal shifts impact human understandings Spectral analysis – a quantitative method from
of place (Jones, 2010), and how the rhythms geography’s quantitative revolution (Rayner,
of climate change and impending ecological 1971) – could be another useful method for
disaster themselves demand new social and eco- quantitative rhythmanalysis.
nomic rhythms (Evans, 2010).
Interdisciplinary research on the security
implications of global climate change aims to link V Summary and conclusions
natural rhythms (global climate change) to Sweeping changes in communications technol-
rhythms of socioeconomic/political dynamics ogies characterize our age; much of the world
(conflicts and human well-being) (Brace and is aflutter with Facebook, SMS messages, and
Geoghegan, 2011). This scholarship embodies Twitter. But even in a day when politicians
the spirit of hybrid geography conceptually, and break their careers in a single (embodied, ahem)
shows a synergy of qualitative and quantitative public tweet (Parker, 2011), some proclaim
approaches. Climate-change conflict scenarios these 140-character messages too brief for sig-
often rely on the resource-scarcity thesis (Shlomi, nificance. Yet the US Library of Congress found
2011; Tol and Wagner, 2009). While existing otherwise, and committed to archiving them all
studies indicate that this link is plausible, – already more than 50 million tweets per day
statistical results are mixed for a general link, in (billions since Twitter’s 2006 inception) – in
the absence of other factors, that makes armed order to better document social, economic, and
conflict more likely (Buhaug, 2009; Burke et political trends, and improve stewardship of
al., 2009; Hsiang et al., 2011; Mazo, 2010; born-digital materials, enabling scholars of
Salehyan, 2008). A more holistic approach can tomorrow to better understand our present (Ray-
capitalize on both climate and social/behavioral mond, 2010). Even important ideas, some
sciences in order to better understand climate argue, can be shrunk to 140 characters (Simon,
change’s complex security implications. Linking 2011). Indeed, as the Arab Spring of 2011
environmental-security research to rhythmanaly- revealed, some such messages have the ability
sis may be an important direction. to change the world (Howard et al., 2011). That,
Yet being aware of rhythms is not always we suggest, will surely change the future of
easy or natural, for rhythms often become taken research.
for granted (Edensor, 2011c). Rhythmanalysis, In fact, it already has. Geographers utilizing
then, requires particular attention to methods new digital data sources and engaging new vir-
to appreciate rhythms. For example, Brown and tual communities have already transformed
Spinney (2010) found that head-cam video with what counts as data in our field – and in the pro-
cyclists gave visibility to the ordinary and mun- cess have been able to suggest novel under-
dane rhythms of cycling that can so easily be standings of place and space. As de Freitas
taken for granted – the rhythms of breathing and (2010) points out, wireless information technol-
pedaling became more noticeable on video ogy transforms understandings and uses of
combined with follow-up interviews than in (urban) public and private space: from bounded
interviews alone. and distinct entities to entangled realms where
Though the literature on rhythmanalysis so users can sit publicly while engaging in private
far has been predominantly qualitative, the work or conversation, or sit privately while
sequence-alignment method, developed by engaging in public work or conversation. The
molecular biologists for DNA analysis, may transformation, argues de Freitas, leaves physi-
offer a promising quantitative method for cal space fixed, and digital space fluid, while
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