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 CONDUCT OF STRATEGY AND TACTICS OF
WAR DURING THE MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
(Continued from p. 296 of the July 1946 Issue)

III
WAR COUNCIL

EFORE the actual fighting commenced, a council of military officers

B was summoned to appraise the difficulties and think over the crucial
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issues of the battle. This was the general practice in the pre-Mughal
as well as the Mughal period. During the days of the Sultans of Delhi,.
this council was called Anjuman or Majlis or Majlis-i-Malikil (Council
of Maliks). The deliberations in this council took place under the guid-
ance of the Sar-i-Lashkar (commander-in-chief), and all military officers
having matured experience, ripe judgement and sound opinions partici-
pated in the discussion. 2 The `Arid and in his absence the Na'ib 'Arid'.
were the important members of the council. All the members of the
council shared equally the responsibility for conducting a battle to a
successful termination. Decisions were arrived at after careful considera-
tion of every matter and situation, for if the majority of the soldiers were
convinced that a particular order of the commander would entail useless
destruction of their lives they were not legally bound to obey him. So
Fakhar-i-Mudabbir, the author of Adab-al-Ilarb wa'sh Shaja'at (compiled
in Sultan Iltutmish's period) warns the commanders that mere numerical
strength could not be effective unless the campaign was carefully planned
after due consultation. 3
Amir Timur attached much importance to the deliberations of the
war council. He writes in his Tuzuk : " My experience is that victory
over the enemy does not depend upon the large number of the army nor
can defeat be attributed mainly to the insufficient number of troops..
Victory is gained by God's help as well as judicious devices............
My experience is that opinion, consultation and counsel must always
r. Fatuh-us-Salatin, p. 254; Tughluq Namah by Amir Khusrau, Hyderabad edition, p. 48 ; Khazd'in-
ul-Futuh, Aligarh edition, p. 1 44.
2. Tughluq Namah, p. 84; Futah-us-Salatin, p. 254; Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi, by 'Abbas Khan Sarawani
Elliot Vol. IV, pp. 34 0 , 373 38,
,

3. Adab-al-Harb, quoted in Islamic Culture, October 1 937•

2
 346 ISLAMIC CULTURE Oct.

be had from wise and experienced persons. The consequences of deeds

lie, no doubt, hidden behind the veil of fate, but according to the tradi-
tion of the Holy Prophet Muhammad (peace be on him!), all that I did was
done after consultation. When counsellors assemble I discuss with them
the good and evil sides of a plan as well its utility and futility and how to
begin it, and why not to adopt it at all. When I hear their opinions, I
think over the right and wrong aspects, and then keep judiciously in view
the risks of doing that thing. If I see in performing some act two risks,
I avoid it, and if I find in such an act only one risk, I try to do it ........ .
In all works I seek counsel and in accomplishing them I adopt
proper method, and after devising means I begin that task, and with
the help of sound opinion and firm determination as well as care, cau-
tion and foresight, bring it to a successful end. My experience is that
only those persons can be counsellors who are unanimously believed to
be true and honest in their words as well as in deeds. If they promise to
do something they do not fail to• do it at any cost, and if they refuse to
do it, they do not do it at all. My experience is that opinion is of two kinds.
One is given by the tongue and the other from the care of the heart.
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I hear the opinion given by the tongue with my ear, but the opinion
given from the core of the heart is heard by me with my ear and is also
taken down in my heart. Before the beginning of a campaign I dis-
cuss the respective merits of battle and peace with the counsellors. I
try to probe into the hearts of my nobles to learn whether they want battle
or peace. If they wish for peace, I compare the benefits of peace with the
losses of battle, and if they ask for battle, I deliberate over its advantages
and disadvantages, and decide to choose only such an action as is highly
profitable. I avoid listening to advice which is likely to cause disunity
among my troops. Opinion offered in a hasty and haphazard manner is
merely heard by me, but I try to give due consideration to the arguments
of wise and able counsellors. " 1
Timur's descendants in India made the best use of the above princi-
ples formulated by their illustrious predecessor. The war council held on
the eve of battle was called Majlis-e-Kankash 2 or Arjuman-i-Kankash
or merely Anjuman. 3 This council was presided over by the king and in
his absence by the Sipah Salar or the leader of the army. It was attended
by influential nobles ( t.ci l 6.j s ^- L✓ I ) 4 , trustworthy persons
( t J^ I ), experienced officers ( ) 6 , experts
.

