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Crossing the qualitative-quantitative divide II: Inventive approaches to big data, mobile
methods, and rhythmanalysis
Dydia DeLyser and Daniel Sui
Prog Hum Geogr published online 23 April 2012
DOI: 10.1177/0309132512444063

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Progress report
Progress in Human Geography
1–13
Crossing the qualitative- ª The Author(s) 2012
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quantitative divide II: Inventive sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav

DOI: 10.1177/0309132512444063
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approaches to big data, mobile
methods, and rhythmanalysis

Dydia DeLyser
Louisiana State University, USA

Daniel Sui
The Ohio State University, USA

Abstract
In this second of three reports on qualitative and quantitative methods we highlight novel methods with
particular purchase on the problems of our time. We again focus on scholarship crossing multiple geo-
graphical divides, those of neo/paleo geography, qualitative/quantitative methods, and physical/human geo-
graphy. We do so now by concentrating on three areas: the emerging digital humanities and the rise of big
data, mobile methods, and rhythmanalysis. With this broad approach we seek also to encourage consilience,
synergy, and a positive embrace of diversity in geographical scholarship.

Keywords
big data, digital humanities, inventive methods, methodology, mobile methods, mobilities, qualitative, quan-
titative, rhythmanalysis

I Introduction Finding multiple ways to cross the qualitative-

quantitative chasm takes on new importance.
In this second report we carry forward the
Here we focus on methods that are (compara-
themes of working together despite and because
tively) new in geography, and on well-
of methodological differences by continuing a
established methods reinvigorated by new
focus on methods engaged by different kinds
approaches or data sources. Many of these meth-
of geographers doing different kinds of work.
ods might be what Lury and Wakeford (2012) call
While particular research may suggest particular
inventive: methods that can both enable the hap-
methodological ways forward – whether quanti-
pening of the social world and facilitate research
tative, qualitative, hybrid, or mashup/remix (Sui
and DeLyser, 2012) – insightful scholarship for
the digital age, creative research for an increas-
ingly connected world, and both individual and Corresponding author:
Dydia DeLyser, Department of Geography and
collaborative efforts to contribute to that world Anthropology, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge,
through our research all demand careful consid- LA 70803, USA
eration of issues of methods and methodology. Email: dydia@lsu.edu

