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Religion and Politics: A Study of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami

Article  in  Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities · January 2017

DOI: 10.5958/2249-7315.2017.00304.5

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 Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities
Vol. 7, No. 5, May2017, pp. 146-165.

ISSN 2249-7315 www.aijsh.com

A Journal Indexed in Indian Citation Index
DOI NUMBER: 10.5958/2249-7315.2017.00304.5

Religion and Politics: A Study of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-

Islami

Upendra Kumar*

*Ph.D. Scholar,
Dr. K. R. Narayanan Centre for Dalit and Minorities Studies,
JamiaMilliaIslamia,
New Delhi, India.
upendrakumar200884@gmail.com

Abstract
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami is a biggest religion-based political party in Bangladesh. It is not only
a party but also an ideological movement and an Islamic organisation. It aspires to transform the
political, social, religious, cultural and economic structure of Bangladesh according to Islamic
Sharia Law. It has exclusive membership process, networks and strong organisational structure
from local to national level. Its presence in socio-economic and Muslim cultural activities is
noteworthy in Bangladeshi society.Its emergence has had major implications in the changing socio-
political character of the country. It has accelerated the Islamisation of Bangladeshi society which
has had the effect of disturbing religious tolerance and increasing violence in the country. Its
patronage politics and strong affiliation with the BNP since the last one and half decades has won
support among sections of the public.

Keywords:Bangladesh, Secularism, Bengali nationalism, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami,

Islamisation, Military-junta regime, Mujibur Rahman, Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan, Collaborators,
Islam, Awami League, Bangladesh Nationalist Party.
______________________________________________________________________________

Introduction
According to the liberal theoretical framework, the process of modernisation in society leads to a
separation of religion from politics. The development of modern political institutions and the

the significance of religion gets diminished in the modern stage (Giddens & Griffiths,

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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
Vol. 7, No.5, pp. 146-165.

2006).According to this theory, religion becomes a subordinate issue in political life when society
is modernised, and it gradually disappears from the affairs of the state. Weinstein (2010) found the
following:

Karl Marx, Herbert Spencer, Weber, and Durkheim, (for example) all considered
secularization to be the wave of the future. They believed that the separation of sacred
concerns from everyday life and the subordination of religious values and institutions to
civil authority were inherent parts of modern institutions. In fact, one gets a strong sense
from these earlier accounts that religion, on the one hand, and democracy, capitalism, and
individualism, on the other cannot coexist for long and that religion will inevitably yield to
modernity (p. 94).

The above argument reflects an ideal situation within the framework of modernisation theory. In
societies which are transitioning and undergoing a process of modernisation, religion and politics
it

(Moyser, 1991, p. 12).

In post-colonial states, particularly in South Asia, where religious pluralism is the basic feature of
the society, social and political life are interconnected with religion. It is difficult to privatise
religion in economically backward South Asian society because the various religious groups have
to compete for holding political power, and resources. This competition speeds up the identity
consciousness among the groups. The identity consciousness might be based on ethnicities,
languages, religions and so forth. Objectively, it depends upon the social fabric of the area.
Plausibly, in those nations which are diversified in terms of religion, religion and politics are

of the nation. Religious nationalism in Bangladesh which was constructed and propagated by the
5-1990) can be acase in point.

Relations between religion and politics are very complex, especially in those post-colonial states
-making within such areas as
education, the family, sexua

Relations between religion and political parties are itself visible in many nations where some
political parties have declared themselves to be protectors and the true guardians of a specific
religion. This can be easily understood by illustrating the motives and ideology of the Jamaat-i-
Islami in South Asia. Political parties generally use religion as a political tool to mobilise the
masses and to strength their support base. Religious slogans, practices and symbols are often used
for political gains.

In a competitive political system where the vote is the fundamental way to capture state power,
n
influencing voting behaviour in many countries, being interwoven with ethnic, linguistic, racial and
In fact, modern political systems and structures
have been directly and indirectly associated with the will of the people. The consensus of the
people is required for the state, leadership and various political actors to sustain their power and
legitimacy. Since elections have become a major instrument in political processes as a way of

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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
Vol. 7, No.5, pp. 146-165.

measuring the consensus of the people towards certain orientations of the state and government,
various tools and tactics are being adopted by political actors to get the support of the people. This
phenomenon can be seen in both democratic and autocratic political systems. But the type of tools
and tactics to be adopted depends, of course, upon the political culture, tradition, environment, and
the social structure of the country as well as the periods in which the national-building process is
shaped. Religion can be a major political discourse in regionswhich are under political transition.

