The Yoruba God of Drumming TRANSATLANTIC PERSPECTIVES ON THE WOOD THAT TALKS Edited by Amanda Villepastour Preface by J.D. ¥. Peel ‘UNIVERSITY PRESS OF MISSISSIPPI JACKSONorwapresstatesmss ‘The Universiy Pres of Mississippi isa member ofthe Asscaton of American University Presses, Copyright © 2015 by University Pres of Mississippi All ght served Manufactured in the United Stats of America First printing 2015 Libary of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data ‘The Yoruba go of drumming translate perspectives onthe wood tha tlk edited ty Amanda Vilepastour pages em Include bibliographical ferences and index ISBN 978-1-9y68-029344 (cut alk paper) — ISBN y78-1-4968-0350-4 (cok) +. Yoru (scan poople)Masic—Histry an rim, 2: Dram langage Religious aspects. 3. Orishas—Songs and music. |. Vlepatonr, Amanda, 1938- editor ML3760.Y67 2015 786.9085 96s33—dex 2015015799 Brish Libeary Catalogingin-Pblication Data availableContents Acknowledgments .. 1% Preface: A Drummer’s Tale: Ajaka of Ot... x1 J.D.Y. Peel Introd :: Asor® Igi (Wood that Talks) ... 3 Amanda Villepastour I. COSMOLOGIES 1: Awo Ayan: Metaphysical Dimensions of the ‘Orisa of Drumming . .. 35 Akingold A. Akiwowo and David Font-Navarrete 2: Divining Ayan: An Orisa Priest from Ogbémds6 Speaks ... 51 Kawolévin dysingbékin, with Amanda Villepastour I. HISTORIES 3: My Life in the Bush of Drums: Ayan in lj¢bu-Rémo ...77 John dinsoolé Abidin Oginléye, with K. Noel Amherd 4: Afté or Fundamento? The Sacred Iyesa Drums of Matanzas, Cuba... 99 Kevin M Delgadovm Contents Il. GENDERS ‘5: Anthropomorphizing Ayan in Transatlantic Gender Narratives . Ds Amanda Villepastour 6: Ochiin and Afié: Engendering Spiritual Power and Empowering Gendered Spirits... 147 Katherine J. Hagedorn IV. IDENTITIES 7: The Cuban Afé Fraternity: Strategies for Cohesion ... 171 Kenneth Schweitzer 8: Being Ayan in a Modernizing Nigeria: A Multigenerational Perspective... 192 Debra L. Klein V. SECONDARY DIASPORAS ‘9: Aftivity: A Personal Account ofthe Early Baté Community in New York City ...219 John Amira to: The Making of Afié in Venezuela... 231 Alberto Quintero, with Michael D. Marcuzzi 11: An Ogi Alabé’s Ana... 253, Fernando Leobons Glossary of Musical and Religious Terms ...273 About the Authors ... 300 Index... 3048 Being Ayan in a Modernizing Nigeria: ‘A Multigenerational Perspective Debra L. Klein ‘My family isthe most important thing to me.I know how valuable they ‘are to me, They are my roots—where I learned the art of drumming and skills I will never forget. And now I must pass this knowledge along. That's how itis (Aydnnii, pers. comm. July 4. 1997) A medium-sized, semi-rural town in Osun State renowned for its tra- ditional culture, Erin-Os rational family of practicing batdé and dimdiin drummers from a compound called lyal6ja.' ‘Training their children in the art and profession of baté and dindin drumming, the past three generations have inherited a common thread of Ayan identity, or “Ayan-ness” as expressed by the young Ayan drum- ‘mer quoted above; they are rooted in the Ayan drumming profession and ‘work hard to keep bat and diindin performance traditions alive by per- forming for local and global audiences in secular, ritual, and educational settings and by teaching their knowledge and skills to family members and students from Nigeria and all parts of the world.” Yoribé drumming famili ia identify with Orisa Ayanagalé (also known as Ayan), the spirit of the drum. While Erin-Osun artists do not directly incorporate the dris Ayan into their everyday or ritual lives, they acknowledge Ayan’s spiritual role in their family’s history. ‘This chapter will illustrate that “being Ayan,” for three generations of ‘drummers, revolves around an inherited and professional identity rather than religious beliefs or ritual practices. Yet each generation has crafted its Ayan identity within local, national, and international contexts char- acterized by intense juxtapositions between the national devaluation of 192Being Ayin in a Modernizing Nigeria 1 the drisa, shaped by Nigeria's modernizing discourses, and worldwide ‘demand for the érisa, shaped by global and diasporic discourses of cul- ture preservation. Each generation has performed its Ayan-ness differ- ently; in an effort to understand what it