( ), ' and commanders of the army, i.e., the chiefs

of the Qushun and Tumans. 8 Debates in this council were held in a
i. Tuzuk-i-Taimuri, pp. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9.
a. 3. Tuzu.k-i-Taimuri, p. 5 ; Tabagat-i-Ahbari, Vol. III, p. 290 ; Malfuzdt-i-Taimuri, Elliot, Vol.
III. pp. 48, 433 , 4 8 3•
4. Akbar Namah, Vol. III. p. 482.
5. 6. Tabagat-i-Akbari, Vol. III, p. 25.
7. 8. Ahbar Ndmah, Vol. II, p. 48, and also Malfuzat-i-Taimuri, Elliot, Vol. III, p. 435.
2*
 1946 CONDUCT OF STRATEGY AND TACTICS OF WAR 347
DURING THE MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
detached manner, and " the modes of carrying on war, making and meet-
ing attacks, arraying the troops, giving support to each other, and all the
precautions to be observed in warring with the enemy " were thoroughly
discussed.' This council was sometimes held even when the battle raged
furiously. In such a case the meeting was summoned at the place where
the royal standard was posted. 2
The most remarkable features of the proceedings of the War Council
were the lively speeches which tl^e leader of the army delivered in order
to cheer up the drooping spirits and embolden the failing courage of mili-
tary officers. Instances of splendid pieces of oration are found both in the
pre-Mughal and the Mughal period. For example when `Ala' -ud-Din's
`forces were arrayed at Kili to oppose the hordes of Central Asia, Zafar
Khan, the leader of the army, called an Anjuman of 'wise persons,'
`fearless warriors', and ' experienced officers' and addressed them thus :
" Commanders of the troops! What tactics should be adopted in this
battle-field ? If we turn away from these infidel hordes, how can we
afford to go into the presence of the king of the world ? And if we wage
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battle, the strength of our troops is only one thousand against ten thou-
sands. We have been placed in a difficult position; the poor man is now
between two wolves. Safety does not lie either in retreat or in encounter.
I will however do what the experienced persons in this assembly will
ask me to do." The members of the Anjuman replied: "0 chival-
rous Khan ! your fame in defeating the Mughals has travelled far
and wide, so if you retreat, the king will not fail to welcome you." Zafar
Khan, who was noted for his undaunted heroism and revelled in
glorious death, did not like the reply of the members of the council, and
recoiled at the thought of ignominious retreat, so he again spoke to them:
"I am to die one day; so I must die by attacking the enemy. I will end my
life in this Hindustan like a hero and give up the ghost today in this
battle, so that my name may be remembered in books of golden deeds.
Those persons who at this adverse juncture wish to prove loyal in the
battle, should follow the combatants, so that their names may be honoured
for loyalty and fidelity. And those who want to retreat, may go back,
their hands and feet are not tied. They may return safe, before the battle
begins." The commanders of the army were much moved by Zafar
Khan's words, so they unanimously said: " So long as we have life in
our bodies, we will not fail to sacrifice our lives, and we will let our heads
fall into the dust before you. We will obey your orders faithfully, and
rush forth to fire if ordered to do so." 3
Amir Khusrau has versified in Tughluq Ndmah the speech which
Ghiyath-ud-Din Tughluq delivered in the presence of the officers of
his army on the eve of commencing his fight against Khusrau Khan in the
i. Malfuzat-i-Taimurj, Elliot, Vol. III, p. 435.
2. Akbar Namah, Vol. III.
3. Fatuh-as-Saldtin, pp. 254, 255.
 34 8 ISLAMIC CULTURE Oct.

plain of Sarsiti. This speech may be summed up in the following words:

