CHAPTER - 4

M ADIA GOND

4.1. Ethnographic Outline

4 .1 .1 . O r ig in o f M a d ia G o n d

T he very h eart of the Indian P eninsula occupied by the m ost wild trib e of

India is (Jond, of which the C en tral Provinces of India is called as ‘G ondw ana

la n d ’. C h an d rap u r and G adchiroli d istricts which form the eastern m ost part

of the state of M ah arash tra is a p a rt of G ondaw ana land. A m ong m any

other trib es and races, which in habit C h an d rap u r d istric t, G ond is the m ost

interesting and historically d om inant race in the d istric t and far beyond for

the centuries. From the d istric t G azetteer of C h an d rap u r (1973, p. 71), it

seem s the G ond of the C h an d rap u r d istric t m ade their rise as a political power

after the fall of two m ighty K ingdom s Yadavas of Devagiri and K akatiyas of

W arangal. W ardha is considered the original seat of the Gond King, which

is situ a ted on the southern bank of the W ainganga river. From W ardha it

shifted to p resent B allarsah and finally to C han d rap u r. From this it is evident

that Gond are the aborginal and autocthonus people of this area.

There are three sub-divisions of G ond, R aj G ond, D adves and M okasis.

Mokasis may have possibly derived from the C handa Kings and considered

138
higher tlian Raj Gond in rank. Besides these, Gond are also divided into

different sections th a t w orship different num ber of Gods. (D istrict G azetteer,

Y eotm al, 1974, pp. 207-208) “They are divided into four endogarnous trib es,

for exam ple Raj G ond, M adia, D hurve and K hatulw ar Gond. T here are

also other m inor sub-tribes who would not class them selves w ith any of the

above trib es but they are few. T hese sub-tribes all speak dialects of the Gondi

language which differs considerably b u t the difference is m ainly due to the fact

th a t the lim ited vocabulary of the Gondi language is supplem ented by words

from the language of th eir n earest H indu neighbours” . (D istrict G azetteer,

C h an d rap u r. 1973, p. 167). “T he political changes Gond have passed through

have divided them into th ree classes nam ely the A ssual or u n co rru p ted Gond,

the R aj or Hindu Gond and the M oham edan G ond” (Rowney, 1993, pp. 8-9).

T he h abitations of Assul G ond are always situ ated in th e m id st of the dense

forest.

4 .1 .2 . S o c ia l d iv is io n s

From the above description it reveals th a t, though there are m any contro­

versies regarding the sub-divisions of m ajo r trib e G ond, it is still conclusive

th a t M adia Gond is a su b -trib e of Gond. Again there are subdivisions of

M adia G ond. which are called as M aria Gond in M adhya P rad esh and M adia

Gond in M aliarashtra. T h e highlands of B astar in M adhya P rad esh are the

hom e of three im p o rta n t G ond trib es. T he M aria, Bisonhorn M aria and Hill

M aria. T he la tte r who inhibit the rugged A bujm ar hills, are the m ost p rim it­

ive. (Encyclopa(‘dia B ritannica - M icropaedia, 1943-73, p. 624). D eogaonkar

139
in his book, M adias of B harnragad, (1982, p. 4) has pointed out tiiat, M adia

Gond are divided into C hota M adia and B ada M adia according to their tr a ­

ditional place of dom icile. It is also visualised from the field work th a t, those

who live inside the dense forest and hill tops they call them selves as B ada

M adia, while those who live in the plains, are called as C h o ta M adia. T he

differences betw een these two are, B ada M adias are m ore orthodox, prim itive

and trad itio n al tlian C h o ta M adia and they are also proud of retainin g th eir

culture and trad itio n . T hey depend on shifting cultivation w hereas C hota

M adia are m ore or less accu ltu rised and m ostly depend on settled plough

cultivation. M arriage betw een them is a taboo.

4.2. Ecological Setting of Madia Gond Habitat

Selected villages for case stu d y are R om palli, V ijurpalli, K rishnar, U dera,

V ennalya, B arsew ada, Fodew ada, B inagunda and Laheri fall in three different

talukas of G adchiroli d istric t th a t is Sironcha, E ttapalli and B ham ragad (Fig.

4.1). G adchiroli d istric t is situ a te d in the easte rn p art of M ah arash tra which

form s a p a rt of G ondw ana region. It is surrounded by d istric t B handara to

th e no rth, d istric t C h an d rap u r to the w est, sta te of A nd hra P rad esh to the

South and by the state of M adiiya Pradesh to the east.

4 .2 .1 . G e o m o r p h o lo g y

T he C him ar and M ull hills co n stitu te the m ain hill ranges of the d istric t

and serve as a w atershed betw een the villages of the W ardlia and VVainganga

140
rivers, they attain a height of 418 and 450 m respectively. Elsew here the land

is mucli lower, and in the flood plains it descends to a level of 200m. Topo­

graphically, M ah arash tra is by and large a plateau, sloping gently eastw ards.

T he plateau shows a declining heights both tow ards the eastern and n o rth ­

ern peripheri of the state. On the plateau the heights vary betw en 450 and

700 m .'\SL. rh e valleys are b road, bordered by 100-200 m high escarpm ent.

Beyond Indravati lies B haiiiragad hill which overlooks the confluence of three

m ountain rivers and is known as a unrivalled scenic spot of the d istric t (Fig.

4.2).

4 .2 .2 . R a in fa ll

D istrict Ciodchiroli receives heavy rainfall am ong the d istricts of the

state of M aharash tra South-w estern m onsoon is the m ain source of rainfall

which usually sets in the second or th ird week of Ju n e and lasts till the

O ctober. T he in ten sity of rainfall increcises from west to east and is highest

in the m onth of July. Tahsils like B ham ragad, Sironcha and D hanora receive

heavy rainfall which co n stitu te the extrem e eastern p a rt of G adchiroli d istrict.

T h e m ean rainfall in this area is 1,524 m ilim eters. Since the m ajo r p art of

the d istric t is covered w ith dense forest and also receives heavy rainfall, the

atm o sp here is som ew hat damp and sultry throughout the rainy season having

heavv m oisture content.