has meant to “be Ayan,” I tun to ‘the words and experiences of the past three generations of lyéldja’s Ayan drummers. Since the 1960s, the past three generations have contributed to and been shaped by their participation in a Yoribé culture movement, a glob- al network of artists, students, scholars, and érist worshippers who par- ticipate in and perpetuate aspects of traditional Yoruba culture. The idea of a Yorba culture movement emerged from my everyday conversa- tions with the artists and their apprentices from Germany and the United States. Erin-Osun artist “discourse”? about the meaning of Yorubé tradi: tional culture was thus produced in dialogue with German and US col- laborators. Erin-Osun artist discourse often hinged on their networks of concrete relationships—real people from real places navigating real relationships. Greg Urban’s (1996) juxtaposition of “intelligible” with “sensible” aspects of discourse lends further clarification to the concept of a Yoribé culture movement. The sensible side is discourse about lived experience, actual people narrating their experiences. The intelligible side is “discourse about meaningful discourse” (Urban 1996, 22), meta- discourses such as a culture movement about the production of culture. In this sense, a Yoribé culture movement has become a metaculture that hhas self-consciously and collaboratively produced its forms of tradition ‘and culture. Within the global community of drisi devotees, there appears to be ‘a prevailing assumption about Yori identity that also holds true for Ayan identity: being Yorbba and Ayan hinges around belief in and wor- ship of the orisa. I suggest that, ina global discourse about Yoribé iden- tity, “performances” of Ayan identity have become naturalized as “origi belief and worship,” leaving little room for the notion of Ayain-ness as a professional lineage-based identity that changes over time and does not privilege the origi. Arguing against the assumption that “being Ayan” equals Ayan worship, I examine how the “performativity”’ of Ayan-ness thas changed within Erin-Osun from the 1950s to the present. By look- ing at “being Ayan” as a performative process, this chapter tracks how Ayan-identified artists have historically, institutionally, and discursively redefined and recreated the social category of “Ayan.” It is worth noting that the discourse of Ayan-ness revolving around the worship of the risa Ayan began, at least in part, in New York in the 1950s, when Cuban drummers introduced baté to the United States. ‘Comelius describes the context in which baté grew:194 Debra I. Klein New York's drummers understood the relentless power of sinew and and Baba Mada. They are all dead now, but I wrote down their songs in my ‘book. That's the only place you can learn the real thing. The only people you can ask now are Lamidi, Baba Liti, Alhaji, or Baba Taj There are no other drummers alive with this knowledge. (Ayinntyi, pers. comm., July 24, 1997) Tam older, I have had opportunities that my younger siblings do not have. Inthe old days when there were many ceremonies, like Egingin festivals in lw6, we would travel there to perform. There, we would ‘meet different performers, and we would lear by watching their per- formances and listening to their songs. But today, we can hardly find traditional ceremonies, (Ojéyemi, pers. comm., October 1, 1997) Of the ten members of the Grasping for Orisa generation I interviewed, ‘Akeem Ayénniyi was the only one who had left Nigeria to settle in the United States. Akeem had married an American woman from Santa Fe, New Mexico, where they shared a home and had a child together. He still lives in Santa Fe, now with a Yoruba wife, where he teaches and performs Yoribé drumming. Tiindé Ojéyemt is a well-respected, well- traveled and gifted masquerade dancer who continues to perform locally, nationally, and overseas whenever possible. The other members of this generation who are still based in Erin-Osun have learned risa songs during annual driga festivals (viz., Sangé, Osun, Ogin, and Egingin) ‘and during their fathers’ workshops with foreign students. ‘While members of the Grasping generation have begun to appreci- ate the relevance of the Orisa to their heritage and to the broader Yoribé culture movement, they grew