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Easing the minds of Egyptian generals is ‫ﺗﻠﻴ� ﻋﻘﻮل اﻟﺠ�اﻻت اﳌﴫﻳ� أﻣﺮ أﺳﺎﳼ ﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﻟﺘﻌﺎون‬
key to continued cooperation with Israel ‫ﻣﻊ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‬
Haisam Hassanein
�‫ﻫﻴﺜﻢ ﺣﺴﻨ‬
Also available in ‫اﻟﻌرﺑﯾﺔ‬ English ‫ﻣﺘﺎح أﻳﻀﺎً ﰲ‬
The Hill "‫"ذي ﻫﻴﻞ‬
February 24, 2018
2018 ‫ﻓﱪاﻳﺮ‬/‫ﺷﺒﺎط‬24
Cooperation between Israel and Egypt has increased to a high level
in recent years, evidenced by recent reports on military ‫ ﻛ� ﻳﺘﻀﺢ‬،‫ازداد اﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﺑ� ﻣﴫ وإﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﰲ اﻟﺴﻨﻮات اﻷﺧ�ة ﻟﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎت ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬
coordination in Sinai, but this somewhat secret alliance has not ‫ ﻏ� أن ﻫﺬا‬،‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻘﺎرﻳﺮ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺻﺪرت ﻣﺆﺧﺮاً ﺣﻮل اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي ﰲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎء‬
been easy for some Egyptian generals to reconcile, given their �‫اﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟﻒ اﻟﴪي ﻧﻮﻋﺎً ﻣﺎ ﻢﻟ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺴﻬﻞ ﺗﻘ ّﺒﻠﻪ ﰲ أوﺳﺎط ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﺠ�اﻻت اﳌﴫﻳ‬
predilection for conditioning the Egyptian public to believe that
Israel is Enemy No. 1 in order to gain legitimacy and maintain ‫ ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ‬1 ‫ﻛﻮﻧﻬﻢ �ﻴﻠﻮن إﱃ زرع ﻓﻜﺮة ﰲ أذﻫﺎن اﳌﴫﻳ� ﺑﺄن إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻲ اﻟﻌﺪو رﻗﻢ‬
control. .‫ﻛﺴﺐ اﻟﴩﻋﻴﺔ واﻹﻣﺴﺎك ﺑﺰﻣﺎم اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬

Their uneasiness stems from the inability to define the relationship

with Israel since the two nations signed a peace treaty in 1979. The
military brass found themselves struggling to view Israel as a non-
enemy state and amend their military doctrine accordingly.
As a result, three schools of thoughts have emerged within the
military establishment over the past four decades.
�‫وﻳﻨﺒﻊ ﻗﻠﻘﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺠﺰﻫﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﻊ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ اﻟﺪوﻟﺘ‬
‫ إذ أن ﻛﺒﺎر اﳌﺴﺆوﻟ� اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳ� ﻳﺠﺪون أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‬،1979 ‫ﻋﲆ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة ﺳﻼم ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬
‫ﻳﻜﺎﻓﺤﻮن ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ إﱃ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺪوﻟﺔ ﻏ� ﻣﻌﺎدﻳﺔ وﺗﻐﻴ� ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻬﻢ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬
.‫وﻓﻘﺎً ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ اﻧﺒﺜﻘﺖ ﺛﻼث ﻣﺪارس ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﻜﺮ داﺧﻞ اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻌﻘﻮد‬،‫وﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ‬
.‫اﻷرﺑﻌﺔ اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺔ‬

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The first views Israel as an eternal enemy. According to this view,
Egypt must be in a perpetual state of hostility toward the Jewish
state.
Those who hold this belief refuse to upgrade relations beyond the
framework of the peace treaty. Hence, they refuse any level of
normalization except the mandated security coordination in Sinai.
‫ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻮن‬،‫ ووﻓﻘﺎً ﻟﻬﺬا اﻟﺮأي‬.‫أ ّوﻟﻬﺎ وﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻠﺔ إن إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﺪو أﺑﺪي‬
.‫ﻣﴫ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ داﻤﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺪاء ﻣﻊ اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻴﻬﻮدﻳﺔ‬
‫وﻳﺮﻓﺾ أوﻟﺌﻚ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﺒ ّﻨﻮن ﻫﺬه اﻟﻨﻈﺮة اﻻرﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت إﱃ ﻣﺎ أﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ إﻃﺎر‬
‫ وﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﺮﻓﻀﻮن أي ﻣﺴﺘﻮى ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻊ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء اﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ اﻷﻣﻨﻲ ﰲ‬،‫ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻟﺴﻼم‬
.[‫ﺳﻴﻨﺎء وﻓﻘﺎً ﳌﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻴﻪ ]ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪة اﻟﺴﻼم‬