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2 Progress in Human Geography
into its open-endedness. Such methods, they
advise, cannot be external to the problems
they address, but must be answerable to those
problems, holding the capacity to change
those problems as they unfold. Significantly,
Lury and Wakeford argue, the inventiveness
of methods cannot be determined in advance:
methods are not intrinsically inventive, they
become inventive in their engagement. Many
of the new and renewed methods we here
describe could therefore be termed inventive
methods – made novel by their purchase on
particular problems of our time.
To continue our focus on areas of conver-
gence and mutual interest despite differences,
we here highlight three areas of potential
engagement across widely perceived geogra-
phical divides: communication between ‘paleo’
and ‘neo’ geography in the emerging digital
humanities; mutual interests across quantitative
and qualitative methods in research on mobili-
ties; and crossing scales, senses, and the
physical-human divide in rhythmanalysis.
II Crossing disciplinary boundaries
through the emerging digital
humanities
The second decade of the 21st century has
gained multiple labels related to the huge
quantities of data made available by new tech-
nologies: the age of ‘big data’ (CORDIS,
2010; Manyika, 2011; ORT, 2011), the ‘data
avalanche’ (Miller, 2010), and the ‘exaflood’
(Swanson, 2007). This is accompanied by what
Nielsen (2011) heralds as a paradigm shift in
research methodologies, what some call the
fourth paradigm – data-intensive inquiry across
the physical and social sciences (Hey et al., 2009),
but also the arts and humanities (Bartscherer and
Coover, 2011; Borgman, 2009). Indeed, the
exaflood has inundated the humanities under the
umbrella terms ‘humanities 2.0’ and ‘digital
humanities’. Digital-humanities research, pow-
ered by massive searchable databases, enables
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scholars – and the connected public – to pose
new research questions some suggest could
lead to better understandings of our world and
ourselves (Dalbello, 2011; Manovich, 2011).
The emerging digital humanities, with their
‘alliance of geeks and poets’ (Cohen, 2010),
may represent a moment of methodological
possibility for geographic research and scholar-
ship, and may lead to broader efforts at crossing
the qualitative-quantitative chasm (Sui and
DeLyser, 2012).
Human geographers have rich traditions of
humanities engagement, often through quali-
tative approaches. Indeed, nearly all the con-
tributions in two volumes devoted to
geographical engagements with the huma-
nities are informed by qualitative research
(Daniels et al., 2011; Dear et al., 2011). The grow-
ing efforts to digitize human traces may signal an
opening in methodological approaches, for much
digital-humanities scholarship is quantitatively
based, or grounded in artful combinations of both
quantitative and qualitative methods (Bodenha-
mer et al., 2010; Daniels et al., 2011; Dear et
al., 2011).
Because digital-humanities data are elec-
tronically searchable, scholars gain ‘the abil-
ity to read the archive of core texts, together
with their residual materiality from previous
media contexts in order to produce intensive
modes of engagement with particular docu-
ments, [and] groups of texts’ (Dalbello,
2011: 497), something practically impossible
using the original (print) sources. In this kind
of environment it is not hard to imagine that
quantitative data-mining methods and GIS
may have particular purchase. In fact, the
‘spatial humanities’, a subfield of the digital
humanities often tied to the so-called spa-
tially integrated social sciences, aims to
leverage GIS to analyze the massive amounts
of geocoded data now available (Gibson et
al., 2010). Not all of this work involves GIS
and/or quantitative methods; the emerging
‘geohumanities’ scholarship (Daniels et al.,
DeLyser and Sui
2011; Dear et al., 2011) encompasses much
broader ongoing intellectual efforts to
engage geography and the humanities
together.
But these massive databases about both past
and present have made big data available to those
who may not have previously considered using it
– databases include digitized books, newspapers,
photos, paintings, unpublished manuscripts,
music, audio recordings, transactional data like
web searches, sensor data,1 cell-phone records,
social-media postings (such as Facebook or Twit-
ter) and much more. They have unleashed efforts
by scholars in the humanities to study their
subjects from both spatial/temporal and geogra-
phical/historical perspectives – bringing multiple
geographical modes of analysis to humanities-
based scholarship (Bodenhamer et al., 2010;
Daniels et al., 2011; Dear et al., 2011; see also
Berry, 2012).
We share the concerns, expressed by skep-
tical scholars (Gold, 2012), that the current
tide towards digital humanities could sub-
merge traditional interpretative scholarship
with superficial number crunching. Making
sense of such huge quantities of data requires
not only computationally based research
methods to process and analyze the data, but
also the ability to situate the results (Berry,
2012). As Borgman (2009) advises, digital-
humanities scholarship should be led by those
in the humanities; thus the age of big data and
digital humanities calls for a new level of synth-
esis and synergy between qualitative and quanti-
tative approaches in geographic research (see also
Sieber et al., 2011).
Several new mega projects in this area, funded
by both public and private sectors, could have last-
ing impacts. In the USA, Google (TOGB, 2010)
and the National Endowment for the Humanities
(‘Digging into Data’ initiative; NEH, 2011) and,
in Europe, DARIAH (Digital Research Infrastruc-
ture for the Arts and Humanities; http://www.dar-
iah.eu) could form part of a new research
infrastructure for humanities scholarship. Google,
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3
collaborating with Harvard researchers, aims
to digitize all published books. Despite copy-
right controversies (Adrien, 2009), they have
already digitized approximately 4% of all
books ever printed (approximately 5.2 mil-
lion books) making them available to the
public for free downloads and online
searches (Michel et al., 2010; download at
http://ngrams.googlelabs.com/datasets). This
500-billion-word database covers books
printed between 1800 and 2000 in multiple
languages (Chinese, English, French, German,
Russian, and Spanish). Borrowing techniques
from genomics, researchers have developed new
search strategies that treat each individual word
as a sort of cultural gene. This branch of digital
humanities research, known as ‘culturomics’
(http://www.culturomics.org), opens, through
data mining, new possibilities for research and
education (Michel et al., 2010). Culturomics and
Google’s ‘n-gram database’ can extend the
boundaries of quantitative inquiry to a wide array
of research problems in the humanities and social
sciences traditionally addressed qualitatively
(Lieberman-Aiden and Michel, 2011; Michel et
al., 2010). Quantitative analysis of this massive
corpus of words/texts can potentially enable geo-
graphers to investigate broader disciplinary
trends – revealing cultural contexts and disciplin-
ary shifts that were previously practically impos-
sible to probe.
For example, we used the n-gram database to
track occurrences of four pairs of key geogra-
phical terms between 1800 and 2000 for the
books in the database (Figure 1). Note the
increase, since the mid-1980s, of the term
‘qualitative’ and the significant decline of
‘quantitative’. Despite the steady decline of
‘place’ and increase of ‘space’, ‘place’ still
appears twice as frequently as ‘space’. Although
‘global’ has increased dramatically, ‘local’ still
far exceeds ‘global’ in the period covered. Until
1960, ‘men’ appeared far more frequently than
‘women’ in the books in the database, but since
1960 ‘women’ sharply increased with a
4 Progress in Human Geography