up either as Muslims or orisi worshippers who are comfortable with cultural fusions. For example, many mem- bers of this generation practice Islam and origi worship and easily in- corporate fiji music and baté-fiji fusions into their Ayan identity and repertoire. Inspired by the global interest in Yoribé culture, members of the Grasping generation have been making efforts to embrace and/or rediscover their cultural heritage that once revolved around the drisi. "Though the members of the Grasping generation were raised as fourth- ‘generation Muslims, they have also been raised to represent their Yoribé heritage at home and abroad. Coming of age in an era of increasing inter- national respect for an drisi-centered worldview, some members of this generation have been reinventing a belief system and ritual lifestyle that revolves around the érisi. During our interviews, the members of this generation who identified with the drisa were the Qj masqueraders. TheBeing Ayan in a Modernizing Nigeria 209 Pate 8.3 Ayénksne's ons, Sahood, Musiligu, Kabir, and Muidisi ae members of he Grasping for Oris generation. (photograph: Debra Klein, Ern-Onun, 19 Jue 2005) Ayan drummers, on the other hand, identified as Muslims who embraced the origi predominantly as their cultural and professional heritage. ‘Cousins Tiindé Ojéyemi and K6jedé Ojgewoye were bom into a pow- erful family of Egiingiin worshippers. While Tiindé and Kgjedé were raised both as Muslims and Egiingin worshippers, they have chosen to follow the path of the Egingiin. Tam not a Muslim, My parents are Egsingin worshippers. My grandfa- ther was a Mustim, but his mother was an Egiingtin devotee. My par- ents and I are Egiingin worshippers. An Egingin worshipper needs to know how to chant ewi very well—that’s number one. Seconaly, he ‘must know how to dance to traditional rhythms. Thirdly, he must know how to change in and out of Egingin costumes while dancing. He must be able to handle the masks very wel. Its not compulsory for one to be able to do acrobatic tricks, but today, acrobatic tricks are becom- ing more important in the art of performance. (Qjéyemi, pers. comm. October 1, 1997) ‘My patents initiated me into the Exingin cult. And that’s why they named me Ak6jédé—that I would be an Egiingin worshipper and per- former, right fom creation. I give thanks to God that our Egiingin210 Debra I. Klein heritage has been a blessing for our family. (OjG2woye, pers. comm., May 3, 1997) ‘Tiindé explained what it means to be an Egiingtin worshipper by defin- ing the body of knowledge and skills of a masquerade performer. Both ‘cousins have been performing overseas since the mid-nineties, so they have been participating in the global market for Ayan and Ojé perfor- mance. In addition to their commitment to practicing and perpetuat- ing Ojé performance, however, both cousins also pray to and honor the Egiingiin during rituals with close family members, particularly during ‘annual outings of the Egiingiin masquerades. ‘The Ayan drummers of the of the Grasping generation based in Erin- Osun play for drish ceremonies and have made an effort to leam Oris rhythms; yet being Ayan, for them, is mostly about their inherited pro- fession. During a recent interview with half-brothers Miidini Ayénkiinlé and Waidi Ayan, Miidini could hardly contain his enthusiasm when I asked him what it meant to him to have been born into an Ayan family: “That isan important question. Our ancestors gave us a great oppor- tunity. Iam very grateful. Our fathers were serious about the work of Ayan. If they didn’t enjoy and excel at drumming, they would not have continued to play. Today, all of Aftica knows us. And we love what we do. Today, we tour all over the world” (Ayénkinlé, pers. comm., June 12, 2005). When I asked how they saw their future careers unfold, they said they would like to incorporate more bata and dlndin drumming into fii, highlife, and jj music. For this generation, bringing their instru- ‘ments and musicianship into pop music styles represents a rebirth and a recontextualization of Ayan drumming in amodem Nigeria. Following in the footsteps of the preceding generations, these Ayan ‘drummers identify first and foremost with their inherited knowledge and skills. While their fathers and grandfathers