Hasan M Q Zulfiqar The Sufis in Sindh-o-

Hind

The Sufis in Sindh-o-Hind

A brief discussion of the role that Sufism played in Indo-Muslim society from 1200-1700.

Hasan M Zulfiqar Qureshi

St. Cross College, Oxford
Essay No. 1: January, 2015

In this descriptive analysis of Sufism’s role in Indo-Muslim society from 1200-1700, I first begin
with a brief discussion of the contested meaning of Sufism as understood today. I then detail a
chronological account of Sufism’s arrival in Hind, closely tied with the political developments of
Islam’s gradual penetration into the subcontinent. I then look at the main Sufi orders and
personalities which have played the most crucial roles in medieval and early modern Indian
society. With this, I examine the central question of the paper, namely the various roles and
contributions of Sufism in the period, focusing on; societal and ethical contributions.; their role
in the politics of the ruling classes and the Ulama; their relationship with non-muslims and
attitudes towards conversion; their part in the major debates of the day; and various dual roles
that Sufis played in society. Interspersed is a regional analysis of the Sufi centers of Deccan,
Awadh, and Bengal.
_________________________

I will not going into the details of what Sufism is, as the term and meaning is highly
contested.1 Neither will I discuss terminology as this too is highly contentious. So is Sufism's
place within, and its relationship, with mainstream Islam. Sufism is very hard to distinguish from
other forms of practicing Imaan within Islam, and even from many concepts of the other

1
Many ‘Sufis’ themselves reject the term, preferring no such terminology which distinguishes them as different or
separate from Islam and humanity.

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religions/philosophies with which it has had prolonged contact. 2 One thing Sufism is not though
is a sect.3 There are Sunni Sufis, Shia Sufis, and Sufis from other Islamic sects; historically there
have even been Christian and Jewish Sufis.4 Sufism is both a separate hierarchical structure with
its own defined practices and ideologies (for some), and a way/form and occurrence – a
happening (for most).5 Anything ethically imbued or of spiritual thought may be termed Sufiana
– a state of being. Over the course of history ‘Sufi’ has meant anything from a certain way of
imagining a concept, to a whole new pseudo-religion or outlook which is far removed from
majority accepted interpretations of the Quran and Hadith. That is, Sufism is not one thing, it is
many. For the sake of clarity however, this essay will use the definition of Sufism in its most
generally understood context – the search for something other than worldliness with the use of
‘mystic’ (non-conventional) worship to reach a spiritual enlightenment, by practicing liberal
ethics, the relaying of inherited knowledge, travel (both physical and temporal), love and
acceptance of difference, and the occasional intoxicant and trance.

Arrival in Hind
Whatever the actual origins of the Sufism that we understand today –either originating in
early-mid 8th century Khorasan/Baghdad or even pre-dating Islam’s arrival; we know that Sufism
as an idea arrived in the subcontinent first in the Southern Coasts and Sri Lanka, through the long
established and growing Indian Ocean trade route, either simultaneously with the arrival and
settlement of Muslim traders, or not long after. 6 However, this was sporadic and the vast
majority of Muslim thought penetration in the southern regions was overwhelmingly of Arabized
Shafi’i jurisprudence, as opposed to the Central Asian and Persian Hanafi law which had a much
closer relationship with the early and still developing Sufi orders.7 Sufism would assume a far
greater importance in the south only after it had penetrated the northern regions of India.

In the north, early in-roads by a succession of Muslim campaigns since 711AD (bin
Qasim) had slowly cemented Muslim influence in Sindh, parts of modern Punjab, and moving
2
Those it has come most into contact with; Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Greek
philosophy.
3
Ernst, 1997
4
Schimmel, 1975
5
Schimmel, 1980
6
Asher, 2006
7
Rizvi, 1978