quantitative qualitative place space

0.002000% 0.06500%
0.001800% 0.06000%
0.05500%
0.001600% 0.05000%
0.001400% 0.04500%
0.001200% 0.04000%
0.001000% 0.03500%
0.03000%
0.000800% 0.02500%
0.000600% 0.02000%
0.000400% 0.01500%
0.000200% 0.01000%
0.00500%
0.000000% 0.00000%
1800 1820 1840 1860 1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 2000 18001820 18401860 1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 2000
a.quantitative vs. qualitative b.place vs. space

local global men women

0.02200% 0.08000%
0.02000% 0.07000%
0.01800%
0.01600% 0.06000%
0.01400% 0.05000%
0.01200% 0.04000%
0.01000%
0.00800% 0.03000%
0.00600% 0.02000%
0.00400%
0.00200% 0.01000%
0.00000% 0.00000%
1800 1820 1840 1860 1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 2000 1800 1820 1840 1860 1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 2000
c.local vs. global d.men vs. women

Figure 1. Trends of four geographical themes as revealed by n-gram

concomitant decline of ‘men’. By the mid-
1980s, ‘women’ surpassed ‘men’ in frequency
of appearance, and so it has remained. Massive
digital databases like n-gram can be mined to
gain greater understanding of the changing con-
text for our discipline, but though compelling,
merely mining the data provides neither con-
text, analysis, nor interpretation; here qualita-
tive-quantitative synergies grounded in
humanities scholarship may lead to new
insights.
III Spanning space and time
through mobile methods
Geographers have long appreciated the impor-
tance of movement and today engage with par-
ticipants ‘on the move’ in invigorated ways
(Cressie and Wikle, 2011; Cresswell, 2010,
2011a; Cresswell and Merriman, 2010; Shaw
and Hesse, 2010; Shaw and Sidaway, 2010).
While transport geography holds a generally
positivist and science/social-science-based
focus (see, for example, Keeling, 2009), others
lend an interpretative and social-theoretical
focus, as part of the ‘mobilities turn’ (Sheller
and Urry, 2006). Seeking to understand the
social meanings and political implications of
movement, and not seeing movement as dead
time on the way to destination, they foreground
movement itself (walking, driving, passenger-
ing) as worthy of study (Cresswell and
Merriman, 2010). Coupled to these new interests
lies an upsurge in mobile research methods –
methods for understanding mobilities embodied
and digital, real and virtual, of people and things,
for researchers in offices or mobile with their
subjects (Büscher et al., 2011; D’Andrea et al.,
2011; Fincham et al., 2010; Hein et al., 2008).
Some mobile methods, rather than relying
on after-the-fact, stabilized retellings, priori-
tize the researcher’s being there, in motion,