Sometimes religious groups project political parties to shape and mobilise their followers to achieve
its ends. But the most important way in which religion manifests itself in politics is by playing the
role of a pressure group. In this regard Moyser (1991) specified the following:

Religious groups themselves may become institutional pressure groups promoting their
particular views of issues on the current public agenda. This may take the form of
lobbying the legislature, making contacts with the executive apparatus, or even going to
court. It may also entail building and using links with political parties and forming
alliances with other like-minded pressure groups (p.7).

Religion emerged as a source of legitimacy in post-colonial era. In an autocratic political system

religion serves the purpose of legitimacy. The nexus between clerics and autocrats has been often
seen in the region, particularly in Pakistan (Mishra, 2012). Clerics envisage the nexus as a
facilitator to fulfil their purpose while autocrats use it as a political strategy to receive legitimacy
for their autocratic rule. Although Bangladesh did not experience such type of a nexus, the military-
junta regime of Bangladesh used religion to legitimise its regime. In most South Asian states, where
democracy is yet in a transitional phase religion is used to garner support in elections. In respect of
the above argument, relations between religion and politics will be elaborated upon and discussed
in the context of Bangladesh.

Jamaat-i-Islami and East Pakistan

On 26 August 1941, the foundation of Jamaat-e-Islami was led by MawlanaSayyidAbul-
AlaMawdudi in Lahore. Mawdudi was one of the most important proponent of political Islam
d
political power Islam cannot succeedin its mission. Mawdudi avowed politics as an essential and
inseparable part of the Islamic faith and the Islamic State. An Islamic State was regarded by him as
the solution to all the problems of the Muslims.His organisation (Jamaat-i-Islami) have been

beliefs so that it could materialise his ideology.

In 1948, the organisation was divided into two, that is, the Jamat-i-Islami Hind and the Jamaat-e-
Islami Pakistan. In 1950s the Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan began to work in then East Pakistan.
Although it could not gain any grip in East Pakistan, it emerged as the second largest political party
in the East Pakistan after the AL in the 1970 elections (Ahmed, 2008). At the time, the Jamaat was
-
(Ahmed, 2008, p.118). As itsemphasis was on pan-Islamism, it remained committed to the unity of
Pakistan.However, the Jamaat-e-Islami became more noticeable in the East Pakistan when it played
a destructive role in the Liberation War.
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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
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After the emergence of Bangladesh as a separate nation, the Jamaat-e-Islami was banned to take

match with the four fundamental principles namely Secularism, Nationalism, Democracy and
Socialism, of the Constitution of Bangladesh 1972. The communal character of the party did not
compliance with the aspiration of the secular ethno-Bengali nationalism and the secular nature of

who had collaborated with Pakistan and involved in the genocide 1971 of Bangladesh. Some of the
were killed and prisoned while some became underground. But the party sustained
in hidden way between 1972 and 1975 (Kabir, 2002). The leaders of the Islamic ChattraSangh and
the Jamaat-i-Islami continued to work, and reorganise themselves in a secret way.

Religion in Bangladeshi Politics and Re-emergence of the Jamaat

Until the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971 religion did not get a prominent issue in the political
process of the East Pakistan. Emphasis on the cultural-linguistic aspect of Bengali ethnicity in the
liberation movement of Bangladesh made religion as a peripheral phenomenon in the politics till

in 1972 was based on a secular ideology, which evolved from the liberation movement. The nature
of the state was made secular andall political organisations and state bodies were secularized and
religion-based political parties were banned.