141
 4 .2 .3 . S o il

D epending upon the heavy rainfall, extensive hill ranges and vast dense

forest, the soil of this d istrict is very fertile and suitable for various kinds of

crops. But at the ex trem e eastern p a rt of the d istric t the soil is very poor

w here m ost of the h abitations of M adia Gond are found. T he area, habitation

of M adia G ond is m ostly covered by the sm all hill ranges giving very poor

q uality of soil which is of very little use w ithout irrigation facilities. T he soil of

this area is m ostly alluvial loam , gravelly course and sandy in natu re. Though

in the w estern p art of W ainganga valley the soil is fertile b u t it becom es poor

in the eastw'ard of W ainganga valley due to an abundance of the hills. Rice

is the staple food of this area which depends upon the m onsoon rainfall.

4 .2 .4 . R iv e r

D istric t G adchiroli is m ainly drained by the river G odavari and its

three trib u ta rie s like W ardha, W ainganga and Indravati. P ra n a h ita is also

an im p o rtan t river of this d istric t, form ed by the confluence of W ardha and

W ainganga. N ear Sironcha tahsil river P ra n a h ita joins the G odavari and

further south, the river G odavari joins the Indravati and flows along the south­

e ast boundary of th e d istrict. W ainganga drains the eastern p art of the

d istrict having a num ber of trib u ta rie s like G arhavi, K hobragadi, K athani,

Potphodi and A iidhari. M ost of the riv(>rs are perennial in n atu re and provide

g reat p oten tial of w ater resources to trib als and n o n -trib als for hshing.

142
4 .2 .5 . F o re st

Due to heavy rainfall and the kind of terrain , m ore than 60% of the

totaJ area of the d istric t is under dense forest. In the whole d istric t, Sironcha

and B ham ragad tahsils have the highest proportion of area under dense and

m ixed forest. In th is forest dry deciduous plants like teak , sal, tendu, m ahua,

palm trees are found. T his p a rt belongs to the teak zone of the country,

though a very sm all portion is covered witli n atu ral grow th of the teak, rath er

than plantation. Sal p lantation is also there in this p a rt of d istrict.

4 .2 .6 . S e ttle m e n t p a tte r n

In m ost of the villages the settlem en t p a tte rn of M adia Gond are of

linear type. V^ery few of them are in sem i-clusters (Fig. 4.3). T here are

nearly 20 to 25 houses of M adia C ond in each village. B ut those in m ost

interior p arts of the forest are of only 10 to 15 houses. Some houses are

close together, while some are far ap art. Each house has a bam boo fencing

ad jacent to which cow sheds and sheds for pigs, hens and goats are p resent.

T here is a stand for keeping w ater besides the m ain house. It is m ade up

of wooden planks su p p o rted by wooden stum ps. T his is a bit higher from

ground level, on which earth en p ots filled w ith w ater are kept. T he houses

have m ostly sloping roof.

Each village has a ghotul at the centre of the village or settlem ent, a

m eeting jilace of young boys and girls for dance and for en tertain m en t. It

is also a place o f recreation and settling disputes for the villagers. A little

143
F ig.4.4 A Madia Gond graveyard.
away from the settlement is the place of worship known as Pocham which
is bounded by bajnboo sticks on all four sides with a bamboo gate opening
to the eastern side. Outside the village is the graveyard (Fig. 4.4) in which
mzuiy tombs are present with large stones on the top of each grave. Along
with the dead body they throw all the belongings of the person used by him.
In their language these graveyards are known as Bandang. Verticcil stones
are erected in the memory of the dead ones.

4 .2 .7 . M a rk et to w n s

In Gadchiroli district the Madia Gond habitations are mostly in the

extreme eastern part, in Bhamragad and Sironcha tahsils where there are
no nearby market towns, they depend on the weekly market for th eir clothes,
utensils, ornajnents and for other house-hold items. Prom field survey it is ob­
served that Madia Gond of Bhamragad and Sironcha have more contact with
the markets in the state of Madhya Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh respectively,
as they are closer to their villages. Madia Gond of the interior villages have
to walk long distances for weekly and other purchases, this journey takes two
days for them.

144
 4.3. Distribution and Demographic Profile of Madia
Gond

4 .3 .1 . D is t r ib u t io n o f M a d ia G o n d in In d ia

G ond, a m ajo r trib e of India is m ainly d istrib u te d in the cen tral zone

spreading over the states of B ihar, O rissa, M adhya P radesh, U tta r P radesh,

G u jarat. M ah arash tra and in some p arts of southern zone like A ndhra P ra ­

desh. The Gond are futher divided into sub-groups. T h ere are m ore than

50 sub-groups am ong the G ond com m unity of India. As stated earlier M adia

Gond is one of them . Considering the d istrib u tio n of M adia Gond in India,

th eir h abitatio ns are re stric te d to the d istric t of G adchiroli in the extrem e

eastern p art of M ah arash tra, to the d istric t of B astar in the south-w estern

p art of M adhya P rad esh and to the northern p art of the state of A ndhra

Pradesh.

4 .3 .2 . D is tr ib u tio n o f M a d ia G o n d in M a h a ra sh tra

A ccording to the 1981 census the Gond population is 11.63 lakhs which

ranks first am ong the trib al com m unities in the state of M aharashtra. B ut

the population of M adia Gond is not exactly available anyw here. However,

efforts have been m ade to work out the estim ated population of M adia Gond

in sub-plan area based on Bench M ark Survey 1980 conducted by Tribal

R esearch and Training In stitu te, Pune, which is 66,750 souls. T his prim ative

trib e is rnciinly d istrib u te d in the G adchiroli d istric t especially in E ttap alli

145
 and D haiiora I.T .D .P . p ro ject areas.

Table 4.1 ; Tahsil w ise d istrib u tio n o f M ad ia G ond in G adchiroli d istr ic t.