have been forced to negoti- ate the tensions between local culture loss and global culture revival, members of this generation came of age afier this tension had begun to dissipate, at least locally. For the Ayan and Ojé artists of this generation, popular culture dominated their landscape of culture production; they sought to bring their inherited knowledge and skills into the pop culture arena, On the other hand, they apprenticed to their fathers by hosting stu- dents and traveling overseas as representatives of “traditional” Yoribé culture. Thus, this generation rides the tension between their identities ‘as pop culture fusion artists and as heirs to an Ayan legacy. Even though this generation is stepping into their fathers’ roles, they are furthestBeing Ayan in a Modernizing Nigeria ar from fulfilling the expectations of the global community that naturalizes Ayan-ness as éris worship. Being Ayan Multiple generations of Ayan-identified artists in Brin-Ogun have been performing and continue to redefine and recreate what it means to be Ayan in Nigeria. While I have illustrated how all three generations” Ayan identities are rooted in: 1) their inherited and learned drumming knowledge and skills; 2) the Erin-Osun lifestyle; and 3) their roles as lo- cal and global representatives of Yoribé culture, I have also revealed the complexity of each generation’s relationship to Orisa Ayan. Because members of the No More Orisi generation were raised as ‘Muslims, they did not publicly identify with an drisa-centered world- view. Before the decline of orisi worship in Nigeria, this generation played regularly for drish ceremonies. When they were discovered by the scholars and artists of the Ibadn- and Osogbo-based culture revival ‘movements, members of this generation continued to play dris& rhythms ‘and texts in new venues: Wenger's rituals, popular theater, popular ovis festivals, university music programs, etc. Members of this generation were also the founders of the Nigerian drummer's union that protected ‘and legitimized the profession of drumming. I have illustrated how this ‘generation navigated the tensions between a modernizing Nigeria that ‘declared the risa irrelevant and a local/global culture revival movement that supported the drisa. While many members of this generation main- tained private relationships with the orisa, their Ayan performativity did not include the orisa or Islam. The No More generation's Ayian-ness was about the joumey of their professionalization as Ayan drummers in lo- ‘cal, national, and transnational contexts. Members of the Reviving Orisi generation came of age during ‘Nigeria's nationalist efforts to “unify through diversity” and thus em- brace and support, at least rhetorically and symbolically, Ayan cultural expression. While these artists were encouraged to perform and teach their repertoire of drumming knowledge and skills within national and global contexts, they were discouraged, on local fronts, from incorporat- ing the orisa into their lives and performances. Resisting societal pres- sures and inspired by global market demands, this generation began to explore and reclaim the origi culture of their grandfathers. Most members of this generation, trained by their fathers, were artisti- cally inspired by risa rhythms and song texts—to the point of making it a lifelong goal to preserve origi music through recording and teaching ita2 Debra I. Klein to their children and foreign students. In the case of Lam{di Ayankcinlé, the oris became important to his spiritual and cultural identity. Even though they do not publicly worship the Orisa, members of this genera- tion began to redefine and perform Ayan-ness through érisi rhythms and song texts. For members of this generation, being Ayan came to ex- clude Islamic beliefs and cultural forms. Shaped in dialogue with foreign ‘members of the global community, the Reviving generation has contrib- uted significantly to living, transmitting, and reinventing an Ayan-ness that began to identify with and privilege a repertoire of Orisa music and dances. ‘The Grasping for Orisa generation came of age when their inherited skills and knowledge made more sense in the realm of popular culture than in the arena of drisi worship; unlike their fathers and grandfathers, this