The situation became complex in the last phase of the secular AwamiLeague (AL)-led government
when the government of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman could not fulfil the heightened expectations of
the Bengali people. The disappointing performance of the government led to a crisis of
Mujibismwhich was the ideological base of the government. The setback of the government in the
sphere of socio-economic development created problems for the legitimacy of his secular ideology.
In these circumstances, the orientation of the political elites of the AL changed towards importance
of using Islam in politics.Mujib moved towards Islam and started sentimental based politics by
using Islam as a political tool. He took some steps such as increase grand for madrassa system,
reviving Islamic Academy, banning of liquor and horse races to encounter the allegations that he
was an anti-Islam. Furthermore, he adopted some gestures like using of Islamic slogans and
symbols on various political occasions to show his Islamic leanings. These moves signalled the
secularism was losing its reliability as a political ideology among ruling elites of the country. Mujib
himself made the background for the demise of secularism as a state ideology. In essence, the
failure of Mujibism gave Islam a permissive space in Bangladeshi politics.

ment granted a general amnesty under which almost all the

could counteract the activities of the radical left (Maniruzzaman, 1980). This reconciliatory tactic
provided an opportunity to Jamaat leaders and workers to reorganise themselves. At external policy
he moved to oil reach Middle East Muslim countries and made diplomatic relations with Pakistan.
He went to Lahore and took part in Organisation of Islamic conference. The changing external

external actors to re-emerge in Bangladesh.

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The emergence of a military-junta regime(Ziaur Rahman and Muhammad Ershad)after the

assassination of Mujibur Rahman provided a large space for Islam to emerge as a political

institutionalised during the regime (1975-1990).The regime altered secular provisions of the
constitution of Bangladesh 1972 and Islamised it so that it could get supports of Islamic leaders and
Islamist political parties to strengthen its power. In this course, the regime began to patronise
Islamists political par

1988. Islam became a political ideology and expanded its domain in the matter of political, cultural
and socio-economic life of Bengali people. Indeed it was the failure of Bangladeshi secular political
elites and intellectuals to privatize the religion in public affairs. The Islamist political parties
appropriated Islam as a basic principle of their ideology. Patronisation politics of the military-Junta
created a big political space to the Jamaat-e-Islami to re-emerge and reunite as a political force in
Bangladeshi politics. The most significant things for the re-emergence of the Jamaat happened
during the regime that was the promulgation of Parties Regulations (PPR) Act 1976. The Act
legalised the Jamaat-
This change made the Jamaat more politically active.

On August 24, 1976 those Jamaat leaders, who earlier were working in Bangladesh for the Party,

Democratic Party, Nejam-e-islam Party (NIP), Khelaft-e-Rabani Party. The political platform was a
tactical move of the Jamaat for its restoration in the politics of Bangladesh. As the goodwill of the
party was very low among Bengali people due to its dishonourable deeds during the Liberation war,
Jamaat required such platform which could provide a base to testify its popularity, especially its
image as defender of Islam in the society, and propagate its agendas among people and build up
support base.

Some leaders of the Jamaat contested the JatiyoShangshadelection of 1979 under the banner of
Islamic Democratic League which had won 6 seats. If the performance of the Jamaat is evaluated in
the context of the performance of 1970 election of National Assembly of East Pakistan, in which
success of 1979 of the party was really a good
performance despite the wars crime stigma and setback of the party after Liberation War. In this
encouraging success of the party, IslamiChhatraShibir had played major role. IslamiChhatrShibir is
the student wing of the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and it was formed in 1977 to islamise the
education system of Bangladesh.But it was not totally new and different organisation. Basically, its
legacy and leadership came from Jamaat-i- Islami Pakistan and its student wing
IslamiChattraSangh,established in 1941.

Foundation of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami

The notable success of leaders of the Jamaat in JatiyoShangshad election of 1979 boosted the moral
of those leaders who previously worked for Pakistani Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing.
Subsequently, a convention was called by Abbas Ali Khanon May 25-
Dhaka where around 450 persons gathered for launching an Islamic political party named Jamaat-e-
Islami Bangladesh, later known as Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami. Although, new Islamic party was

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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
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Pakistani Jamaat-e-
the party a Bangladeshi look which can be considered as a separate Islamic political party from
Pakistani Jamaat-e-Islami, which was notorious due to negative role during the liberation war. By
giving a Bangladeshi look to the party, it indicated local character, agenda, political goals and
membership. Additionally, it was compulsory for the organisation to be registered as a political
party according to legal provision of the constitution of Bangladesh. It tried to adapt the political
circumstances of the country and began its cautious journey in the new political environment inside
Bangladesh which was born in defiance of the common bonds of unity with Pakistan