This aggressive perception is dominant among military officers ‫وﻳﻬﻴﻤﻦ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺼﻮر اﻟﻌﺪاﻲﺋ ﰲ أوﺳﺎط اﻟﻀﺒﺎط اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳ� اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﺒﻨﻮن وﺟﻬﺎت‬
who embrace Nasserist views from the 1960s.The second school of
thought does not view Israel as an enemy, per se, but a chronic
.‫اﻟﻨﻈﺮ اﻟﻨﺎﴏﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﻴﻨﻴﺎت اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﴈ‬
national security threat on Egypt’s eastern border.For these people,
Israel is not an enemy state but is not a friend.
‫ ﺑﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪاً ﻣﺰﻣﻨﺎً ﻟﻸﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﲆ‬،‫أﻣﺎ اﻟﻔﺌﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻼ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﺪواً ﺑﺤﺪ ذاﺗﻪ‬
�‫ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ دوﻟ ًﺔ ﻣﻌﺎدﻳﺔ ﻛ‬،‫ وﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻷﺻﺤﺎب ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﻜﺮ‬.‫ﺣﺪود ﻣﴫ اﻟﴩﻗﻴﺔ‬
This level of wariness with the Jewish state stems from
its comparative advantage with technological and scientific
.‫أﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﺔ‬
advances.
‫وﻳﻨﺒﻊ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻮع ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺬر إزاء اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻴﻬﻮدﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣ ّﻴﺰﺗﻬﺎ اﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻘﺪم‬
‫ إذ إن اﻟﺘﻔﻮق اﻟﺘﻘﻨﻲ اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﲇ ﻣ ّﻬﺪ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ أﻣﺎم إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻟﻲﻜ‬،‫اﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ واﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‬
Israel’s technological superiority has cemented its military .‫ﺗﻔﺮض ﺗﻔﻮﻗﻬﺎ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﺮب‬
superiority over the Arabs.

‫ واﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬- ‫وﻣﻦ اﳌﺮﺟﺢ أن ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺿﺒﺎط اﻟﺠﻴﺶ اﳌﴫي اﳌﻨﺪرﺟ� ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻔﺌﺔ‬
Typically realists, Egyptian army officers who ascribe to this line of .‫ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺜﻐﺮة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬- �‫ﻋﺎدة ﻣﺎ ﻳُﻌﺘﱪون أﺷﺨﺎص واﻗﻌﻴ‬
thought likely feel threatened by this military gap.

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Moreover, Egyptian military leaders are uneasy with the special ‫ ﻻ ﻳﺸﻌﺮ اﻟﻘﺎدة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳ� اﳌﴫﻳ� ﺑﺎﻹرﺗﻴﺎح ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ اﳌﻤﻴﺰة‬،‫ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ذﻟﻚ‬
relationship between Israel and the United States. .‫اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ ﺑ� إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ واﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬

When the late Egyptian President Anwar Sadat initiated diplomacy ‫ﻓﺤ� ﺑﺎدر اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﳌﴫي اﻟﺮاﺣﻞ أﻧﻮر اﻟﺴﺎدات ﻤﺑﺴﺎعٍ دﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
toward the American government, including the Camp David �‫أﻣﻞ ﻛﺒ� ﺑ� ﻛﺒﺎر اﳌﺴﺆوﻟ‬
ٌ ‫ ﺳﺎد‬،‫ واﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺖ اﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎت ﻛﺎﻣﺐ دﻳﻔﻴﺪ‬،‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬
Accords, there was high hope among the military brass of .‫اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳ� ﺑﺒﻨﺎء ﻋﻼﻗﺔ وﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬
developing a close relationship with the United States.