generation never knew the drisi outside of a community dominated by secular and Islamic culture. The Ojé artists of this generation were raised both as Muslims and Egingiin worshippers, while the Ayan ‘drummers were raised as Muslims. Perhaps ironically, members of the Grasping generation are stepping into their fathers” shoes as representa- tives of Ayan culture at a moment when the global discourse of Ayan- ness centering on drisa worship has never been so dominant. If they want to claim relevance and status within the global community, this genera~ tion is under pressure to demonstrate its dedication to and knowledge of the orisa. All three generations have redefined their Ayan identities within ten- sions among local, national, and global communities. While Nigeria was gaining its independence, it was also at war; Ayan drummers became legitimate professionals but were forced to leave the drisd behind and claim identities as Muslims. While Nigeria was celebrating its diverse traditional cultural roots, it was modemizing: Ayan drummers represent- ‘ed their nation in spectacles but were condemned for being uneducated. ‘Thus, they sought refuge and community in the global movement for Yorba culture. While Nigerian national discourse continued to dispar- ‘age the lifestyle and profession of Ayan artists, the global community became interested in Nigeria-based Ayan artists as representatives of an origa-centered Ayn-ness. ‘Ayan culture is emergent and contested in Nigeria. In an everyday way, Ayan drummers are constantly struggling (like the rest of us) to keep their profession alive and relevant in shifting local and global mar- kets. For the artists of Erin-Osun, what it means to be Ayan has and will continue to mean playing the juxtaposition between local and global cul- ture and market demands. By re-embracing the orisa, the Reviving and Grasping generations are performing a Yoruba modernity that flexiblyBeing Ayan in a Modernizing Nigeria 213 incorporates cultural forms relevant to changing political and econom- ic contexts. But the drish are not equivalent to any other cultural form: the Orisa are spiritually and symbolically emblematic of Yoribiness. Gods and goddesses, the orisa are feared and loathed by many Nigerian Christians and Muslims; they are taken very seriously. By reclaiming the ‘righ in Nigeria, the Ayan drummers risk alienation in their own com- ‘munities. Documenting exactly how the Ayan generations reincorporate the risa into their lives and professions merits further research in order to deepen our understanding of Ayiin-ness in Nigeria Notes 1. Meaning “mother of market.” Iya sone ofthe few important ladenhip postions and ties for worn in tadtonal government, Not only is this compound rept for housing the town’s radiional drummers, sls known for being the family of he town's markt head. 12. Many thnks tothe late Katherine Hagedorn, Jani Weinseia, the late Michael Mareuz and Amanda Vilepastour fr thelr substantive comments on versions ofthis chapter +. By “dieoure;” [mean the posstrocturaist dea that people nara, make sense of, and frame their worlds, These discursive frameworks vay from place to place and overtime. Within a culture, there ae aiays hegemonic and computing dscoures. “4 According oan expressive theory of gender, when you read someone's gender (or iden- tity, you assume tha that person i expressing something natural (ce, biology, anatomy, ‘A perfonnatve theory of gender (Butler 1588, 1990, 1993 aces the expressive theory but recognizes thst gender begins a random perfomance; the ators disciplined the actor starts to intemalize gender, and gender gets naturalized and thus read as expressive. Borrowing from Butler, Iam arguing that Ayha-ness has become naturalized through a similar proces. While ‘most Yor people do know tat Ayn ats tendo he Muslin they stil naturale Ayin-ness tsbackwandoess due to Ayn antistsassociaton wih igh culture as well asthe fact th most Tincage-based Ayn artists have ite ono formal education pst the secondary school evel ‘5 Peefrmatvity refers tothe production of performative acts (fide) tat ae taken a6 teal yethave ben istrialy and cuturly produce. 