Sr. I.T .D .P . N am e of the T otal M adia P ercent of

No. P ro ject tahsils Gond population M adia Gond

area population

1. E ttap alli B harnragad 36,418 54.56

A heri 7,005 10.50

Sironcha 2,865 4.29

46,288 69,35

2. D hanora D hanora 11.972 17.94

C ham orshi 5,151 7.71

G adchiroli 2,183 3.27

A rm ori 118 0.18

19,424 29.10

3. O ther areas 1,038 1.55

of G adchiroli

G rand Total 66,750 100.00

Source : T ribal R esearch and T raining In stitu te, Pune.

As per the Table. 4.1, the concentration of M adia Gond is found in

I.T .D .P . E tapalli. Of the total population of M adia Gond, about 69.35%

146
 MAHARASHTRA

Fig.Z^.6; Con^centration of Madia Gond population in

Gadchiroli d is tr ic t of M a h a ra s h tra .
is in E tapalli while it is only about 29.10% in D hanora l.T .D .P . p ro ject area

in G adchiroli d istrict. In tahsil wise d istrib u tio n , it shows th a t M adia Gond

are p redom inantly found in B ham ragad tahsil having 54% to the to tal M adia

G ond population of state. N ext to B ham ragad, D h arn o ra tahsil has the M a­

dia Gond population 11,972 (18%) of the state, while A heri and C ham orshi

have 7,005 (10.50%) and 5,151 (8%) respectively.

4.3.3. Family size among the Madia Gond

O ut of the to tal of 167 fam ilies surveyed, as m any as 89(58%) have four to six

persons, in the fam ily and 61(37%) have one to three persons, and 17(10%)

fam ilies have m ore th an seven persons each (Table. 4.2). O n an average, for

all the fam ilies of all the villages p u t together, the fam ily size for the M adia

Gond comes to about four persons. T he variations from one village to the

other, the ty p e of fam ily interview ed and also in term s of location form s a

confusing p a ttern . However, w ithout regarding the location, all villages have

a fam ily size of either one to three or four to six persons. T he villages having

a forest location tend to have sm all fam ilies. In B arsew ada and Fodew ada

for exam ple, 73% and 75% respectively, of th e to tal fam ilies classified are

sm all. In villages closer to roads, m edium and large size fam ilies becom e

m ore m arked. Medium- to large size fam ilies am ong the M adia Gond are

related to their jo in t fam ily stru ctu re. Sm all size is related to the fact that

some of them are nuclear in nature.

147
 Table - 4.2. F am ily size am on g the M ad ia G ond

Sr. N am e of No. of Fam ily size (N um ber of persons) .Average

No. the villages fam ilies 1-3 4-6 7+ size of

interview ed No % No % No % fam ily

1. R om palli 20 02 10.0 17 85.0 01 5.0 5

2. V ijurpalli 25 13 52.0 12 48.0 - - 3

3. K rish nar 21 04 19.0 11 52.0 06 29.0 5

4. U dera 19 03 15.5 14 74.0 02 10.5 5

5. Vermlya 20 08 40.0 11 55.0 01 5.0 4

6. B arsew ada 11 08 73.0 03 27.0 - - 3

7. Fodew ada 20 15 75.0 05 25.0 - - 3

8. B inagunda 12 02 16.0 05 42.0 05 42.0 4

9. Laheri 19 06 32.0 11 58.0 02 10.0 5

Total 167 61 37.0 89 58.0 17 10.0 4

4 .3 .4 . S e x ratio a m o n g th e M a d ia G on d

In the following Table. 4.3 one finds the sex ratio of the adult population and

of the m inor population separately, tlu' form er of age 18 and above years and

the latter of age below 18 years. For the entire population of 469 (18 years

and above) persons we have 54% and 46% respectevly accounted for by the

m ales and fem ales. Sam e is the case in m inors, 53% are m ale and 47% are

female. T hus the sex ratio is definitely d iscrim inated against the females.

By analysing the sex ratio village wise, one can find out the variation

148
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ad u lt population is evenly balanced. Taking the case of the m inor population

in the three villages, U dera, V ennlya and Fodew ada, the sex ratio is tilted

in favour of fem ales and it becom es m ore m arked in percentages than actual

num bers. As a whole the sex ratio am ong the M adia G ond is evenly balanced.

4 .3 .5 . R a te o f lite r a c y a m o n g th e M a d ia G o n d

T he M adia G ond are pred o m in an tly illiterate. In every village the literacy

level is ex trem ely low. E xcept K rish n ar, out of the effective population of

other villages only 10 to 12 persons are literate and in village V ijurpalli the

level of literacy is zero. Thus there is a very poor condition of literacy level

am ong the M adia Gond. A m ong those interview ed, effective M adia Gond

population, only 14% are literate. T he village wise variation in the level

of illiteracy shows a sign of hopelessness about social as well as econom ic

developm ent. T he efforts of state or non-governm ental organization to develop

the educational level and aw areness but have not been brought up to the

m ark because of the inaccessibility of the villages, especially in B ham ragad

tahsil. So lack of com m unications is a great hinderance in the process of

developm ent. Also, as the level of aw areness for education is not satisfactory

am ong the M adia Gond p aren ts, they accom pany their children for collection

of m inor forest products and also in fishing.

149
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 4 .4 . O c c u p a tio n a l P a tte r n

Unlike the K atk ari the M adia Gond being a settled trib e , differs in their

occupational p attern . T he very fact th a t the M adia Gond possess ag ricultural

land as well as th eir proxim aty to w ater resources enables them to evolve

ag ricu ltu ral practices. However, depending on the te rra in and availability

of w ater and the technology possessed by the com m unity have m ade some

differences in th eir occupational p attern s. W hile a group of M adia G ond have

fertile land on the plains, there are certain other villages which are located

quite in the interio r in the forest and m ountainous areas. Such disadvantages

do reflect upon th eir occupations or the ty p e of ag ricu ltu ral practices.

In this p a rt an a tte m p t has been m ade to provide an overview of the

past occupation from which the p resent day occupation is supposed to have

evolved.

4 .4 .1 . P a s t o c c u p a tio n

It is evident from the available historical accounts th a t, there was a dis­

continued trib al lordship over forests, rivers ajid other n atu ral resources soon

after the establish m en t of foreign ad m in istratio n . By and large, the forest

regulation, the rights and privileges enjoyed by trib als have been changed to

‘concessions’ and forest lands had been alloted to trib a l people, in which they

sta rte d the practice of shifting cultivation. (P atel, 1974, p .26).