Ideology of the Party

The Party believes in the sovereignty of Allah and recommends a theocratic political system in
Bangladesh. It rejects the sovereignty of the people which is considered as a basic element of
democracy. The Jamaat declares that sovereignty of Allah is supreme through which every
political, social and religious aspect of human life is governed and regulated. The preamble of the
Bangladesh Jamaat-e- Whereas there is no Elah (Lord) except
Allah and all natural laws commanded upon by Allah in the universe solely evidences His wisdom,

human activities on the basis of the guidance revealed by Allah and exemplified by Prophet
Muhammad. According to the Jamaat for this transformation, people have to accept absolute

-e-
Islami, backed by the support of the people, shall form government and shall turn the country into a
welfare state in the light of the Qur

The Jamaat wishes to change existing political order and system and to establish Islamic state, a
political and social system based
parliamentary democracy with a theocratic Islamic state, which will have no place for nationalism,

Sept -e-
2005):

Overwhelming majority of the population of Bangladesh are Muslims. They are intensely
religious. But sometimes they are misled by nationalist, secularist and
politically, Bangladesh is a playground for all. They are pro-Indian, pro-Russia, pro-
America and pro-China political parties in Bangladesh. There are some nationalist and
some Islamic parties. The Jamaat-e-Islami is Vanguard of the Islamic movement in
Bangladesh (p. 137).

Even though, the Jamaat declares that it has faith in the constitution of Bangladesh and democratic
-e-Islami Bangladesh is a moderate Islamic political party that believes in
democracy and hu
how a political party can believe in democracy while the party propagates and preaches among the
people that Allah is only sovereign lord and Muhammad is only leader of human kind. In

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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
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democracy sovereignty come from common will of the people not from the supernatural power. In
fact, the camouflage of modern political terminology by the Jamaat is to show that it is not radical
political entity,and it wishes to serve the people of the country.

Political Agendas
The primary agenda of the party is to indoctrinate the mind of the people according to Islamic

by those who know and practice

Jamaat-e-
he
publication of Islamic literature, direct personal contact, holding Quran and Hadith classes and
public meetings to spread the message of the Quran and the Sunnah are the part of the purification

that Jamaat leaders have used the Waazes to appeal to women directly, as a distinct and

Fundamentally, the party believes that without effective support of Islamic society, Islamic state
cannot be achieved in the country. So it always attempts to highlight an Islamic consciousness and
to brainwash the people. The process of the Jamaat is done by operating various front organisations
-cultural
organisations suc

in the mind of youths. Seminars, conferences, group discussions, work camps, and socio-cultural
activities are the part of the indoctrination process of the organization (Kumar, 2012).

Organisational Structure of the Party

The Jamaat claims that, Islamic State cannot be materialisedin the society without collective efforts
of the people k

the activist made the Jamaat a cadre based political party, anda complicated and strict membership
-

level. It assembles every three years and elect executive head of the party Ameer-e-Jamaat, and
CenteralMajlish-e-Shura(CMS). Ameer-e-Jamaat is responsible for organisational and political
activities of the party. The CMS, which helps and advices to the Ameer-e-Jamaat, is the top policy
a
Central Working Committee (CWC). It is formed with one secretary general, number of naye-e-
ameers, assistant secretary, divisional secretaries, and members of wom
and other member (Jahan, 2014). The CWC is accountable to the CMS and Ameer-e-Jamaat.
Central Executive Committee (CEC) is another central organisation of the party. It is a 15
nction of the CEC is to implement the

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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
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decisions taken by the CMS and the CWC. Likewise, apart from the national level organizations,
the party have also local level organisations which are highlighted as follows:

District Level Orgnisation

District member (Rukon) Convention

District President (Ameer)

District Majlish-e-Shura

District Working Council

Upazilla/Thana Level

Upazilla/Thana Member(Rukon) Convention

Upazilla/Thana President(Ameer)

UpaZilla/Thana Majlish-e-Shura

Upazilla/Thana Working Council

Union/Pouroashabha Level

Union/pouroashabha members (Rukon).