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DeLyser and Sui
engaged in active knowledge production,
seeking to understand mobile phenomena
first hand. But not all mobile experiences can
be shared by researchers, so mobilities
researchers seek also to enliven stationary meth-
ods with the mobile experiences of others
(Büscher et al., 2011; Cresswell, 2011b;
D’Andrea, 2011; Fincham et al., 2010; Hein et
al., 2008; Urry, 2007). We examine each in the
context of one mobile method, the ‘go-along’,
before turning to mobile things and the promise
of mobile ethnography.
Walk-alongs, mobile walking interviews
famously used by Kevin Lynch (1960), can be
adapted to changing situations, with lists of
questions evolving into more open-ended
and spontaneous exchanges as the environment
and circumstances indicate (Benwell, 2009;
Carpiano, 2009; Kusenbach, 2003; Lynch,
1960; Myers, 2011; Rose et al., 2010). Often a
part of mobile ethnographies but not a substitute
for them, walk-alongs (and go-alongs more
broadly) help reveal some of the place- and
practice-based insights of participant obser-
vation without the intensity and time commit-
ment ethnography demands. Like participant
observation (but unlike sit-down interviews),
go-alongs can enable researchers to ‘observe
spatial practices in situ’ while facilitating
discussion about those practices (Kusenbach,
2003: 463). And they can help in meeting
and recruiting new participants – likely
leading to a more diverse group than commu-
nity meetings or snow-balling – as well as
in building rapport in the community
(Carpiano, 2009).
Other forms of go-alongs include ride-
alongs – as with the police (Herbert and Beckett,
2009), or with commuters (by car: Laurier et al.,
2008; Laurier and Lorimer, 2012; by train:
Bissell, 2009, 2010a; on ferries: Vannini,
2011a, 2011b; or on bicycles: Brown and
Spinney, 2010; Spinney, 2009, 2011) (and it is
also possible to go-alone, as in the transect walk
(Paasche and Sidaway, 2010)). Go-alongs are
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5
often used productively in conjunction with
more stationary methods. So, for example,
Carpiano (2009) joined groups of youth on
predetermined walking routes where discus-
sion was recorded, and followed up with
sit-down interviews, participant observation,
mental mapping, and neighborhood surveys (see
also Benwell, 2009; Lashua and Cohen, 2010;
Rose et al., 2010; Shubin, 2011; Spinney,
2009). Whether alone or in combination with
other methods, go-alongs can vibrantly appre-
hend mobile worlds.
Evans and Jones (2011) developed a quali-
tative GIS technique to analyze walk-alongs
focused on place understanding. Finding a
measureable difference between walking and
sedentary techniques in the production of
place narratives both in terms of their quan-
tity and spatial specificity to the study area
(walking-interview data are profoundly
informed by the landscapes they take place
in), they acknowledge that a technocentric
analysis risks emphasizing locational above
human elements, but argue that a qualitative
GIS approach offers great potential for enga-
ging planners and policy-makers with the
importance of local connections to place.
Mobility as an experience shared by
researchers can be problematic. Brown and
Spinney (2010) found that cycling along
could be dangerous (in urban traffic, on
mountain trails), physically too demanding
(racing, BMX riding), an experience that
could not be truly shared (on a narrow trail
or skinny urban bikeway when interaction
between rider and riding researcher was
impossible and the experience of following
was not the same as that of leading), and
potentially disruptive of the experience it
sought to understand (solo rides). Instead,
in part, they used headcams and follow-up
interviews (‘talking through’ – p. 150):
riders discussed their embodied experiences
of mobility at length, while watching the
real-time videos which, they argue, enabled
6 Progress in Human Geography
deeper engagement in the mobile practices of
cycling than had the researchers actually been
there. Similarly, dashboard-mounted video
cameras enabled Laurier and Lorimer (2012)
to follow up on their ride-alongs with groups
of automobile commuters – the two methods
together showed how the vehicle itself
becomes a setting for family- and group-
based social experiences, revealing commuting
as socially organized by all those in the vehicle.