150
 4 .4 .1 a . S h iftin g cu ltivation

Shifting cultivation is the m ost p rim itive form of ag ricu ltu ral m ethod

p ractised all over the world, p articu larly by trib als inhabiting tropical and

sub-tropical regions. In India, it is p ractised m ainly by the trib es of n o rth ­

e a st, m iddle and southern p a rts of India. Shifting cultivation is a cultivation

by ro tatio n on the hill-slope and hill-top by slash and b u rn tillage. A ccording

to G ilpin (1976, pp. 157-158), ‘‘it is a ty p e of agricu ltu re involving a clearing

of land by cu tting and, b urning the vegetation to open the soil for planting,

after lim ited use, the land is abandoned and a fresh clearing m ade elsew here,

thus only a fraction of land area is under cultivation at any one tim e.”

Before th e Forest A ct of conservation and protection, the m ajor occupa­

tion of M adia Gond was shifting cultivation w ith a subsidiary occupation of

hunting, gathering and fishing. Shifting cultivation of M adia Gond involves

different form alities and steps. Selection of the area for cultivation is first

step, in which a m eeting should be there under the head or Naik of the village

for the allo tm ent of area. So ‘i n the trib al society individual ow nership of

land had little m eaning since the entire land area used to belong to group of

trib als cultivating it jo in tly .” (P atel, 1974, p .27) A llotm ent of area is strictly

always far aw ay from the settlem en t. T his shows th eir aw areness about their

surroundings. A fter the selection of area the first step of cultivation is clearing

of the area soon after Diwali th a t is in the m onth of N ovem ber and Decem ber.

All m em bers of the fam ily take p a rt in this activity. T hey cut all the small

and big bushes leaving the big trees. T he next step of cultivation consists of

bu rn ing of the trees and branches for which it allows to dry up under the sun

151
and as soon as they are d ried the en tire cuttings are set on fire. If anything is

left behind, are piled together and fire is set to it. B oth m en and women work

together for this activity, which takes about a week or two depending upon

the size of plot. A fter bu rn in g ashes are spread evenly all over the field which

serve as a manure for the field. T h e activ ity of clearing and broadcasting of

seeds are com pleted before the onset of m onsoon. T he broadcasting of seeds

is usually niad(' in thick layer as it continues for three years. F irst year they

collect good quality and q u an tity of grains. G radually from year to year it

decreases both in qu ality and q uantity. D epending upon the pro d u ctiv ity of

area they shift after two or th ree years to other p a rt of the forest.

In the case of M adia Gond th e rotatio n of or cycle of shifting cultivation

is not there as in the case of M ahabaleshw ar tahsil in the w estern ghats of

M ah arash tra (N aik, D iddee, 1986, p. 97) because of the following reasons :

1. As the individual land ow nership is not there, it is not necessary for

them to com e back again to the first plot. As stated earlier the custody of the

land which in any case is not owned by tliem is for two to three years only.

2. Since the crop they take is K osari from shifting cultivation and that is

rain fed, there is no need for ro tatio n of crops.

3. If it is necessary, they shift th eir houses as per the selection of plots

for cultivation.

4 .4 .2 C h a n g in g o c c u p a tio n a l p a tte r n

The tribes of India have got a very heterogenous occupational p attern

depending on different ecological settings and ethnic environm ent. B roadly

152
speaking the m ost in terestin g aspect o f trib a l econom y is th at, it is not exclus­

ively only one occupation but also followed by m any m ore subsidiary or sec­

ondary occupations like hunting, gathering and labour work. T he M adia Gond

econom y indicates their dependence on forest, besides shifting cultivation.

T raditionally, they have enjoyed and exploited forest and forest products,

w hich form an im p o rtan t source of incom e for them . B ut the gradual ex ten ­

sion of restrictio n s and policies by the governm ent authorities and the control

over the forest by forest officers deeply d istu rb e d the entire trib al econom y in

a num ber of places of India including M adia C ond of M ah arash tra. “Q uite

often the trib als are held responsible for the d estruction of forests and rigid

restrictio ns on the use of exploitation of forest have been im posed. B ut it

has been n oted by m any th a t the eco-system was b etter preserved and the

deforestation was not so conspicuous when they were under the control of the

tribals. B ut, ever since the forest have been exploited com m ercially, it greatly

d istu rb e d the eco-system and resulted in gradual deforestation. A gain, qu ite

often the forests are developed and planned in such a way th a t the forest

products m ostly serve the needs of the outside industries or u rban areas. In

m any areas trees having com m ercial dem and are system atically planted under

aiforestation program m es, w ithout cosidering the local needs. T his ty p e of

afforestation program m e cannot help the trib als econom ically as those vari­

eties of trees are p lan ted which are of little use to the trib e s .” (C haudhari,

1981, pp. xxii-xxiii).

U nder the above conditions like m any other p rim itiv e trib e s of India, M a­

d ia Gond also lost th e areas trad itio n ally under th eir possession and also the

rights of exploitation of these areas. T his leads to num erous problem s which

153
the M adia Goiid are facing today. Facing problem s and oppositions from

different sides M adia Gond has no altern ativ e other than to do plough cu ltiv­

ation, though it is not known exactly from which period or tim e M adia Gond

started plough cultivation. Even today, M adia Gond of interior places like

Fodew ada and B inagunda villages of B h am rag ad tahsil are found practicing

shifting cultivation, w hereas M adia Gond of plain area are practisin g plough

cultivation. “It is therefore rig h t to believe th a t in the history of farm ing by

trib a l people, there was no sudden sw itch over to plough cultivation from that

of shifting cultivation.” (P atel, 1974, p. 27).

4 .4 .3 . P r e s e n t o c c u p a tio n

At p resen t, agricu ltu re is th e m ain occupation and source of livelihood

for M adia G ond. C h o ta M adia, residing in plain area have becom e settled

cultivators and grow rice or paddy, m aize, black gram and K osari. B ada

M adias are still practisin g shifting cultivation or slash and b u rn cultivation by

clearing a patch of land in the interior of the forest. In ad dition to agriculture

M adia are also engaged in the collection of edible fruits and roots, hunting,

gathering, fishing and to work as a daily wage labourers to supplem ent their

livelihood.