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east into India proper. Over the ensuing centuries, a growing number of Sufi’s began migrating
to India to travel to a land of opportunity, on knowledge seeking missions, for dawah, to escape
persecution elsewhere and most importantly by accompanying a succession of conquerors. As
empire building in India began in earnest from the 12 th century onwards, with the Ghaznawids
and then the Ghurids, Sufis came too and settled. 8 In these new courts of Turkic and Persian mix,
the Sufi’s found great patrons. It is during this time that the first major works of Sufi thought in
Hind were produced, including the Kashf al-Mahjub (written in Lahore) by Shaikh Abul Hasan
Ali Hajwairi9 -known as Daata Ganj Baksh- which became a major source for early Sufi thought
and practice. The Ghurids, by 1204, had extended their rule over Rajasthan, Benares, and Bihar,
penetrating the regions of Bengal as well. 10 By this time, many Sufi’s had developed into
structured orders in Persia and Central Asia and were further consolidating themselves in the
regions of Sindh, Kashmir, Punjab and Delhi.11

From 1206-1526AD, during the period labeled the Delhi Sultanate, Sufi orders fleeing
the collapse of the Khalifat in Baghdad amid the scourge of the Mongol invasions, established
themselves in the relative peace and prosperity of Hind, first expanding with the borders of the
Delhi dynasties.12 Under the Tughluq dynasty (1290-1388AD) Sufism spread to the Deccan
plateau which would become a Sufi stronghold over the coming centuries. 13 Finally, with the
consolidation of the much larger and wealthier Mughal Empire from 1526 onwards, Sufism’s
dominance in Indian society would only increase.

Tariqas
Examining Sufism’s role in South Asian society would be incomplete without first
outlining the major Tariqas (orders, more literally way or path) of the period and their structures.
Tariqas had been around for some time before their arrival in the subcontinent. Though not all
Sufis identify with a Tariqa (some preferring a more fakiri/qalandari, unattached life), there are
many followers in the subcontinent today who do. A Tariqa is a hierarchical order which usually

8
Schimmel, 1980
9
(d. 1071)
10
Asher, 2006
11
Ibid
12
Rizvi, 1978
13
Ibid

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has a Murshid or Pir (guide) at its head who is a Sheikh or an Aalim, having attained a certain
degree of spiritual enlightenment, and often claiming direct descent from the Prophet
Muhammad through a chain of holy people who followed the ‘way’ (a silsila). Such Tariqas
can have from a few hundred to tens of millions of Murids (followers, literally committed ones)
who have a ta'alluq (relationship or link) with the Murshid and a place within the Tariqa,
following and seeking advice from the Murshid. This is a form of Taqlid (imitation of another in
religious matters) which can be distinguished from Ijtehad (independent reasoning),14 making
proselytization among an illiterate populace much easier. Tariqas may also have regional
branches or franchises; one for example in the Maghreb, and another in the region of Sham and
so forth. Tariqas may and usually do have sub-braches named after an individual who professed
his own path, but still related in some way to the main tariqa.15

The Tariqas and their contributions

Though there were (and still are) numerous Tariqas in the subcontinent from 1200-
1700,16 a few were particularly successful in capturing the loyalty of the populace, being granted
royal favor and thus growing much larger than their contemporaries. Tariqas also had a regional
concentration, being more prominent in one area compared to others. One of the earliest Tariqas
to arrive in the subcontinent was the Chisti order (Chistiyya – from Herat, Afghanistan), which
soon became the dominant early Tariqa, patronized by the various Delhi sultanates. 17 This
lineage gave Sultanate Hind some of its earliest and most active societal reformers in Khawaja
Hasan Moeenuddin Chishti18 (Ajmer), Hazrat Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, and Shaikh Nizam al-
Din Auliya19 who was the Shaikh of Amir Khusro,20 himself the progenitor of Indo-Muslim
classical music which is such an integral part of Pakistan and India’s culture today and also one
of the most popular Sufi methods of attraction.

14
Taqlid is not only a Sufi phenomenon but is widespread in most of the Muslim world today.
15
Ernst, 1997
16
Some which are not discussed here include: Shadhili (concentrated in Tamil Nadu), Kubrawiyyah (in Kashmir),
Qadriyya (South India) Mujahidiyya, Firdausiyya, and Mahdawi.
17
Ernst, 2002
18
(d. 1236)
19
(d. 1325);
20
Nizami, 2007