‫ وﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻋﺠﺰ ﻣﴫ ﻋﻦ دﻓﻊ ﻤﺛﻦ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‬،‫ّإﻻ أن ﻫﺬا اﻷﻣﻞ ﺗﻼﳽ ﻤﺑﺮور اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬
Over time, this hope has faded, particularly because of Egypt’s ‫ وﺧﻼﻓﺎً ﻟﻠﺪول اﻷﺧﺮى ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻷردن ودول‬.‫اﳌﻤﻴﺰة ﻣﻊ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬
inability to pay the price of a special relationship with the United ‫ ﻢﻟ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﴫ ﻣﻄﻤﺌ ّﻨﺔ ﻗﻂ ﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ اﻷﻣﻦ اﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﻘﻴﺎدة اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت‬،‫اﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ وإﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‬
States. Unlike other countries in the region such as Jordan, Gulf .‫ ﺑﻞ ﻟﺠﺄت إﱃ ﻗﺒﻮل ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎت اﳌﺆاﻣﺮة ﺣﻮل اﻟﻠﻮﻲﺑ اﻟﻴﻬﻮدي ﰲ واﺷﻨﻄﻦ‬،‫اﳌﺘﺤﺪة‬
nations and Israel, Egypt was never comfortable with the American-
led regional security architecture. Instead, it resorted to accepting
conspiracy theories about the Jewish lobby in Washington.
‫ وﻳﺆﻣﻦ‬.‫ ﺗﺪﻋﻮ اﻟﻔﺌﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ إﱃ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﺪوﻟﺔ أوروﺑﻴﺔ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﺔ‬،‫وﰲ اﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫أﺻﺤﺎب ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﺒﺎدﻟﻴﺔ وﻋﻤﻠ ّﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﻤﺋﺔ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﳌﺘﺒﺎدﻟﺔ ﻣﻊ‬
The third school of thought advocates for treating Israel as any
familiar European state. These individuals believe in developing a
‫ وﻻ �ﻴﻠﻮن إﱃ رؤﻳﺔ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺎر ﻗﻮاﻟﺐ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﻨﻤﻄﻴﺔ اﳌﺸﺤﻮﻧﺔ‬،‫إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‬
transactional and pragmatic relationship with Israel based on ‫ إذا اﺣﺘﺎﺟﺖ ﻣﴫ إﱃ ﻃﺎﺋﺮات إﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎء‬،‫ وﻣﻦ ﻫﺬا اﳌﻨﻄﻠﻖ‬.‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻮاﻃﻒ‬
mutual interests. They tend not to see Israel through .‫ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﺆﻳﺪون ذﻟﻚ‬،«‫ﻟﻘﺼﻒ أﻫﺪاف ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ »اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬
sensationalized stereotypes. So, if Egypt needs to have Israeli jets
in Sinai to bomb ISIS targets, they support that.

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This is compounded by the belief that the main enemy of Egypt
is political Islam manifested in the Muslim Brotherhood, Qatar and
Turkey. This unfavorable view of Islamism was heightened by the
events of the Arab Spring and the rise of the Society of Muslim
Brothers to power, and Hamas support for ISIS in Sinai.
‫ اﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎد اﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ ﺑﺄن اﻹﺳﻼم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﺬي ﺗﺠﲆ ﰲ‬،‫وﻗﺪ زاد ﻣﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻗﻢ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ وﻗﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻗﻤﺖ ﻫﺬه‬.‫ﺟ�ﻋﺔ »اﻹﺧﻮان اﳌﺴﻠﻤ�« وﻗﻄﺮ وﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ ﻫﻮ اﻟﻌﺪو اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ ﳌﴫ‬
‫اﻟﻨﻈﺮة ﻏ� اﳌﻮاﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﺑﻔﻌﻞ أﺣﺪاث "اﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻌﺮﻲﺑ" ووﺻﻮل ﺟ�ﻋﺔ‬
.‫ ودﻋﻢ »ﺣ�س« ﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ »اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ« ﰲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎء‬،‫»اﻹﺧﻮان اﳌﺴﻠﻤ�« إﱃ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬

Arguably, this is the school of thought from which Egyptian

President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi hails as a former military officer who
‫و�ﻜﻦ اﻟﻘﻮل إن ﻫﺬه ﻫﻲ اﻟﻔﺌﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺤﺪر ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ اﳌﴫي ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻔﺘﺎح اﻟﺴﻴﴘ‬
rose to power following mass anti-government protests in 2013. ‫ﺗﻮﱃ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ اﻧﺪﻻع اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎت ﺟ�ﻫ�ﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ‬ ّ ‫ﻛﻀﺎﺑﻂ ﻋﺴﻜﺮي ﺳﺎﺑﻖ‬
.2013 ‫ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎم‬
These schools of thought may seem different, but there are
common threads among them — and those beliefs are hindering
Egyptian-Israeli relations. ‫ وﺗﻘﻒ‬- ‫ وﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎك ﻗﻮاﺳﻢ ﻣﺸﱰﻛﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ‬،‫وﻗﺪ ﺗﺒﺪو ﻫﺬه اﳌﺪارس اﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔ ًﺔ‬
.‫اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬-‫ﻫﺬه اﳌﻌﺘﻘﺪات ﺣﺠﺮ ﻋﺮﺜة أﻣﺎم اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت اﳌﴫﻳﺔ‬

History and religion get mixed. Historically, Egypt fought four

wars against Israel over 25 years, conflicts that remain deeply
ingrained in the country’s collective memory. Moreover, religious
‫ ﺧﺎﺿﺖ ﻣﴫ أرﺑﻊ‬،‫ ﻓﻤﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺨﻴﺔ‬.‫]وﻣﻦ اﳌﻌﺘﺎد[ أن ﻳﺨﺘﻠﻂ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬
discourse has coalesced a large segment of the public around anti- ‫ وﻻ ﺗﺰال ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺮوب راﺳﺨ ًﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺬاﻛﺮة‬،ً‫ ﻋﺎﻣﺎ‬25 ‫ﺣﺮوب ﺿﺪ إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﲆ ﻣﺪى‬
semitic views of Israelis. These views have spilled over into the ‫ ﺣﺸﺪ اﻟﺨﻄﺎب اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﴍﻳﺤ ًﺔ ﻛﺒ� ًة ﻣﻦ اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬،‫ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ إﱃ ذﻟﻚ‬.‫اﻟﺠ�ﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻼد‬
military. As a consequence, the military leadership expresses
negative views about Jews and Israelis.
‫ وﺗﻔﺸﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻵراء ﻟﺘﻄﺎل‬،�‫ﺣﻮل وﺟﻬﺎت ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻌﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺠﺎه اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴ‬
‫ُﻌﱪ اﻟﻘﻴﺎدة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ آراء ﺳﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺣﻮل اﻟﻴﻬﻮد‬
ّ ‫ ﺗ‬،‫ وﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‬.‫اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬
.�‫واﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴ‬

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There is lack of understanding regarding Israel. The Egyptian
officers view Israelis as European immigrants because of their
inherent belief that most inhabitants of the Jewish state are Jews
who immigrated over time.
‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺮى اﻟﻀﺒﺎط اﳌﴫﻳﻮن أن اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴ� ﻫﻢ‬،‫وﻫﻨﺎك ﻗﻠﺔ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﻴ� ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺈﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮون أوروﺑﻴﻮن ﺑﺴﺒﺐ اﻋﺘﻘﺎدﻫﻢ اﳌﺘﺄﺻﻞ ﺑﺄن ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺳﻜﺎن اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻴﻬﻮدﻳﺔ ﻫﻢ‬
.�‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﻴﻬﻮد اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻫﺎﺟﺮوا ﻋﲆ ﻣﺮ اﻟﺴﻨ‬

There is also the general belief that non-Arab and non-Muslim
minorities — such as the Copts, an estimated 10 percent of Egypt’s
population — should not have the right of self-determination.
‫ أي ﻣﺎ‬،‫ ﻣﺜﻞ اﻷﻗﺒﺎط‬- ‫وﻫﻨﺎك أﻳﻀﺎً اﻋﺘﻘﺎد ﻋﺎم ﺑﺄن اﻷﻗﻠﻴﺎت ﻏ� اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ وﻏ� اﳌﺴﻠﻤﺔ‬
‫ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﻢ اﻟﺤﻖ ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬- ‫ ﰲ اﳌﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎن ﻣﴫ‬10 ‫ﻳﻘﺪر ﺑﻨﺤﻮ‬
.‫ و ُﻳﻌﺪ اﻟﺴ�ح ﺑﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ اﳌﺼ� ﻟﺠ�ﻋﺔ أﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻜﺮة ﺧﻄ�ة ﰲ اﻟﴩق اﻷوﺳﻂ‬.‫ﻣﺼ�ﻫﻢ‬