M adia Gond are ex p ert in handicrafts like baskets, m ats, broom s from

bam boo strip s and from grass for dom estic purposes.

154
 0
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 From the Table 4.5 it is seen th a t m ost (36%) of M adia Gond are having

land m easuring one to two hectares, while 26 percent are having two to four

hectares. O nly 7 percent of M adia Gond have m ore th an six hectares. If

we analyse villagewise, it is also seen th a t in every village m ore th an 50

percent of fam ilies have land holdings betw een one to four hectares. In case

of Fodew ada, am ong 20 households not a single fam ily is recorded having

any land as they are practisin g shifting cultivation. Sim ilarly at B inagunda 42

percent of fam ilies are having land of only one to two h ectares only. W ith such

sm all land holdings all the 12 households are p ractising shifting cultivation.

A lthough agricu ltu re rem ains p erm an en t source of livelihood, they earn

m oney from different sources of occupational activities (Table. 4.6) as it is

not sufficient to su p p o rt th eir fam ily throughout the year.

156
T a b le - 4 .6 C a t e g o r is a ti o n o f d if f e r e n t o c c u p a tio n a l a c t iv it ie s a m o n g

th e M a d ia G o n d

Sr. N am e of No. of C A TEG O R Y O F O C C U PA TIO N

r
No. the Ictixiiiy

village inter- I II III IV V

viewed No. % No. % No. % No. % No. %

1. R om palli 20 29 95.0 1 5.0 - - -

2. V ijur- 25 25 100.0 - - - - -

palli

3. K rishnar 21 16 76.0 5 24.0 - - -

4. U dera 19 11 58.0 7 37.0 1 5.0 -

5. V ennlya 20 08 40.0 10 50.0 2 10.0 -

6. B arsew ada 11 09 82.0 02 18.0 - - -

7. Fodewada 20 - - - - 20 100.0 -

8. B inagurda 12 - - - - 7 58.0 5 42.0

9. Laheri 19 18 95.0 - - 1 5.0 -

Total 167 106 63.0 25 15.0 31 19.0 5 3.0

O c c u p a tio n a l C a t e g o r is a ti o n

I. C ultivators having land.

II. C ultivators having land and forest worker (co n tract basis).

III. C ultivators having land, A gricultural Labourers and forest workers

(co n tract basis)

IV. Landless labourer, shifting cultivators, forest worker, (co n tract basis)

157
hunting gathering and fishing.

V. Shifting cultivators having land, forest workers (co n tract basis), H u n t­

ing and, fishing and gathering.

4 .4 .3 a . P lo u g h C u ltiv a tio n

D epending upon the size of land holdings, the kind of soil and of crops.

M adia G ond use plough as a p rin cip al tool of cultivation. T hey need no pro­

fessional carpen ters to m ake th eir ploughs. A lm ost every m an is sufficiently

skilled to m ake or repair his plough. O nly the plough share is supplied by

the local sm ith.

T he fields are ploughed before and at the beginning of the m onsoon. Fields

lying fallow for the sowing of th e w inter crop are also ploughed during m on­

soon when there is a break in the rains. Such fields need to be ploughed

several tim es as it overgrows w ith weeds to such an ex ten t th a t they cannot

be cleaned when it is tim e for sowing. Fields on a slope are ploughed hori­

zontally to prevent soil erosion. Ploughing and other farm work which im plies

bullocks is always handled by m ale m em bers of the family. A fter the field

has been ploughed, it is harrow ed for the purpose of loosening the soil and

breaking the clods. A fter harrow ing, sowing is started . W eeding is started

soon after sowing till the harvesting. T hey h arvest the crops when the crops

ripe. T his activ ity of harvesting followed by threshing, husking, and sorting

by all the m em bers of the fam ily m en, women and children.

158
 4 .4 .3 b . S h iftin g cu ltiva tio n

“In India, however, th ere exist trib a l people who never advanced

beyond a p rim itiv e ty p e of agriculture, known as shifting or slash and bu rn

cultivation though m o st of th em are now abandoning this way of life under

the pressure of governm ents objecting to such tillage as w asteful of lim ited

natural resources.” (H aim endorf, 1982, pp. 6-7). Still, some regions and

trib es do p ractice shifting cultivation, like M adia G ond of B ham ragad tahsil

in G adchiroli d istric t of the state of M ah arash tra, although m a jo rity of them

have taken up their m ajo r occupation as plough cultivation. In our study.

M adia Gond of the m ost in terio r villages like Fodew ada and B inagunda are

still practicing in a very p rim itiv e way shifting cultivation. G overnm ent has

trie d several tim es to settle them by giving them agricu ltu ral land in plain

area but they are not read y to leave their trad itio n al way of life. Secondly,

they are also very lazy to do ploughing, m anuring and other related activities

for cultivation. A ccording to them nom adic life style is m ore satisfactory than

settled life. They like to roam around the forest in search of food. “Tribals

and forests are ecologically and econom ically inseparable. They have co­

existed since tim e im m em orial and will continue to co-exist in a m utually

reinforcing relatio n sh ip ” (T h ak u r k T h ak u r, 1994, p. 189).

4 .4 .3 c . D a ily w a g e la b o u r

From the field survey it reveals th a t alm ost all th a t is 83 percent (Table

4.6) of M adia G ond have ag ricu ltu ral land having patta (land records) in th eir

159
Fig.4.7 Clearing a patch of jungle for
shifting cultivation.
name and those who are landless are doing shifting cultivation having no land

records in th eir name. However, in both the cases, they work as labourers

on contract basis or daily wage bcisis just after the harvesting o f the paddy.