" I am facing great adversity, still I am going to try your fidelity and
bravery. Even if you do not prove loyal and faithful to me I will fight
alone, having confidence in Divine help as well as in the prowess of my
arms. "Those who want to fight with me till the last breath of their lives,
and to try their fortune along with me till they are killed, should come
forward and tie themselves in the sacred bond of vows and oaths. "
Accordingly, the commanders of the army took solemn vows to fight
on behalf of their leader, and to stake their lives.'
When Babur led the expedition against Rana Sanga, his army was
amazingly perturbed and exceedingly dejected. Babur realised that
a crisis was awaiting his troops, and some stirring and energetic measures
were necessarily required to infuse heroic ardour into his dispirited and
weary followers. So he at once summoned Begs, Amirs, Khans, and Sul-
tans, and addressed them: ''Begs and braves!
i,.' i Li JI 3Lt f z ,A -
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(Who comes into the world will die, what lasts and lives will be God).
(Here follow two Turki verses, which mean: " He who hath come to
the inn of life, passeth at last from earth's house of woe"). Better than
life with a bad name is death with a good one.
_I^ ^v 5_,L r L I, 19 r - I r ^
(Well is it with me if I die with a good name. A good name I must
have, since the body is death's). Do you know that there lies a journey of
some months between us and the land of our birth and our familiar city ?
If our side is defeated (God preserve us from that day ! God forbid it !)
where are we ? Where is our birthplace ? Where our city ? We have
to do with strangers and foreigners. Do you know, if we are defeated,
what opinion the Muslim rulers of the neighbouring countries will form
of us, and how will they remember us ? Leave aside the opprobrium, cen-
sure and satire of the people of the world, what plea shall we offer to God
in the Day of Judgement when we apart with this Muslim empire after
our co-religionists have been slaughtered in such great numbers ? If we
do not fight with the infidels, and go back without any excuse, we shall
be leaving the people of this country entirely at the mercy of these in-
fidels. Alas ! It is the most opportune time for gaining martyrdom, and
for raising the cry of Jihad
.,) ^J^1'°v ^I vL?-vy

(When the soul has to leave the body indispensably, it is better that it
should depart honourably; the consequences of the world are all the
i. Tughluq Namah, pp. 84, 85, 86.
 1946 CONDUCT OF STRATEGY AND TACTICS OF WAR 349
DURING THE MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
same, and only good names are left behind). God, the Most High, has
allotted to us such happiness and has created for us such good fortune
that we die as martyrs and we kill as avengers of His cause. Therefore
each of us must take oath upon His Holy Qur'an that we will not think of
turning our face from this foe or withdrawing from this deadly encounter
so long as life is not rent from our body." 1 This oration produced the
desired effect and the spirit of the army was entirely restored, and all
those present—begs, retainers, plebeians and nobles—seized the Holy
Qur'an and swore that they would not spare themselves in sacrifice and
devotion, so long as there was life in their bodies.
While Sher Khan (afterwards Sher Shah), in his bid for the sovereignty
of India, was encamped in the field of Chaunsa a little before midnight
(preceding the day of battle) he assembled all his chiefs in a secret council
of war, and defended himself for fighting against the Emperor Humayun
by delivering a long speech, in which he said: " I have promised peace to
the Emperor Humayun,.but I have considered that all the good service
I have rendered has produced no good fruit, and after all my loyalty to
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him in producing the defeat of Sultan Mahmud, he demanded from me the

fort of Chunar. When I refused to yield it, he sent a force to take it,
and when that failed, he came himself to seize the fort by force, but aban-
doned his attention when he heard that Mirza Muhammad Zaman
had escaped from prison and had raised sedition in the country. More-
over, Sultan Bahadur, king of Gujrat, was coming to invade the country
of Delhi, and so he was compelled to return. I sent my son Qutb Khan
with him throughout the Gujrat compaign. Though I could have taken
possession of the country of Jaunpur, etc. yet I did not commit any act
of hostility, for the Emperor is mighty; and though I had the power,
I would not do any disloyal and evil act, that the Emperor might perceive.
I was his faithful servant and desist from seeking to injure me. When he
returned from Gujrat, he got his army in readiness, and without regarding
my loyalty, did his best to expel me; but as my fortune was great, he did
not achieve his desire. I made every submission, but it was all profitless.
When, in violation of his promises, he attached Bengal, I lost all hope in
his goodness, and apprehending evil from him, was compelled to declare
hostilities against him, and I expelled his governors and spoiled his country
as far as Sambhal, and have not left a single Mughal in those parts. Now,
with what hope can I conclude this peace with him ? He makes peace and
manifests a friendly disposition towards me, because his army is in want
of horses and cattle and of all equipment, and because his brothers have
rebelled against him. He is but playing with me, and eventually will not
abide by this pace ; but having appeased the rebellion of his borthers on
his arrival at Agra and refurnished his army, he will not fail to uproot
i. This speech has been reconstructed with the help of the gist of it given in Babur Ndmah translated
by A. S. Beveridge, p. 556 ; Tabagat Akbari, Vol. II, p. 26; Humay.in N.imah by Gulbadan Begurn, edit-
ed by A. S. Beveridge, p. 99.
 350 ISLAMIC CULTURE Oct,