Union/Pouroashabha President (Ameer)

Union/PouroashabhaMajlish-e-Shura

Union/pouroashabha Working Council

Funding of the Party

The Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami has various financial sources to fulfil its financial needs. Its
members and workers contribute 5% of their monthly income to the party. They also give Zakat as
a financial support to it (Uddin, 2006). The party receives funding from Saudi Arabia and other oil
rich Middle East countries. These Muslim countries give the support to the party in the name of
Islamic movement in Bangladesh.The Saudi based Islamic NGO Rabeta-al-Alam-al-Islami, Kuwait

foreign funding is channelised through the Jamaat controlled economic organisations and charitable
institutions.

As party helps Bangladeshi migrants to get employments in Middle East countries by using its
politico-religious linking with these countries (Pattanaik, 2009), they contribute as financial
supports to the party. But the most importantly, Profits of various business enterprises of the Jamaat
and its affiliated organisations are a major financial source. The Jamaat has large economic
enterprises. It

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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
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Banks, insurance companies, household-level micro-credit firms, leasing companies,

pharmaceutical industries , transport companies, mass media, information technology, trading
houses and non-governmental organizations are the sectors of economic enterprises of the party.
The Jamaat became, financially, self-sustained organisation through its economic empire. It is

the party and this 10% can sustain nearly 600,000 cadres (Mukherjee, 9 February, 2016). Recently,
Prof AbulBarkat claimed in a

Patronage Politics
Patronage politics of the Jamaat-e-Islami is playing crucial role in spreading its influence in
Bangladeshi society. The Jamaat has resorted the patronage politics to deepen its social base in the
country. Its welfare works and building social infrastructure are the part of patronage politics of the
s of trusts in Dhaka and about 70 trusts in
various part of Bangladesh to promote welfare activities in the light of the teachings in Islam and

run more tha

and charitable dispensaries, and disburses loans and assistance to the poor (Ahmed, 2008 p.122). It
also involved in Propagating Islam and publications of Islamic books and journals. It often
distributes Islamic books free of cost. Apart from this it is also help Bangladeshi workers to migrate
to Middle East countries. The party has become able to gain popularity through socio-economic
networks and the welfare works in the society and it attempts to transform the popularity into
electoral support base. Generosity of the people for the party often comes due to its welfare
activities.

The
the organisation. Its members were only 425 in 1968-69 which reached 650 in 1981 and in 1983-84
it became around 1000 which increased up to around 2000 by 1988 and over 10,000 by 1998(Banu,

endeavouring to get support of deprived sections of the Bengali Muslim particularly poor people,
women and unemployed youths. The party in 1970s and 1980s increased the number of front

Saudi Factors
The oil rich country Saudi Arabia played significant role in the re-emergence and accomplishment
of the Jamaat. It was the multi-folds role of the country. Since 1970s, the exploration of oil in Saudi
d in
such way which boosted real estate market that further heightened labour market in the region. The
boom of labour market in the region attracted the poor Muslim people of developing country like
Bangladesh for employment. Therefore, the migration of Bangladeshi people for better
remunerations got impetus. According to BMET (Bureau of Manpower, Employment and Training,
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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
Vol. 7, No.5, pp. 146-165.

Bangladesh), the recruitment of Bangladeshi workers to Saudi Arabia began in 1976 with 217
migrants which reached to nearly 20,000 up to 1980 and further this digit became around 300,000
between 1981 and 1990, about 1.18 million between 1991 and 2001, and about 1.14 million during
2001-2010 (Rahman, 2011).

The Jamaat have efficient links to the Bengali aspirants of migration to Saudi Arabia. In Saudi
-Jamaat officials who involved in selecting the
migrants to work in Saudi Arabia (Kabir, 2002). The assistance to the workers provided by the
Jamaat to influence the consciousness of the workers which perceive their prospects in the re-
emergence and strengthen of the Jamaat in Bangladesh. Therefore, these migrated workers have
been supporting the party with regular contribution to its treasury. They also endorse its
Islamisation process, which is basically Wahhabism in the country when they come back to the
country from Saudi Arabia with the influence of Arab culture and Wahhabi views (Haqqani, 2005).

of Wahhabism, in the country. Bangladeshi Muslim migrants have been Arabising the popular
culture of Bangladesh. In fact, due to insufficient understanding of Islam, these Migrants, their
relatives, friends and neighbours are inept to distinguish between Islam and Arabisation (Hashmi,
14 July 2015). The Passion to follow the Arab culture by these Bengali people became also a
psychological phenomenon which can be understood in following statement (Hashmi):