There are very few (15%) to work as agricultural labour. Am ong all these

labour activity, bamboo cutting is m ost important. Both in contract and

daily wage basis they cut bamboo starting from the month of December, ju s t

after harvesting of paddy, till June. They get Rs. 4 /- from the contractor

for cutting one bamboo bush while on daily wage basis they get Rs. 3 4 /- per

day and per head. Earning from bamboo cutting depends upon the size and

adult male members in the family. Those who are landless or having very

little land m ostly engage them selves in bamboo cutting, hunting, gathering

tind fishing. In the month of May, they engage them selves for the collection

of Tendu leaf on contract basis at the rate of Re. 1 per bundle. O ne bundle

consists of 70 leaves. This activity o f collection lasts for one m onth, up to

the end o f May.

4 .4 .4 . M in o r occupation

From the tim e immemorial, there is a sym biotic relationship between

forest and tribe in generaJ and prim itive tribe in particular. The forest

and natural environment o f their surroimdings constitute the m ost import­

ant source o f their livelihood like hunting, gathering and fishing. Hunting

and gathering are, “aji adaptive strategy relying primarily on the collection

o f naturally occuring food sources, that is, on gathering wild plants, hunting

wild game and fishing.” (Vivelo, 1978, p. 248).

160
 4.4.4a. Hunting

To a certain ex ten t, m ost of the p rim itiv e trib a l groups of India often iiunt

anim als in different m ethods depending upon the availability of anim als in the

surrounding forest. T h e m ethods M adia Gond adopt for hunting are p rim itiv e

and indegenous. T rapping or hunting of anim als are generally by m eans of

net or bow and arrow. Som etim es, they use dogs for hunting. U sually hunting

activ ity tak e place bo th individually and in groups, in which youngsters also

p articip ate. They hunt all ty p es of sm all and wild anim als like rab b it, deer,

jack al, leopard and birds. O ccassionally they hunt tiger and bear. W hen an

anim al is killed, it is shared am ong the groups who helped in the hunt with

a m ajo r share to the m an who shot it. Som etim es they enjoy it with w'hole

villagers.

4 .4 .4 b . G a th e r in g

G athering is the m ost im p o rtan t m eans of survival for M adia Gond.

T hrough gathering they acquire food directly for their subsistence. M adia

Gond w ander in the forest throughout the day for edible roots, tubers, fruits

and flowers in different seasons, to supplem ent their daily food supply. They

collect fruits like Tendu and flower like Mahua (Fig. 4.8). M ahua flower they

use for m aking alcohol by the process of ferm entation and d istillation which

form s a m ajor p art of th eir diet. Toddy and Gorga wines w ith dried Tendu

fru it form s a m ajo r food supply during the seasons from F ebruary to April or

M ay end. In case of M adia G ond of Fodew ada and B inagunda they depend

161
upon Gorga ju ice as Toddy is not available there. Gorga ju ice is available

throughout the year continuously for three years in every 25 years. Every

day they visit forest for the collection of firewood and edible fruits. They

also collect red ants (big) and use it as food. W hatever they collect from the

forest, they utilise for them selves. T hey do not sell these item s, b u t preserve

them for th e rainy season.

4 .4 .4 c . F is h in g

Like hunting and gathering, fishing is also a subsidiary and consum ption-

oriented econom ic activ ity for M adia Gond. Due to the presence of stream s,

rivers and rivulets, M adia Gond are in an advantageous position to go for

fishing. Different techniques are followed for fishing like poisoning, trapping,

bailing out and with rod and line. A m ong these m ethods M adia G ond, use

bailing out m ethod to catch fish. In this m ethod catching of fish is by taking

out w ater from a p articu la r area of river or shallow place w here fish are

believed to be found abundantly with the help of bam boo beiskets or with

bare hands. Som etim es M adia women use sarees as a net for fishing by

holding two ends of the saree by two persons.

D uring the rainy season. M adia use nets for fishing (Fig. 4.9). T hese

nets are k n itted by the professional fisherm an from hem p strings and have

different forms. T he net has a round shape, w ith lead falls or pebbles tied

at regular intervals along the peripheri. T his net is used m ainly in shallow

water. Some M adia boys are also very cleaver in catching fish by h itting them

with a stick. They sit m otionless at the river bank till the fish approaches.

162
Fig. 4.8 Collection of 'Mc*ua' Flower
Like lightening they h it it with a blow th at stuns it. They catch it w ith their

hands. F ishing is done alone, in sm all groups or in crowd, as the occasion

dem ands. T here is no strict distin ctio n of the sexes in hshing.

4 .4 .5 . T e m p o r a l c y c le o f w ork

T he tem po ral cycle of work am ong the M adia Gond differs as p er their

geographical context. T h e p roxim ity to the w ater resources, forest and the

n atu re of the soil would largely decide the p a tte rn of their livelihood. T he su r­

vey conducted am ong the seven villages (Fig. 4.10) from Sironcha, A heri and

B ham ragad talu k a, when com pared with another two villages of B ham ragad

talu k a, Fodew ada and B inagunda clearly indicate such differentical cycle of

work (Fig. 4.11).

T h e co ntrasting tem p o ral cycle of work observed am ong the M adia Gond

in these two contexts clearly reveal the following :

1. Except for two villages, in Fodew ada and B inagunda, plough cultivation

is observed as a com m on and stable occupation am ong the M adia Goads;

these two villages are located w ithin the interior of forest and on hill top

where plough cultivation is conspicuous by its absence. Shifting cultivation

has been observed in these two villages at least for seven m onths including

the clearing of the forest till harvesting of the crops.

2. Since gathering has been observed in each and every m onths throughout

the year, it is quite clear th a t all other occupations have tem poral overlapping

w ith it. E xcept plpugh cultivation, shifting cultivation and con tract or daily

wage labour for bam boo cu tting all other occupations are secondary to them ,

163
 Fig. 4.1 0 : M adia Gond temporal cycle of work

Sr. Name of Name of M O N T H S

No. the the I I I I I I i i I i I
villages activi­
J F M A M J J A S O N D
ties
I_______ L I _L J- _L
1 Fodewada Culti­
vation
2 Binagu-
Shifting
nda
culti-
vation
Cont.
daily
labour
Agri.
labour

Ga ther­
ing

Hunting

Fishing

Note 1 : The period of one month represents a proportion of

a little more than 8% of the total time of year.