and destroy me. I have often experienced that the Afghans are braver in
battle than the Mughals, who only got the country because of the dis-
sensions of the Afghans. If my brothers advise so, I will break off the
peace and will try my fortune." The chiefs of Sher Khan's army re-
plied: " By your blessing, dissension has been banisehd from amidst
the Afghan nation, and we all have been cherished by you ; we will
not fail in devotion and gallantry to our utmost capability. Your purpose
of breaking off the treaty is most wise." 1 Sher Khan also exerted himself
to infuse a portion of his own bravery into his soldiers if a wave of de-
pression swept over them. Just on the eve of beginning his offensive
against Humayun on the battle-field of Qannauj, he addressed his sol-
diers thus : " I have used my best efforts to collect you together, I have
done my best to train you, and have kept you in anticipation of such a
battle as this. This is the day of trial ; whoever of you shows himself to
excel in valour on the field of battle,*I will promote him above his fellows.
Let there be one word and one heart amongst, the Afghans. If there is
unity amongst the Afghans, no power can prove equal to them in wield-
ing the sword. I request my dear soldiers to forget their mutual jealousy,
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enmity and differences. The Afghans were defeated in Sultan Ibrahim's

days mainly because of their discord and dissension. Victory is gained
only by unity. Dear Soldiers! you must know that I have made a firm
decision to go out of this battle-field alive only when I have victory and
conquest. Otherwise I will let my enemy trample upon my head with
the hoofs of his horses. Death must come positively. But it is better
to die fighting heroically for a good cause, so that a good name may be
left behind. Dear Soldiers! Do not be afraid of anything. Go to the
battle-field with helmets on your heads. Greater ignominy and worse
disgrace cannot be experienced by soldiers than to be left alive when
their leader is killed. I beseech you to stand firmly in the battle-field,
for on your firm determination lies the reconquering of Hindustan and
the freeing of our women and children from the clutches of the Mughals.
I have grown old, and have gathered together the Afghans after under-
taking enormous difficulties. If this army is scattered by being defeated
(God forbid it!), it is simply impossible to re-gather it, for buds once sepa-
rated from the tree by a gust of wind can no longer be replaced on the
branches." 2
Akbar made a similar direct appeal to his troops. In the 18th year of
his reign, he led a second expedition against Muhammad Husain Mirza
of Gujrat. When the royal army was drawn up in order at Ahmedabad,
Akbar encouraged his soldiers with the following speech. " The enemy
appear to be numerous, yet the favour of God towards this suppliant in
the Divine Court is greater than man can conceive. It behoves our com-
i. Tdrihh-i-Sher Shahi, Elliot, Vol. IV, PP. 373-74.
2. The full extract of the speech has been translated from the Urdu version given in Shams-ul-Ulema
Zaka-Allah's History of India, Vol. III, pp. 302, 303.
 1946 CONDUCT OF STRATEGY AND TACTICS OF WAR 35'
DURING THE MUSLIM RULE IN INDIA
rades to hold fast to the cable of the Divine favour and not give place to
perplexity or alarm. Let them be of one heart, one face and one way, and,
avoiding distraction and dispersion, assail the doomed body of troops
which carries red standards, for it appears that Muhammad Husain
Mirza has made red standards the mark of his special force. None of
our brave men must be immoderate in his valour. When we have dis-
posed of the ring-leaders in audacity, we shall easily get rid of the rest."i
In 1035 A.H. the Emperor Jehangir was crossing the Jhelum on his
way to Kabul, when Mahabat Khan arranged a coup de main and
placed the Emperor surprisingly under confinement. The whole of the
Imperial cortege had crossed the Jhelum, and when Jehangir and his family
were left alone in the camp, Mahabat Khan formed the bold desgin of
rushing to the Emperor's tent with a detachment of two thousand men
and taking him prisoner. A scene of tumult and confusion followed at
this unexpected calamity, but Nur Jehan, who accompanied her husband,
did not lose her presence.of mind. She put on a disguise and set out for
the other side of the river in a litter of the most ordinary description. As
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soon as she found herself safe amidst the royal troops, she summoned a
council of the chief nobles and addressed them in reproachful terms :
" This," she said, " has all happened through your neglect and stupid
arrangements. What never entered into the imagination of any one
has come to pass, and now you stand stricken with shame for your con-
duct before God and man. You must do your best to repair this evil and
advise what course to pursue." The invectives cut the nobles to the
quick, and they resolved unanimously to deliver an attack on Mahabat
Khan. 2
At the battle of Samugarh, Aurangzeb infused great vigour and fer-
vour into his officers, supporters and soldiers by a spirited speech. On
the night • preceding the day when his troops were to be drawn up in
battle-array, he addressed them thus : " Tomorrow is the day of heroic
and manly deeds. Our capital is very far from this place. It is impera-
tive that with one heart and with your faces turned one way you should
assail the enemy, and with the blows of your shining swords take hold of
'the record of the office of Fortune,' and make your names famous in
the world by gaining victory and administering defeat on your enemies.