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The Chistis ordinarily shunned materialism, and had an aversion to court life and all its
worldly trappings, especially power.21 However, their mission was also to spread their message
and the best way this could be done was by using the power of the court. The courts of Hind, be
it the later Mughals, or in this case the Delhi Sultanates, in turn sought to use a close relationship
with the Chistis to further their own legitimacy; though this connection was also sought on a
more personal level with many rulers truly believing in the miraculous powers (karamat) and
inherited knowledge of the Sufis.22 Using this royal relationship, the Chistis increased their
presence in the local population, not differentiating between Muslim and non-Muslim, unlike the
traditional Ulama.23 This ability to use, adopt and tell the Islamic story using the local folklore
was immensely successful in the subcontinent. Though evidence suggests that conversion (never
mind forced conversion) amongst the local non-muslims was not as widespread as the
Orientalists surmised in the early period,24 an adoption of Sufi practices (not necessarily Islamic
per say) and sympathy for the Sufis was certainly apparent among Hindus, Buddhists and Jains. 25
The translation of Islamic texts which the Sufis undertook (along with the other non-Sufi Muslim
movements) into the local vernacular languages greatly aided the Islamisation of Hind. More
importantly, in a country with a long tradition of oral history, the Chistis used newly popularized
music in the form of Ghazals, Qawwali, Khayal, Tarana, Dhrupad, Raag and Sangeet to
popularize their message both in urban and rural areas. Much like Fateh Ali Khan popularized
for the common folk Allama Iqbal in the 20 th century, so did Sufis of the early period use
qawwals to their own benefit. The use of such music and the accompanying trance-like state
often encouraged by hashish or opium became a point of contention with the more traditional
Ullema, who had their own place of importance in Indian society and its courts. 26 But unlike the
Ullema, the Sufis were much closer to the people and thus endeared themselves to them. The
debate on music was but one of the major debates which Chistis were part of in the diverse
religious atmosphere of Sultanate, and later, Mughal Hind. The practice of celebrating the urs
(death anniversary) of a saint, in their lavishly decorated mazars or dargahs (mausoleums), was
another highly controversial aspect of the Chistis (and other orders), with a backlash from
21
Ernst, 2002
22
Ernst, 2004
23
Aquil. 2010
24
Ibid
25
Conversion in the early period was more prevalent in the ruling classes, who used it as a political option to stay in
the circle of power.
26
Ernst, 2002

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orthodox scholars who termed it akin to grave-worshipping. 27 In addition, the fact that many Sufi
orders emphasized the need for a spiritual and worthy intermediary between a non-Shaykh and
Allah, has led many times to debate turning into conflict between traditionalists and Sufis in
India.28

However, such specific controversies aside, the Chistis, and the Sufis as a whole
entrenched themselves in Indian society during this period, and in extension became mainstream,
a crucial and undeniable facet of Islam in Hind. 29 As examples of discipline, piety, justice, and
understanding they not only served as a comprehendible bridge between non-Muslims and
Muslim in India, but also endeared themselves in the hearts of many – Muslim and Dhimmi
alike.

Under the Sayyid and Lodhi dynasties (1414-1526) the political geography of North India
changed with regional kingdoms rising to compete with the Sultans of Delhi. This gave other
Tariqas the opportunity to ingrain themselves within the religious structures of these new
powers. Sufi ideas also began to proliferate at a rapid pace with non-Muslim Sufi inspired
personalities emerging such as Guru Nanak, Kabir and the Vaishnava bhakti movement.30 Sufis
had close relationships with all these communities, much closer than had the traditional Ullema.31

In the south, the recent expansion of Muslim rule into the Deccan plains, and the ensuing
Muslim power structures in Ahmednagar, Bijapur and Golkanda allowed Sufis to use the
developing Deccani Urdu in verse to spread knowledge.32 The contribution to culture made by
Sufis with and in the guise of qawwals and shayirs is still felt strongly today, and was a unifying
factor in that period.33 Later, the area of and around Aurangabad became synonymous with Sufis,
with nary a village without its own mazar.34 In Bengal too there was considerable Sufi success
and permeation in the form of the Suhrawardiyya tariq which was centered around Maner