Allowing a minority group self-determination is a dangerous idea in

the Middle East; to the Egyptian military leaders, for example, the ‫ ﻓﺈن اﻷﻛﺮاد واﻟﺠ�ﻋﺎت‬،‫ ﻋﲆ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل‬،�‫وﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎدة اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳ� اﳌﴫﻳ‬
Kurds and like-minded groups seeking a national state are
perpetuating civil war. ‫اﳌﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ اﻟﺘﻔﻜ� اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ إﱃ إﻗﺎﻣﺔ دوﻟﺔ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻳﺘﺴﺒﺒﻮن ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮار اﻟﺤﺮب‬
.‫اﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‬

The Egyptian military officers likely are more comfortable with the
idea of oppressing a minority in the name of stability and enforcing
the regional security order.
‫وﻣﻦ اﳌﺮﺟﺢ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﺿﺒﺎط اﻟﺠﻴﺶ اﳌﴫي أﻛﺮﺜ ارﺗﻴﺎﺣﺎً ﻟﻔﻜﺮة ﻗﻤﻊ اﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﺖ‬
.‫ﺷﻌﺎر اﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮار وإرﺳﺎء اﻷﻣﻦ ﰲ اﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬

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The problem of terrorism in the Sinai Peninsula is not likely to fade ‫وﻣﻦ ﻏ� اﳌﺤﺘﻤﻞ أن ﺗﺘﻼﳽ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ اﻹرﻫﺎب ﰲ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮة ﺳﻴﻨﺎء ﰲ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬
soon. This will keep the door open for increased security and
military cooperation between the Egyptian and Israeli armies.
‫ اﻷﻣﺮ اﻟﺬي ﺳ ُﻴﺒﻘﻲ اﳌﺠﺎل ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣﺎً أﻣﺎم اﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻷﻣﻨﻲ واﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي‬،‫اﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ‬
.‫ﺑ� اﻟﺠﻴﺸ� اﳌﴫي واﻹﴎاﺋﻴﲇ‬

However, keeping this relationship secret is the wrong approach;

shedding light on the military cooperation in Sinai would help to ‫ وﻣﻦ ﺷﺄن‬.ً‫ ﻳُﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲆ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﰲ ﺷﻜﻠﻬﺎ اﻟﴪي ﻧﻬﺠﺎً ﺧﺎﻃﺌﺎ‬،‫وﻣﻊ ذﻟﻚ‬
challenge the flawed views about Israel. Otherwise, fundamental
misconceptions about the Jewish state among Egypt’s military
‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻂ اﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻌﺎون اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي ﰲ ﺳﻴﻨﺎء أن ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺤﺪي وﺟﻬﺎت اﻟﻨﻈﺮ‬
ranks are likely to linger. ّ ،‫اﳌﻌﻴﺒﺔ ﺗﺠﺎه إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ‬
‫وإﻻ ﻣﻦ اﳌﺮﺟﺢ أن ﺗﺴﺘﻤﺮ اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﺨﺎﻃﺌﺔ اﻟﺠﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﺣﻮل‬
.‫اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻴﻬﻮدﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻔﻮف اﻟﺠﻴﺶ اﳌﴫي‬
Haisam Hassanein is a Glazer fellow at the Washington Institute for
Near East Policy, where he focuses on economic relations between
Israel and Arab states. ‫ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﲆ اﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎت‬،‫ﻫﻴﺜﻢ ﺣﺴﻨ� ﻫﻮ زﻣﻴﻞ "ﻏﻠﻴﺰر" ﰲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ واﺷﻨﻄﻦ‬
.‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﺑ� إﴎاﺋﻴﻞ واﻟﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬

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