Mahmud Tarzi and Saraj Ol Akhbar

Mahmud Tarzi and Saraj-ol-Akhbar: Ideology of Nationalism and Modernization in Afghanistan
Author(s): Vartan Gregorian

Source: Middle East Journal, Vol. 21, No. 3 (Summer, 1967), pp. 345-368
Published by: Middle East Institute
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MAHMUD TARZI AND SARAJ-OL-AKHBAR:
IDEOLOGY OF NATIONALISM AND

MODERNIZATION IN AFGHANISTAN
VartanGregorian
T HE studyof the reformmovement andof thecharacter

in Afghanistan
of Afghan nationalismhas been practicallyneglectedin the examina-
and modernistmovements
tion of the historyof the nationalist-revivalist
of the contemporary Middle East and the Muslimworld. The paucityof ma-
terial is especiallyremarkablein the case of MahmudTarzi who, as editor
in chief of Saraj-ol-Akhbar-e-Afghaniyah (The lamp [or torch] of the news
of Afghanistan),the firstsuccessfulnews mediumin modernAfghan history
(publishedfrom October 1911 to December 1918), helped formulatethe
basic tenets of Afghan nationalismand modernism.' As a forum, Saraj-ol-
1. In Afghanistan, until recently, the study of Tarzi's career and ideas was discouraged,
apparentlyin view of his close family ties and political associationwith King AmanullahKhan
(1919-1928) and his ill fated reforms.Thus, until the late 1950's Afghan official sources omitted
any mention of the name Tarzi. See, for instance, Said Qassim Reshtia's article "Journalismin
Afghanistan:a brief historical sketch," Afghanistan (Kabul) III, No. 2 (1948) and the official
Afghan publicationpertainingto The 40th Anniversaryof the Independenceof Afghanistan(Kabul,
n.d., 1959-60?). Currently,however,Tarzi has been rehabilitatedand his manifold contributionsto
the Afghan nationalist-modernist movement are being recognized by the Afghan historians. For
example, see MuhammadHaider Zhobal's "MahmudTarzi pedar-e matba'at"("Tarzi, father of
the press"), Irfan (Kabul) No. 2 (1958). So far, however, there are no monographicor general
Afghan studies on him in either Persian or Pashto. The overwhelmingmajorityof Europeanand
Americanstudies on modern Islam and Asian nationalismfail to mention Tarzi, Saraj-ol-Akhbar,
and even the topics of Afghan nationalismand modernism.The handful of works that make casual
referenceto Tarzi, his periodicaland the Young Afghans are: E. B. Browne, The Press and Poetry
of Modern Persia (C.U.P., 1914) pp. 24, 102; H. Kohn, A History of Nationalism in the East
(New York, 1929) p. 344; Sir P. Sykes, A History of Afghanistan (2 vols., London, 1940) II,
pp. 264-5. Among the post-WorldWar II studies, the late Sir W. K. Fraser-Tytler'sAfghanistan,
(O.U.P., 1950 and 1953 eds.) ignores both Saraj-ol-Akhhar and Tarzi, whereas D. Wilber's (ed.)
Afghanistan(2nd ed., New Haven, 1963) p. 168, deals with them in a few lines. Most surprising
of all, both the old and the new editions of the Encyclopediaof Islam ignore not only Tarzi and
his biweeklyperiodical,but the entire Afghan modernist-nationalist
movement.The only meaningful
biographicalsketch on Tarzi in English is the recent article of L. Dupree, "M. Tarzi: Forgotten
nationalist,"American UniversitiesField Staff Report Service: South Asian Series, VIII, No. 1
(Jan. 1964). In Frenchthe articleof H. J. de Dianous, "LalitteratureAfghane de langue persane,"
Orient (Paris) No. 31 (1964) pp. 138-44 remainsthe sole attempt to analyzethe work and r6le
of Tarzi. The Soviet Afghaniststoo, despite their numerousstudies and their constantacknowledge-
ment of the historical importanceof Mahmud Tarzi, Saraj-al-Akhharand the Young Afghans,
have as yet producedno monographicstudies on the subject.To the best of the author'sknowledge,
until 1963 the only article on Tarzi in Russian was a sketchy translationof the Afghan poet
KhalilollahKhalili's "MahmudBek Tarzi,"in ProblemiiVostokvedenniia(Moscow) No. 2 (1959)
pp. 156-7.
< VARTANGREGORIAN is professor of history at San Francisco State College, San Francisco,
California.
345
346 T H E MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL
Akhbargave voice to the aspirationsof the "YoungAfghans,"a small, en-