Thus, video can bring researchers closer to the
experiences they cannot completely share,
offering insights when, for the researcher,
going along would be impossible or undesir-
able (Brown and Spinney, 2010; Fincham et
al., 2010: 8; Laurier and Lorimer, 2012; Spin-
ney, 2011; see also Garrett, 2011).
Whether the researcher is mobile or not,
Bissell (2010b: 58) cautions against privileging
active and intentional aspects of mobilities and
mobile bodies over those more fragile, pacific,
and stationary, for mobility also involves
‘weariness, tiredness, lethargy, hunger and pain:
all hugely significant entanglements of body
and world that might be precipitated through
movement’ but readily overlooked by mobile
methods.
Because mobile phones enable people to
be contacted wherever they are, and because
mobile phones (along with their capabilities –
GPS, location tracking, camera, sound
recording, pedometer . . . ) have spread so
widely, engaging research through mobile
phones can facilitate engagements with people
mobile and dispersed (Berry and Hamilton,
2010; Hein et al., 2008; Kwok, 2009; Pfaff,
2010a, 2010b). Mikkelsen and Christiansen
(2009) used SMS (text) messaging to conduct
a rolling survey of children’s mobilities, query-
ing five times daily about activity, mobility,
location, and companionship. And Pelckmans
suggested that mobile phones’ abilities to call,
calendar, and record make them research assis-
tants (2009). Because mobile phones facilitate
communication, they enable ongoing
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connections to respondents in the field, even
when the researcher has returned to the office
– something requiring more methodological
consideration (Pfaff, 2010a; see also Sui and
Goodchild, 2011).
The mobilities turn is not confined to
studying people’s mobilities. ‘Follow-the-
thing’ methods trace objects’ life-cycle jour-
neys, from production through consumption,
engaging cultural meanings and use practices
(Appadurai, 1986; Cook, 2004; Marcus,
1995). Vitellone (2010: 869) traced the syr-
inge through its movement to understand
how the object itself ‘makes space meaning-
ful’. Pfaff (2010b) followed one mobile
phone in Africa, tracing its importance in
cultural practices to show how the phone lies
embedded in processes of exchange and
abandonment that influence its meaning and
variable value; any particular phone plays a
role in individual expression and identifica-
tion. Ramsay (2009) followed tourist souvenirs
from points of production and purchase in
Swaziland to homes in the UK to reveal the
complex (spatial) relations between people,
souvenirs, and places. Schwanen (2007) traced
objects using Hägerstrand’s (1970) time geo-
graphy and actor-network theory (ANT) to
reveal delicate interrelations and interactions
of spacing and timing on both humans and arti-
facts. Soon, with rapid-response code and
RFID (radio frequency identification) chips
embedded in more objects, and the develop-
ment of the Internet of Things (Ashton,
2009), tracking the mobility of individual
objects throughout their entire life cycles will
become easier, with profound implications for
human-geographic research on things in motion
and, along with that, ethical concerns for the
people whose lives these things touch and
thereby monitor (Beer, 2010; Dodge and
Kitchin, 2007).
As D’Andrea et al. (2011) observe, mobili-
ties methods and scholarship has tended to
focus on individual, daily, even local
DeLyser and Sui
mobilities rather than structures, processes,
and systems that hinder and/or facilitate mobi-
lities, or within which mobilities lie embedded.
In a world of global flows, mobilities research-
ers – and ethnographers more broadly – also
seek to engage multiple (mobile) methods,
mustering the diverse tools of ethnography in
‘mobile’ (Ingold and Vergunst, 2008), ‘multi-
sited’ (Marcus, 1995), and even ‘global’
(Burawoy et al., 2000) ethnographies (see also
Büscher et al., 2011; D’Andrea et al., 2011;
Fincham et al., 2010; Urry, 2007). In what Blok
(2010: 509, 523) calls a ‘mobile ethnography
of situated globalities’, local and global, rather
than existing in dichotomy, can attain the ‘frac-
tal character of situated co-presence’. The task,
he argues, for today’s mobile ethnographer, is
to ‘understand the very production of . . .
localities and globalities’, while heeding the
‘forging [of] globalities-in-the-making’.
Because ‘globality is our never-ending com-