The quest for Arabisation

quest for upward mobility through the Sanskritisation process, by indigenising Brahmin
culture, food habit, attire and gods in South Asian history. Although Arabisation has
element of non-Musl
politically hegemonies mass consciousness (The Daily Star, 14 July, 2015)

On the other hand, Saudi Arabia has been pouring money into the treasury of the Jamaat not for to
run the political activities of the party but also for the building of infrastructure of Islamic symbol
like mosques, madrassas, Islamic centres, publications as well as it employed dedicated staff to
spreading Wahhabi doctrine.The Saudi based Islamic NGO Rabeta-al-Alam-al-Islami has erected
800 mosques and approximately 300 madrassa in Bangladesh and also it also runs an Islamic
Missionary Centre which strains to convert tribal people in Islam in hill areas (Habib, 5 October,
20120. The Saudi Ambassador to Bangladesh in 1970s, Fuad Abdul Hamid Al Khatib, regularly
assisted the Jamaat and also attended religious-cultural occasions backed by pro- Jamaat religious-
cultural organizations (Kabir, 2002).

Anti-Indian Sentiment
The anti-Indian sentiment in Bangladesh has been present since the emergence of the country.
Rightist political parties and some leftist factions had criticised Indian role in South Asia terming

socio-economic condition of Bangladesh were the consequences of Indian imperialist tendency. But
interesting thing, which happened in late 1970s and afterwards, that the Islamist political parties
occupied the issue of anti-Indian sentiment to strength their political base. The Islamist groups and
parties particularly the Jamaat-e-Islami has gave a religious colour to the anti-Indianism. According
to its doctrine, India is a Hindu country. Hence, any type of relation with India would hamper the

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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
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interest of Islam. The antagonism of the Jamaat towards India is the based on its communal legacy
and Islamic ideology.

The anti-India sentiments have been used by the Jamaat-e-Islami for the support base, specially, in
igorously opposed AL led- government
policies for Indian. Anti- -

that the treaty would damage, economic, environmental, health and security interest (Kabir, 2002).
The anti-India sentiments created by the Jamaat give relative advantage to the party in Khulna and
Rajshahi which are bordering with India, and also considered the stronghold of the party.

Anti-Ershad Movement and the Jamaat

The Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami participated in anti-

coun
-Islamic movement for the establishment of an Islamic Social system
stern Review, 23 June 1988).
The Jamaat was conscious about losing its Islamic agenda which was being appropriated by Ershad

Islamic state, not a declaration o -e-Islami made

close link with Bangladesh Nationalist party (BNP) and Awami League (AL) and participated in
987, 10
MPs of the Jamaat submitted their resignation letter to the speaker of JatiyoSangshad.

The participation of the Jamaat in the movement was strategic and futuristic moves of the party to
change the perception of Bengali people about the orthodoxy of
agendas have been always considered as anti-democratic and anti-political legacy of the Liberation
War. The Jamaat was hopeful that the participation would remove the disgrace that was attached to
it due to its negative role in the Liberation war. This tactical decision of the party gave it an

Jamaat saw a gradual upward mobility in socio-economic and educational background of its
leadership who were more educated, more affluent, and more professional than previous

Both principle parties (AL & BNP) accepted the Jamaat in the political process of Bangladesh as a
political force and provided a space it to emerge as a political actor.

Electoral Performance
The Jamaat has been contesting about every national and local level election since its official
establishment. The enthusiastic success of 1979 parliament election under the banner of IDL, it
decided to participate in 1986 Sangshad election. It won 10 seats and 4.61 per cent vote share. The
Jamaat emerged as third largest political party in the election while it was the first National level
election which it contested, independently. Along this it is also noticeable that the Bangladesh
Jamaat-e-Islami rose as a biggest Islamic political party which seeks to establish Sharia law which
has been always mentioning in its election manifestos. Since the participation of the party in

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 Kumar(2017). Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities,
Vol. 7, No.5, pp. 146-165.

electoral politics of the country, its numbers of voters gradually increased. In the election of 1979,
the party gained 750 thousand votes which, in 1986, rose to 1.3 million and in 1991 the number
increased to 4.1 million (Riaz, 2003).