27
Rizvi, 1978
28
Ibid
29
Ernst, 2002
30
Ernst, 1997
31
Aquil. 2010
32
Eaton, 1978
33
Ibid
34
Ibid

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Sharif.35 Notable Suhrawardiyyas in Bihar and Bengal include Makhdoom Yahya Maneri and
Makhdoom Shahabuddin Pir Jagjot.36 However Bengal is given less scholarly attention due to the
focus on North India. The Sultanate of Jaunpur (1394-1479) in Awadh was also a major
benefactor of Sufis.37 The ruling Sharqi dynasty was of local origin (reverts to Islam), and
Muslim-Hindu relations being better here allowed Sufis of various orders to flourish.38

A vital link for the Sufi orders between not only the different regions of Hind, but beyond
its borders as well, was the khanqah, which were buildings usually along or near major roads,
which served as rest stops for travelling Sufis (saliks), and meeting places for discussion or
meditation.39 These allowed Sufis from different lands and maybe different orders to stay up to
date with the issues affecting the Ummah and keep up with the latest debates. In all the places of
Hind where the Sufis were present, they were involved in (except those who had actively become
ascetics) and part of the daily life of society. Sufis often doubled as warriors, scholars, scribes,
judges, agriculturalists, skilled Ustaads, hakeems and various other professions.40 People of
different beliefs came to them for more than religious guidance or perceived miracle powers;
many Sufis were also wise in the ways of the world too and counseled all from kings to local
petty chieftains, mostly in methods of either acquiring more power or keeping it. Thus from the
village pir to the courtly sheikh, Sufis permeated, interacted with and affected different levels of
everyday societal structure. But there was also a misuse of authority and power. Individuals
claiming to be wise in the ways of the Sufis took monetary and other advantages from a largely
illiterate population. The way in which such taqlid could be so easily misused (and examples of
heavily corrupt and criminal pirs) was another facet of the orthodox attack on Sufism.

With the arrival of the Mughals, their uniting of the various Indian kingdoms under one
banner, and the vast resources that they commanded, another powerful Sufi order, the
Naqshbandis, entered the diverse Sufi landscape of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. 41
Though the Chisti saints were still highly venerated, the Naqshbandis of Kabul (and certain
35
Eaton, 1993
36
Ibid
37
Islam, 2002
38
Ibid
39
Ernst, 2004
40
Nizami, 1984
41
Asher, 2006

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Shattaris) were also courted by Babur and his descendants. The Naqshbandis in turn gained huge
impetus by royal affiliation. They were also put to work for the Empire; for example, bringing
together local Muslim populations into expanding the boundaries of settled agriculture towards
the North-West, squeezing the pagan populations of modern day Pakistani GB between
themselves and the Muslim Pashtuns – leading to a gradual conversion of the populace, through
economic necessity.42

The Mughal affiliation with the tariqs was more than mere politicking or seeking Islamic
legitimacy. The Mughal emperors did not really need Sufi legitimacy; imperial legitimacy was
embodied within them, through their lineage and power. But emperors such as Akbar and
Jahangir sought out not only the Sufis, but also non-Muslim mystics, to seek divine sanction for
their endeavors. Akbar went a step further and sought Sufi allegiance invested in himself as part
of his ill-fated din-e-Ilahi. In this narrative, he embodied the very enlightened perfection of soul
and character that only the greatest of Sufi sheikhs could attain – he was thus, in a very specific
manner, imitating the Sufi grand masters.

Conclusion
This short essay has touched on the major roles, contributions and debates by Sufis of
various orders, over a 500 year period. This period could be called the golden age of Sufism in
Sindh-o-Hind, when they were at the very center of religion, power, and society – helping shape
the region into what it is today.
__________________

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Asher, C. B., and Cynthia Talbot, India Before Europe (Cambridge, 2006)

Eaton, R. M. Sufis of Bijapur 1300-1700: Social roles of Sufis in medieval India (Princeton, 1978)

Eaton, R. M. The Rise of Islam on the Bengal Frontier, 1204-1760 (Berkeley, 1993).

Ernst, C. The Shambhala Guide to Sufism (Boston, 1997)

42
Metcalf, 2002

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Hasan M Q Zulfiqar The Sufis in Sindh-o-
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Ernst, C. W. Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center, 2nd ed.,
(Delhi, 2004)

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Rizvi, S. A. A. A History of Sufism in India, 2 Vols. (New Delhi, 1978).

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