mon project’ mobile ethnography can help us
better understand – and intervene in – our
world (Blok, 2010: 514, 516, 525).
IV Crossing scales, senses, and
domains through rhythmanalysis
One research method, rhythmanalysis – linked
to mobile methods but an approach of its own
– merits its own section because rhythmanalysis
can help cross the quantitative-qualitative
chasm by connecting multiple scales, senses,
and domains in geographic research.
Rhythmanalysis, the study of spatiotemporal
rhythms and the dynamic time-spaces such
rhythms create (at the bodily, institutional, urban,
regional, national, and even global scales), was
suggested by Henri Lefebvre (2004: 8) who saw
that rhythm could ‘reunite’ quantitative and qua-
litative analyses. Geographers have been inter-
ested in the rhythms of both nature and society
for some time (Edensor, 2010a; Edensor and
Holloway, 2008; Kärrholm, 2009; Mels, 2004;
Simpson, 2008). But only in recent years have
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7
we analyzed rhythms as a tool to reveal how they
‘shape human experience in timespace and per-
vade everyday life and place’ (Edensor, 2010c:
1) to reveal new possibilities for methods in
both physical and human geography (Eden-
sor, 2010b). Analyses of various rhythms
draw out spatiotemporal tensions: Edensor
and Holloway (2008) show how tourism’s
rhythms reveal a more thoughtful (not duped)
tourist; Hall (2010) shows how life rhythms of
homeless persons conflict with rhythms
imposed by urban managers; Meadows (2010)
shows how insomniacs’ diurnal rhythms may
fall out of synch but also lead to heightened
watchfulness; Hornsey (2010) and Spinney
(2010) show how pedestrians’ and bicyclists’
rhythms run against norms of vehicular traffic;
and Conlon (2010) shows how asylum seekers
resist the rhythms of consumerism. Others
reveal how spatiotemporal rhythms help pro-
duce our experiences of place and space across
different scales (Edensor, 2006, 2010a; Jiron,
2010; Jones, 2010; Kärrholm, 2009; Pinder,
2011; Vergunst, 2010; Wunderlich, 2008).
Conceptually, rhythmanalysis may enable a
shift in geographic focus from one ocularcentric
to one more auditory: according to Lefebvre
(2004: 87), a rhythmanalyst is ‘capable of lis-
tening to a house, street, a town as one listens
to a symphony, an opera’. Using rhythmanaly-
sis, Obert (2008) revealed viewers’ experience
of TV time as cyclic (contrary to the linear time
evoked by print media), reframing the suppo-
sedly passive viewer as active listener, impli-
cated in the ‘production of televisual tempo’
(p. 415). Such a shift of metaphor in geographic
discourse and method could have profound
ontological as well as epistemological implica-
tions (Sui, 2000).
Rhythmanalysis can also cross domains to
illustrate how various embodied rhythms
become practiced second nature, linking
humans to music, machines, and animals
(DeLyser, 2010; Evans and Franklin, 2010;
Hensley, 2010). Reaching across human and
8 Progress in Human Geography
physical geography, rhythmanalysis can show
how tidal shifts impact human understandings
of place (Jones, 2010), and how the rhythms
of climate change and impending ecological
disaster themselves demand new social and eco-
nomic rhythms (Evans, 2010).
Interdisciplinary research on the security
implications of global climate change aims to link
natural rhythms (global climate change) to
rhythms of socioeconomic/political dynamics
(conflicts and human well-being) (Brace and
Geoghegan, 2011). This scholarship embodies
the spirit of hybrid geography conceptually, and
shows a synergy of qualitative and quantitative
approaches. Climate-change conflict scenarios
often rely on the resource-scarcity thesis (Shlomi,
2011; Tol and Wagner, 2009). While existing
studies indicate that this link is plausible,
statistical results are mixed for a general link, in
the absence of other factors, that makes armed
conflict more likely (Buhaug, 2009; Burke et
al., 2009; Hsiang et al., 2011; Mazo, 2010;
Salehyan, 2008). A more holistic approach can
capitalize on both climate and social/behavioral
sciences in order to better understand climate
change’s complex security implications. Linking
environmental-security research to rhythmanaly-
sis may be an important direction.
Yet being aware of rhythms is not always
easy or natural, for rhythms often become taken
for granted (Edensor, 2011c). Rhythmanalysis,