lightenedelite, who, led by Tarzi,limnedthe politicalsilhouetteof the forth-
coming "progressiveAfghanistan."
MahmudTarzi was the son of SardarGhulamMuhammedKhan, a prom-
inent leader of the Muhammedzaiclan of the powerful Afghan Durrani
tribe.2 The Sardar,a well known Afghan poet and epigrapher,who wrote
underthe pen nameof Muhammed "Tarzi"("stylist") ,3 was chargedin
1882 by the then Afghan monarch,AmirAbdurRahmanKhan (1880-1901),
with conspiringagainstthe state and was banishedfrom the country.After
a brief intervalin Karachi,the Tarzi family journeyedto the OttomanEm-
pire. Here they were well receivedby Sultan Abdul Hamid II, and were
allowed to establishresidencein Damascus.5 Their two decadesof sojourn
abroadhad a great impacton the educationand outlook of MahmudTarzi
and other membersof the family, who attendedschools in Damascusand
Constantinople and cameinto contactwith the byproductsof Europeanculture
and institutions.They were exposed to Frenchliterature,the Ottomanna-
tionalist-revivalist
movementand the Pan-Islamicviews of Jamal al-din al-
AfghTni,for whom SardarGhulamMuhammedKhanhad great reverence.'
In Damascus,the youngMahmudTarziwas attachedto the secretariatof the
Ottomanprovincialadministration. 7 In 1902, after the deathsof both Amir
Abdur RahmanKhan and SardarGhulam MuhammadKhan, an amnesty,

promulgatedby the new Afghan ruler,Amir HabibullahKhan (1901-1919),
pavedthe way for the returnof the Tarzifamily.8Upon arrivalin Afghanistan,
M. Tarzi,imbuedwith modernisticviews, began the endeavorof initiatinga
programof reform.He called the monarch'sattentionto the glaringdeficien-
cies of Afghanistanin the realmsof education,communications and economy,
and alertedthe ruler to the undesirableconsequencesof a political,cultural
and intellectualisolationand stagnationof the country.9 Tarziwas appointed
to serve as the chief of the Bureauof Translationof the Royal Court,his
2. Saraj-ol-Akhbar(henceforthS.A.) I, No. 5, p. 12, In Wilber (ed.), op. cit., p. 178, the

authorshave inadvertentlyconfused SardarGhulamMuhammedKhan with his son MahmudTarzi.
3. On the life and poetry of SardarG. M. Tarzi see S.A., II, No. 7 p. 11, also Muhammed
H. Behrouz "Adabiyatas Abul Farrapbe' bad," ("Literaturefrom Abul Farrajon"), in Anjomane
Aryana'sAfganestan,(Kabul, 1955) p. 364. Dupree, op. cit., pp. 2-4, and Dianous, loc. cit., No.
27 (1963) p. 143 and No. 31, (1964) pp. 138-9.
4. SohrabK. H. Katrak,Through Amanullah'sAfghanistan (Karachi 1929) p. xiv.
5. Abdul Wahab Tarzi, "Afghanistan"in Islam Ansiklopedisi (4 vols., Istanbul, 1945) I, p.
169. H. J. de Dianous writes in Orient, No. 31 (1964) p. 139, that MahmudTarzi was born in
Damascusin 1867. This is wrong. Tarzi was born in Ghazni, Afghanistan.
6. A. W. Tarzi, loc. cit., pp. 169-70. See the qasidaof SardarG. M. Khan Tarzi on al-Afghani
in Dianous, loc. cit., No. 31, p. 138.
7. Dupree, loc. cit., p. 5.
8. Katrak, op. ci., p. xiv. In his Raudat-i-Hikam("The Garden of Wisdom") (henceforth
R.H.) (Kabul, 1913) pp. 139, 144, Tarzi speaks of his "heart-breaking nostalgia"for the Afghan
fatherland.
9. A. W. Tarzi,loc. cit., p. 170.
MAHMUD TARZI AND SARAJ-OL-AKHBAR 347
main task being to informand satisfythe Amir'scuriosityas to eventswithin
the Muslim world and in Europe.In 1911, as a result of Tarzi'suntiring
efforts,and the moral supportlent him by InayatullahKhan, the eldest son
of the Amir (in chargeof the administrationof educationin the Kingdom
and the Royalpressat Kabul), thereappearedthe firstissueof Saraj-ol-Akhbar.
It was publishedunderthe auspicesof the Amir, the editorshipof Mahmud
Tarzi,and the supervisionof the CourtChamberlain(Ishikaghassi).10 During
the firstyear,the biweeklyPersianlanguageperiodicalwas lithographed.Sub-
sequently,as a resultof the importationof new printingpresses,the quality
of the paperand its printingand engravingimprovedso much that in many
technicalaspectsit remainssuperiorto manycurrentAfghanpublications.
The immediateaim of Saraj-ol-Akhbar was to provideAfghanistan"with
one of the most essentialtools of moderncivilization"-a newspaper.Except
for the "bedouinand the savagetribes,"wroteTarzi,therewere no organized
societies without news media. As such, the paper brought to the Afghan
literatibothdomesticandforeignnews.It translatedreportsand featurearticles
from the English, Urdu, Turkish and Arabic press, or reproducedvarious
articlesfrom Persiannewspapersand journals.The periodicalalso introduced
photographyand caricature.Saraj-ol-Akhbar, however,was not merelyfor the
disseminationof the news. It espousedthe cause of the modernizationof
Afghanistanand the politicaland social educationof the Afghan rulingclass
and literati.The periodicalattemptedto definefor them both the natureand
the ultimateaims of Afghan nationalismand to formulatea theoreticalbasis
in order to direct and justify the projectedsocioeconomictransformationof
Afghanistan.
The importantrole that Saraj-ol-Akhbar was destinedto play and the dif-
ficultiesof Tarzi'stask can best be seen againstthe historicalbackgroundof
nineteenthcenturyAfghan political and culturalrealities and the attitude
of the Afghanrulingelite towardssocial,technologicalandinstitutionalchange
and reform.
In the first decadesof the nineteenthcentury,the Afghan monarchtried
to borrowfrom Europeanmilitarytechnologyand to introducelimited insti-
tutionalchangeswith the technicalassistanceof a few Europeans.The aim
was to consolidatethe position of the monarchyand to contain the rising
threatof the Sikhsin the Eastandof Persiain the West, and also to strengthen
the Afghan hold over northernAfghanistanin competitionwith the Khanate
of Bukhara.The haphazardAfghan modernistschemeswere at this stage
confinedto militarytechnologyand did not extend to the culturalrealm.
During the periodfrom 1839 to 1880, as a consequenceof the Anglo-Rus-
sian imperialrivalriesin the Middle East and CentralAsia, and the attempts
10. Browne, Press and Poetry of Modern Persia, op. cit., p. 102.
348 THE MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL
of Great Britain to strengthenits diplomaticposition in Afghanistan,two