The Jamaat got a tremendous victory in the 1991 Sangshad election which was first election after
the restoration of democracy in Bangladesh. The election was a landmark of the Bangladeshi
politics not only for in the sense of democratic wave but also for the emergence of radical Islamist
politics of the country. The Jamaat emerged a major Islamist political party which enjoyed status of
ats
which became very crucial numbers to form government. For the formation of government, the
BNP, which won 140 seats, required 11 seats. Therefore, supporting the BNP, the Jamaat became
major factor of the BNP led government. It was the first time when the Jamaat emerged as fully
legitimised political force in Bangladeshi politics. Now, The Jamaat had power and right to

Undoubtedly the Islamisation process of the Bangladesh was started in mid 1970s and continued in
1980s, but the process purely was politically motivated and it had no any alternative vision of social
order which break syncretic character of Bangladeshi rural and agricultural society. But it is
remarkable whatever happened with the Islamisation process in 1990s. Now the Islamisation
process was being pushed by such political entity which seeks to establish totally, different and
adversary social order. The Jamaat wants to change social and cultural fabric of the society
according to Sharia Law.

Setback in 1996
The Collaboration between the BNP and the Jamaat to form government after the downfall of the
-led
government by late 1993 an

After the tremendous victory of the Jamaat in 1991 Parliamentary election in term of seats and
vote share, it could not win such type of triumph victory in national level election again. In 1996
parliamentary elections its seats and vote share respectively decreased from 18 and 12.13% to 3 and
8.61% while the party, in 1996, contested 300 seats which were more than seats of 1991 election
contested. The party discussed the cause of the defeat and came into conclusion by blaming the
-
96. The party alleged the Chief Election Commission and local administrations to take favour the
AL. It also blamed the AL to adopt unfair means to defeat the party. The Allegation was also
- -Fair Election Monitoring Alliance,
and secular NGOs. The NGOs played instrumental role for the debacle of the party by
campaigning against the Jamaat among their beneficiaries. The NGOs were antagonist towards the
Jamaat due to the sudden rise of attacks on the NGOs, liberal intellectuals and journalists by issuing
Fatwas, and intimidations and violence in which the party, directly and indirectly involved
(Shehabuddin, 2008).

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Optimism with Changes

came with some modifications for its future success in Bangladeshi politics. The Jamaat leaders

manifestoes for the 2001 election indicated some changes. It tried to escape any promise to enforce
Sharia Law in the country. Ahmed (2008) explained that:

The basic thrust of the election promise had been spelt out in eighteen pages wherein it
assured that the Jamaat would not go in for chopping of hands of thieves, stoning of
persons, convicted of adultery, banning of bank interest etc. Its basic focus would be

the spirit of Islam and then eventually step by step the Islamic laws would be introduced.
(p.115)

The party realised to reform its relationship with the poor people and women for their support. The

prominence

qualifications, and needs in order to establish the highest dignity and right to women given by

regarding foreign funded NGOs become has changed and clearly mentioned in the election
-economic development of the country any
constructive work of local and international non-government voluntary organisations (NGO) shall

Manifestoes 2001 of the Jamaat). Finally, The Jamaat leadership resolved to work with the BNP
and, in line with this, party formed an alliance with the BNP to fight election 2001. According to
the electoral arrangement, the party contested 31 seats of 300 in 2001 parliamentary election.

Table-1 Seats Contested and Won by the Jamaat-e-Islami in Parliamentary

from 1986 to 2008

Years Contested Won

1986 77 10
1991 222 18
1996 300 03
2001 31 17
2008 39 02
Source: Statistical report of Election Commission of Bangladesh

The Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islam won 17 seats in the election of 2001 but it was seen sequel
decrease its vote share compared to 1996 elections and garnered only 4.28% votes share in 2001

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Vol. 7, No.5, pp. 146-165.

election. It was the lowest vote share of the Jamaat since 1986 when the party restarted its political
career with separate political entity in the Bangladesh. But its role and strengthen subsequently
increased. Its interference as a political force with alternatives rhetoric became much remarkable in
Bangladeshi politics. Despite, the BNP secured 193 seats which were enough to form the
government, the Jamaat become part of the BNP-led government, and then Ameer of the Jamaat,
Motiur Rahman Nizami was given the Agricultural ministry and the ministry of Social Welfare
was hold