Note 2 : The sum of the percentages of time devoted to

particular work does not come to 100 because some
of the activity time-slots overlap and so the
diagreim provides a generalised picture of
time-slots for different activities.
though it lasts for whole year. In case of plough and shifting cultivation the

plantation sta rts just before the onset of m onsoon th a t is in the m onth of Ju n e

to Ju ly followed by the harvesting in the m onth of N ovem ber and D ecem ber.

Madia G ond engage them selves in bam boo cu tting as a co n tract or daily

wage labour ju s t after Diwali, in the m onth of D ecem ber till the end of May.

A gricultural labour is a very m arginal occupation for M adia Gond. Fishing

engages them from M arch to M ay and hunting and gathering is throughout

the year according to the availability of forest produce.

The above observations bring to focus certain vital questions regarding

the n atu ral resources available and the p a tte rn of work am ong the M adia

Gond. T he M adia Gond am ong the two villages of Fodew ada and B inagunda,

situ a ted at an interio r forest env iro n m en t, m ake it qu ite difficult for them to

resort to plough cultivation. T he te rra in is often used for shifting cultivation

with p rim itive techniques. T he rem aining period of the tim e is spent only

in gathering and hunting. They do not even go out as agricu ltu ral labour

for lack of ex pertise in th a t field, w hereas m ost of them are engaged as daily

wage labourers and co n tract labourers for bom boo cutting. T his situ atio n is

quite different am ong the M adia Gond from other seven villages. H ere shifting

cultivation is com pletely absent; also hunting. T he plough cultivation coupled

with agricu ltu ral labour as well as co n tract labour m ake the people busy for

m ost of the tim e through out the year. T he gathering observed throughout

the year is very limited.

164
 Fig. 4.11 : Madia Gond temporal cycle of work

Sr. Name of Name of M O N H

No. the the I r I I I r
villages activi­
F M M J J A 0 N D
ties
_L 1 _L _L
1 Rompalli Culti­ VK K K
^ ^
vation ^ k£ki k! h£k!
2 Vijurpa-
Shifting
lli
culti-
vation
3 Krishnar
Cont.
4 Udera daily
labour
Agri. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx X X X X X X X
5 Vennlya xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx X X X X X X X
labour xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx X X X X X X X
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx X X X X X X X
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx X X X X X X X
6 Barse-
Gather­
wada
ing
7 Laheri
Hunting

Fishing

Note 1 ; The period of one month represents a proportion of

a little more than 8% of the total time of year.

Note 2 : The sum of the percentages of time devoted to

particular w o r k does not come to 100 because some
of the activity time-slots overlap and so the
diagram provides a generalised picture of
time-slots for different activities.
4 .4 ,6 . G ender and o ccu p a tio n

As observed earlier, there do exist a p attern of division of labour

am ong all the societies. It has been observed in m any studies th a t there

is a close association betw een gender and occupation stretching from p rim ­

itive societies to m odern societies. T his process of division of labour has

also undergone considerable changes as on today especially am ong the urban

people. However, for trib a l and p rim itive societies, P ritc h ard is of the view

th a t “sexes in p rim itiv e societies do not in tru d e on each others, th a t there is

a clearer division of labour betw een the sexes than at the p resen t day am ong

ourselves” (1965, p. 50).

Since econom ic life of a p rim itiv e society is p rim arily based on food geth-

ering, all the fam ily m em bers of M adia Gond p articip ate in this activity

throughout year. Men engage in those works which w arrant high m anual la­

bour, while women engage in com paratively less difficult work. W hile M adia

Gond m ales engage in hunting, fem ales and children engage in the collection

of edible roots and fruits. In case of fishing, both m en and women p articip ate

according to th eir suitability. Collection of Toddy (P alm juice) by climbing

the palm tree is the absolute task of M adia Gond m en. A lthough collection

is both by men and women b u t m ainly vested with women and assisted by

m en in case of clim bing trees and digging deep pits for tu b er and roots.

Eventhough women have a prom inent place in the econom ic activity, they

have no control over the m eans of production like tools and weapons. In this

p a rt they are fully dependent on m en clearing of forest and cutting of big trees

for shifting cultivation is m ainly done by m en while broadcasting of seeds,

165
cutting of crops, collectiou of crops from field are associated w ith botli m en

and women. B ut storing of grains is done m ainly by women. Sim ilarly, in

plough cultivation m en have control over in handling plough and bullock for

ploughing of field. H arrow ing of the field for the purpose of loosening the soil

is both by m en and women. W eeding is the task of b o th women and children.

T he activ ity of winnowing and storing of grain are by women. In case of

tendu leaf collection the whole fam ily is engaged, while bam boo cu tting is

carried out only by m en. As a ag ricultu ral labour, women have very lim ited

work of weeding and cutting of grains, th a t too very few in num ber.

A part from these econom ic activities, the women am ong M adia Gond have

to do firewood collection, cooking, cleaning, carrying of w ater and looking

after the fam ily and children.

4 .4 .7 . S p a tia l e n tr a p m e n t

T he M adia G ond w ith th eir su bsistent economy, jo in t fam ily system and

their sentim ental attach m en t to their land and place where they are born is

yet another exam ple of spatial e n tra p m en t. It is difficult for them to move

out from their habitations. People though w ith p rim itiv e technique of agri­

culture, poor earnings from other sources coupled w ith a su bsistent econom y

are the victim s of this spatial en trap m en t. W hile the poor utilisation of n a t­

ural resources and little contact with the outside world for a very long tim e

have p erm eated deeper into their culture, it has resulted into a ty pical need

based su b sisten t econom y around them . C om plete dependence on the forest,

m ountain, rain and river, th e M adia Gond rem ain fully satisfied w ithin their

166
cultural and econom ic conditions. M oreover, they are qu ite satisfied w ith

their n atural resources and their sorroundings. Till now, they do not have the

aw areness of earning m ore money, working as a cargo or any other labourer,

com ing out of their h ab itatio n , which is a great hinderance for progress in the

field of education, health and economy. T his a ttitu d e is very hard to break or

any changes to be brought about. T he M adia Gond in general are not much

exposed to the outside world and people. Lack of such com m unication and

contact have pu t a further setback in th eir aw areness and a ttitu d e tow ards

their own econom ic developm ent.