IjI. .) Lt L.4 4L4 LL)L.4

(Try, and try like heroes ; make the vein of your life strong by your endea-
vour. If we are victorious, the country is ours, and if we are vanquished,
the country is Dara's property). 3
i. Ahbar Ndmah, Vol. III, p. 54, and the English translation by H. Beveridge, Vol. III, p. 77.
2. Igbal Namah-i-Jahangiri, by Mo'tamad Khan, Calcutta edition, p. 360; Elliot, Vol. VI, p. 424.
3. Wdqwdt Alamgiri, p. 42, Lahore edition.
 352 ISLAMIC CULTURE Oct.

Again, during the battle of Khajwa, the Emperor `Alamgir was about
to lose the day by Maharaja Jaswant Singh's act of treachery, but his
wonderful and serene coolness saved the situation. `Alamgir had not
commenced the battle against his brother Shuja', when Maharajah Jas-
want Singh (of Jodhpur), who commanded the Imperial Right Wing,
entered into correspondence with Shuja' promising to fall upon the
Imperial camp behind the field at the close of the night, and suggesting
that while the Emperor hastened to the rear, Shuja` should attack the
disordered army in front and crush it between two adversaries. This
disgraceful treachery and double-dealing of the Rajput general spread
the greatest confusion among the Imperial troops; In this distraction,
some commanders left their post, others flew to protect the royal camp,
and a large number of them went over to the enemy. `Alamgir heard the
news when he was engaged in his Tahajjud prayer. He displayed no sign
of discomfort or worry, and finished his prayer very calmly. He then
came out of his field-tent, and, mounting on a portable chair, addressed
his officers and nobles :— " Thank God, this occurrence has led one to
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make distinction between friends and foes, and we take this as a mercy
vouchsafed to us by God as well as an omen of victory and conquest.
Some secret enemies have, in their mischievous intentions, thought that
this incident meant the victory of the hostile army, so they have joined the
enemy ; but they will be duly punished for their treacherous deeds and
evil thoughts. The flight of that ill-behaved mischief-monger (i.e. Jaswant
Singh) is good for us, and he will be properly punished for his disgraceful
action. 1 This speech, which manifested the Emperor's confidence
"

in victory and his firmness of determination, heartened the commanders.

of the army, and prevented the confusion from infecting the royal camp.

S. SAB NHUDDIN.
.-

(To be continued).

i. 'Alamgir Ndmah, pp. 255, 256; Khafi Khan, Vol. II, p. 53.