Graph-1 Performance of the Jamaat-e-Islami in Parliamentary Elections

from 1986 to 2008

Sources: Statistical report of Election commission of Bangladesh

Interestingly, the lowest vote share of the party was seen in the 2001 election but the party enjoyed
greater power and positions in the Bangladeshi politics after the election. Now, it had two important
ministries which are very important ministry, because of large population of the country are

doing its work in respective ministry, and the Jamaat became capable to push its doctrine with the
help of government mechanism. But the party could not cultivate any support base which could
make it popular among voters. It won only 2 seats with 4.60 % vote share in 2008 JatiyoSanshad
election of the country.

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Vol. 7, No.5, pp. 146-165.

Graph-2 Vote Share of the Jamaat-e-Islami in Parliamentary Elections from

1986 to 2008

Source: Statistical report of Election Commission of Bangladesh

Insinuation of the Emergence of the Jamaat

In 1990s, the emergence of the Jamaat-e-Islami as a major political force in Bangladeshi politics
has huge implications in the society of Bangladesh. Religious intolerance and Extremism became
part and parcel in the political process of the country. Over stress on Islamic symbols, slogans and
texts for political gain has been appropriated by not only Islamist fundamentalist political party but
also main secular party. During this period, Islam became a very vibrant issue in political discourse
of Bangladeshi polity. The interpretation of Islam became very narrow. Islamists forces began to
reconstruct and interpret religious texts according to their ideologies. Henceforth, religious
radicalisation and extremism became normal phenomena in the country since 1990s. The Jamaat-e-
Islami attempted to rehabilitate its leaderships and to expound Islam according to its ideology and
agendas. Jamaat leader MaulanaDelwar Hossain Saidi was very famous to interpret Islam in very
narrow sense. He often attacked on secular values, and misinterpreted Islam according to the

areas of Bangladesh. His massages are available as audio and video tapes, provide legitimacy to
hate, anger and violence, and contribute to an atmosphere to accelerate religious extremism in the
country. The massages are the major sources to provoke violence against religious minorities,

2006). The Delwar Hossain also opposed to employ women in official works and term it as

country.

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Vol. 7, No.5, pp. 146-165.

Deepening Islamic extremism in Bangladeshi society has worsened the condition of t

religious minorities. Religious rights of the minorities were threatened in the country when the
secular character of the state had been changed by the junta regime in late 1970s and 1980s. But
since the 1990s the condition of the minorities deteriorated further when Jamaat emerged as a
political force. The frequency of incidents relating to the acts of vandalism against temples, maths
and churches and other religious institutions and infrastructures of minority communities has
suddenly risen in the country. The damage to their properties and livelihood becamenormal
phenomenon in the country due to violent attacked by Islamists. The shrinking space for the
minorities in Bangladesh led their migration, which reflects in decreasing population of minority
community. In 1974, 13.5 per cent of total population of the country was Hindu but now the
percentage decreased to 8.5 in 2001.

Conclusion
In 2009 the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) was set up by the AL government for the war
crime trial against the collaborators (mostly, Jamaat associated).Some top Jamaat leaders has been

verdicts which are going on. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court of Bangladesh banned the Jamaat from
taking part in election on the grounds that it is against the secular nature of the Constitution of
Bangladesh.

One can argue that various punishments to the Jamaat leaders, poor performance in electoral
politics and the banning would weaken the organisational structure of the party and, subsequently,
wipe away the identity of the party as a political force in Bangladesh polity. But the poor
performance of the Jamaat does not reflect the demise of the party because it is not only a political
party but an ideology which come from its socio- economic infrastructural bases where its ideology
and agendas has been indoctrinating in the mind of its beneficiaries. Its influence and expansion of
its networks has grown in the society. Its role to spread religious radicalism would increase because
of political economic interest of its followers and beneficiaries who would never want to see the
Jamaat being weak. Apart from this, the strong support of the BNP to the Jamaat and insufficient
actions of AL government against religious intolerance and fundamentalist forces would keep on
the political agendas of the Jamaat. The party has been maintaining more than 4 % vote share in
every parliamentary election since 1986 so it is less possibility to break down this political entity.

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