6.Atthough iswes of cultural snd religions identity among Ayan drummers are in some ways unig, the wide contents of colonial interventions independence movements, modemizing ni- tion, td the burgeoning globel word musi industry since the 198ce, have had loosely parle, lmpocts on musicians throughout Africa. See, fr example, Berliner (1978) Tang (2007); Counsel (2009); and White (2012) 7. Pers comm, Elgin Oba Yusuf Omoloy’ Qyighhdn Il, Ern-Oeun, October 2, 1997 1 In ado to thee oles a worshipers and hearer ofthe sacred masks forthe Engin (erie ofthe ancesor) Oj families or pin Oj are entrainment masqueraders—lso known, 1s aghéeijo aldrnjo, and apidan, Children bo into an Oj ieage are thus given names sast- ing with te Of prtin. Oj failce work slosly with an at tien mary nto Ayn familie: (jt performers dance, praise-ing nd perform acrobatic and masquerade displays, while Ayan drummers provide the accompanying drum shythns and ens. 1 The is of lightning, eminiity and fei, ion and war, and the ancestors, respectively.24 Debra. Klein 10, For discussion of how Ayin drummers incorporate ij mosis int their perfomance rep- rt, Klin 207). 1. While iene to the daly reflections an stores of r-Qvan ais, rcame ear tome thal heats hal found mean nd stainable sources nthe cl and ineraional etworsf alberto, pons, ends, det and fas Beconng an active pati the ais fcl performances and networks, I bopan oundertnd he sinifcane of hese col- Inbrntive elaionsip in ati’ every lies When fering the ass with wha T have ten woking overthe yur hn ae he er ella” 12. Daring oa interviews, the Ayn elders mentioned drumming forthe following di: abe, Efsin Répomoyo, Elégin Olojoj, Elggtun Méséentin, Erle, Orsh Oko, Olde, (rial, Oya, Sings, and Spano. Secular tals ncade naming ceremonies, gadatins, weddings and fuer 15, Pominet Nigerian playwrights, aves, ts, and scholar, Wele yin. P Ct, DO. Fagin, Dens Nwoko, Uke Oksk, ta) collaborated with an ay ofinemt- ‘ional soln ad artiSusnae Wenger Ul Bei, an Georgian Bernt practicn ‘fcr vival movement the cenlered and he eendary Mba Mayo Ci (ni ing “creaton") (Klein 3007) While he overeat proper was toledo more hana Yeu, ‘pm he way fr ay'snteraonallywoowaed Ono Art ste and bas pat roe on the mapa tan desnation 14. Thouh Alii not actly make the plsimag, he respected fr being an xem ay Musto and ele in bis commu References Cited Bei, Ul 1991. Thity Years of Onogbo At. Bayreth alow. eter, Paul 1978. The Soul of Mra: Mic and Traditions ofthe Shona People of Zimbabwe, Betkeley: Univenity of Califoia Pest Butler, Judith. 1988 “Pefonmative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Bssay in Phenomenology ‘and Feminist Thor” In Phare Journal 40 (4) $19-31 1990. Gender Trouble: Feminism ad th Subversion of Ident. New York: Roaledge —— 1993 “Imitation and Gender Insbordiation" In The Lesbian and Gay Stutes Reader. ‘ds, Henry Abslove, Michele Aina Barle and David M. Halperin. New Yor: Routledge. 07-20. ‘Comelins, Steven, 2008 “Strang from the House ofthe Ancestors: Traionl and Foloic “Music Iniativesin Contemporary Ghana.” Unpublished paper Counsel, Graeone. 2009. Mande Popular Music and Cultural Policies in West Africa: Grits and ‘Government Policy since Independence. Sabrucken: VDM Ver. Johnson, Rev. Samuel. 1976 [3921]. The History ofthe Yorubas: From the Earliest Times tothe Begining ofthe Brish Protectorate. Lagos: CSS. Booksbops Klein, Debra L-2007. Yor Bt Goes Global: Avisr, Cala Broters, amd Fans. Chicago: University of Chicago Press Peel, JD. ¥. 2000. Religious Encounter and the Making ofthe Yoruba. Bloomington: Indiana University Pes. Probst, Peter 20:1. Orogbo and the Art of Heritage: Monuments, Deities, and Money ‘Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Tang, Patricia, 2007. Masters ofthe Sabar Wolf Grot Percusinists of Senegal. Piladelphi “Temple Univerity PressBeing Ayn in Modernizing 215 ban, Greg. 1996 Metaphysical Community: The Interplay ofthe Senses andthe Intellect. Austin: University of Texas Press. Vilepastour, Amanda. 2010, Ancien Text Mesuger of the Yorts Bad Drum: Cracking the Code. Butington: Asgate Vincent [Villepastour, Amanda. 2006. Bata Conversations: Guardianship and Entrement Naratves about th Bata in Nigeria and Cuba. PAD thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. White, Bob W., ed, 2012, Music and Globalization: Critical Encounter. Bloomingon: Indians University Pres