4.5. Household Income Pattern

T he M adia Gond like the K olam depend m ostly on agriculture. However

while the K olam have surplus incom e, the M adia G ond have a su bsisten t eco­

nomy. As stated earlier two villages Fodew ada and B inagunda being located

in interior areas are quite backw ard w ith reference to their incom e. T he re­

m aining villages although have settled agriculture, still rem ain p rim itiv e in

the techniques used by them . T his situ atio n is clearly revealed in the field

work and in the interviw es which reflects on their annual incom e per fam ily

(Table 4.7). A lthough it is quite difficult to gather the exact level of earnings

per m em ber per m onth, efforts have been m ade to elicit inform ation through

the m ethod by which the am ount they earn for a day per specific q u an tity

of work. T hough this technique has its lim itations it is the only technique

which can glean inform ation from this illiterate people. T he result shows th a t

a m ajo rity of the fam ily (61%) fall under the incom e category of Rs. 2001

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to 4001 per year, followed by still lower income category (up to Rs. 2000)

form ing 25%. O nly 12% of the fam ilies have an earning betw een Rs. 4001 to

6000 while a m eagre 2% fam ilies earn above Rs. 6000 per year.

H aving a subsistent econom y the M adia Gond earn th eir livelihood from

other activities like co n tract labour for bam boo cutting and tendu leaf collec­

tion. T his spare tim e activ ity besides their agricu ltural periods put a higher

pressure on every family. On com parison it has been observed that the con­

ditions of those interior villages is still worse having m ore th an 92% of the

fam ily from Fodew ada and B inagunda fall in the low income category. Lack of

exp ertise in the ag ricu ltu ral operations is the m ain reason for such condition.

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Table - 4 .7 : T he range o f annual in co m e a m on g the M ad ia G ond

Sr. N am e of the No. of Range of Incom e in Rup ees. Average

No. villages fam ily upto 2001 to 4001 to 6001 incom e

in ter­ 2000 4000 6000 and per

viewed above fam ily

1. R om palli 20 No. - 5 14 1 4800

% - 25.0 70.0 5.0

2. V ijurpalli 25 No. 9 14 2 - 2760

% 36.0 56.0 8.0 -

3. K rishiiar 21 No. 2 18 - 1 3300

% 9.5 86.0 - 4.5

4. U dera 19 No. 5 12 - 2 3000

% 26.0 63.0 - 11.0

5. V ennlya 20 No. 4 13 3 - 3000

% 20.0 65.0 15.0 -

6. B arsew ada 11 No. 4 7 - - 2500

% 36.0 64.0 - -

7. Fodew ada 20 No. 11 9 - - 2250

% 55.0 45.0 - -

8. B inagunda 12 No. 2 9 1 - 3000

% 17.0 75.0 8.0 -

9. Laheri 19 No. 4 15 - - 3000

% 21.0 79.0 - -

Total 167 No. 41 102 20 4 3150

% 25.0 61.0 12.0 2.0

4 .5 .1 . C orrelation o f fa m ily size w ith fa m ily in com e

An a tte m p t has been m ade to relate average fam ily size w ith average

income by using corrrelation coefficient m ethod. As seen from the Table 4.8,

the correlation between fam ily size and incom e varies betw een 0.844 for the

village B inagunda to 0.305 for R om palli. T reating each village separately the

average fam ily incom e is closely related to the average fam ily size in m ost of

the villages. H aving m ore fam ily m em bers adds an advantage for the fam ily

to earn m ore income.

B ut here a few villages like R om palli, V ennlya and Laheri do not show a

good correlation betw een the fam ily size and incom e, while K rishnar, P^ode-

wada and B inagunda show a higher degree of correlation and the rem aining

villages show a m oderate degree of correlation betw een fam ily size and in­

come. T he cases of R om palli, U dera and Laheri w ith the highest fam ily size

but having poor or m oderate correlation m ay be explained on the basis of the

fact th at, the higher fam ily size would also consists at tim es only one or two

earning m em bers w ith m ore dependants like children or old people who are

also taken into statistical com putation. Here, the fam ilies w ith lower average

fam ily size having three or four m em bers, even though with lesser average

incom e do show a good correlation is also supportive of the above statem en t.

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 Table - 4 .8 : C orrelation o f fa m ily size w ith fa m ily in com e

Sr. N am e of No. of Average Average C orrelation

No. the fam ily fam ily income betw een average

villages in ter­ size fam ily fam ily size and

viewed (Rs.) incom e

1. llom palli 20 5 4800 .305

2. V ijtirpalli 25 3 2760 .630

3. K rish n ar 21 5 3300 .749

4. U dera 19 5 3000 .627

5. Vennlya 20 3 3000 .534

6. B arsew ada 11 3 2500 .695

7. Fodew ada 20 3 2250 .803

8. B inagunda 12 5 3000 .844

9. Laheri 19 4 3000 .528

4 .5 .2 . C o m p u ta tio n o f in c o m e

Like m any other trib a l groups the M adia Gond too do not have any

idea of keeping any account of their incom e and expen ditu re, m ainly due to

their very low level of literacy rate. Secondly their econom y being a sub-

sisten t one there is not m uch surplus earning and at the sam e tim e their

fam ily exp en ditu res are also qu ite lim ited to their daily m aintenance, weekly

m arketing, festivals and other cerem onies like m arriage and funeral. Besides

they do spend for the agricu ltu ral activities. By p utting questions regard-

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ing their iiicoine and ex p en d itu re tlie rt‘])lies from M adia Gond fam ilies were

vague and am biguous. So to avoid this problem, h rst we found out the total

number of working members from each fam ily and then how much is being

received by each member of family from daily wage and from contract labour.

Then we aggregated this to find out the average incom e of the family. There

are variations in th eir m onthly and yearly incom e because of the num ber of

fam ily members and secondly due to the uncertainty of their work. However,

we managed to com pute their average income though it has its limitations.

Unlike Katkari, Madia Gond do save m oney as they have lim ited avenues of

expenditure. However there is no banking system through which they could

earn interest and encouragement for saving m ore money.

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