then, requires particular attention to methods
to appreciate rhythms. For example, Brown and
Spinney (2010) found that head-cam video with
cyclists gave visibility to the ordinary and mun-
dane rhythms of cycling that can so easily be
taken for granted – the rhythms of breathing and
pedaling became more noticeable on video
combined with follow-up interviews than in
interviews alone.
Though the literature on rhythmanalysis so
far has been predominantly qualitative, the
sequence-alignment method, developed by
molecular biologists for DNA analysis, may
offer a promising quantitative method for
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rhythmanalysis (Shoval and Isaacson, 2007).
Spectral analysis – a quantitative method from
geography’s quantitative revolution (Rayner,
1971) – could be another useful method for
quantitative rhythmanalysis.
V Summary and conclusions
Sweeping changes in communications technol-
ogies characterize our age; much of the world
is aflutter with Facebook, SMS messages, and
Twitter. But even in a day when politicians
break their careers in a single (embodied, ahem)
public tweet (Parker, 2011), some proclaim
these 140-character messages too brief for sig-
nificance. Yet the US Library of Congress found
otherwise, and committed to archiving them all
– already more than 50 million tweets per day
(billions since Twitter’s 2006 inception) – in
order to better document social, economic, and
political trends, and improve stewardship of
born-digital materials, enabling scholars of
tomorrow to better understand our present (Ray-
mond, 2010). Even important ideas, some
argue, can be shrunk to 140 characters (Simon,
2011). Indeed, as the Arab Spring of 2011
revealed, some such messages have the ability
to change the world (Howard et al., 2011). That,
we suggest, will surely change the future of
research.
In fact, it already has. Geographers utilizing
new digital data sources and engaging new vir-
tual communities have already transformed
what counts as data in our field – and in the pro-
cess have been able to suggest novel under-
standings of place and space. As de Freitas
(2010) points out, wireless information technol-
ogy transforms understandings and uses of
(urban) public and private space: from bounded
and distinct entities to entangled realms where
users can sit publicly while engaging in private
work or conversation, or sit privately while
engaging in public work or conversation. The
transformation, argues de Freitas, leaves physi-
cal space fixed, and digital space fluid, while
DeLyser and Sui
both kinds of spaces fundamentally overlap and
coexist, each shaped by the other – and their
users. In this environment what we understand
as public space extends across both the physical
and digital realms, and the research challenge is
methodological, one presenting new opportuni-
ties for imaginative and inventive research tech-
niques in both the online and offline, qualitative
and quantitative worlds.
In this report we have reviewed methods
novel and/or reinvigorated – methods geared
to take advantage of these changes in differ-
ent ways. Because we view our remit as one
of consilience, our focus has been explicitly
on three areas where scholars apparently on
different sides of a divide (paleo/neo, qualita-
tive/quantitative, physical/human) have
endeavored to move their research forward:
the digital humanities, mobile methods, and
rhythmanalysis. With so much in flux partic-
ularly in the realm of computing power and
the availability of new data sources, it is not
surprising that new methods and new ver-
sions of old methods have emerged to propel
(geographical) scholarship forward. Just the
same, the pressure to use ‘new’ methods may
cause over-emphasis on the novel (Travers,
2009) while even new forms of data and an
ever-changing world have not rendered all
old methods redundant or ineffective – far
from it. But that will be the focus of our third
and final report.
Acknowledgements
Thanks to Amy Potter, Jamie Ramoneda, Nick
Crane, Xining Yang, and Wenqin Chen for research
assistance, and to Charlie Withers and Rob Kitchin
for their patience.
Note
1. Sensor data refers to data collected about environment
and human body using various sensing devices (either
carried by humans or mounted on various stationary/
mobile platforms/locales).
Downloaded from phg.sagepub.com at OhioLink on May 25, 2012
9
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