Anglo-Afghanwars were fought (1839, 1879). They resultedin the British
occupationof easternAfghanistan,successfulAfghan resistance,and subse-
quent Britishevacuationof the country.The wars resultedin the diplomatic
isolation of Afghanistanand gave a great impetusof Afghan nationalism.
Internalanarchyand the Anglo-Afghanwars, however, also dealt a heavy
blow to the meagerAfghan economyand to the continuityof the very few
Afghan reformsthat dealt with the internaladministrationof the country,
militaryreorganizationand attempts (under Amir Sher Ali) to form the
nucleusof a school patternedon Westernsystemsand a periodical-Shams-
ul-Nahar, 1873.
Underthe ironrule of the AmirAbdurRahmanKhan,the countrywitnessed
the implementationof the first successful,if somewhatmodest, programof
modernization. Stateownedandoperatedworkshopswereestablishedin Kabul,
the capital,to providethe Amirwith the necessaryarsenalto controland pro-
tect his Kingdom against both internal and external foes. Modernism,in
termsof a relativelyselectivetechnologicaland institutionalborrowing,was
used as a tool with which to centralizethe power and stabilizethe position
of the Afghan monarchy.During this time Amir AbdurRahmanKhan laid
down the foundationof an Afghan policyof limitedand autochthonous mod-
ernization.This policycalledfor militarystrengthand self sufficiency
bracketed
by a deliberatepolicy of isolationismand economicunderdevelopment as the
surest safeguardsfor continuedindependenceof Afghanistanvis a vis the
Anglo-Russianimperialinterestsand designs.Suclha policy had to prevail,
accordingto the Amir, until Afghanistanwas militarilystrong enough to
develop its economicresourceswithout endangeringits political entity or
independence.
At the startof the twentiethcenturythe Afghanmonarchyhad been success-
ful in recreatingthe political and administrativeunity of Afghanistan.The
Afghan ruling dynastyhad failed, however,to achievethe economic,social
and culturalintegrationof the countryand to establishany meaningfulcul-
tural contactswith the outsideworld, pr to initiateeducationalreforms.The
monarchyhad also been unable to cast off its politicalisolation;its foreign
relationscontinuedunderthe controland directionof the Britishgovernment
in India until 1919, the third Anglo-Afghanwar. Parallel to this political
isolationwe note the absenceof any noteworthyinstitutionsof learning,or re-
formistmovementsamongstthe Afghan 'ulami', and the want of an intelli-
gentsia.Thesehad obviated,in the nineteenthcentury,the possibilitiesof link-
ing Afghan national sentimentto the cause of Afghan modernism.It was
only during Amir HabibullahKhan's rule that HabibiyaCollege, the first
school with a moderncurriculum,was founded (1904), and attemptsmade
to createa Departnentof Education,whichwould supervisethe establishment
MAHMUDTARZIAND SARAJ-OL-AKHBAR 349
of a few elementaryschools to coexist with the traditionalmosque schools

(maktabs).The Amir also introducedthe telephone,photographyand a few
motorcars. He helped in the formationof the first Afghan joint stock com-
pany and inauguratedan orphanageand a rudimentarydispensaryat Kabul.
No attempts,however,were made-nor were there the means-to adopt the
preceptsof universalcompulsoryeducationor to overhaulthe entireeducational
structureof the Kingdom.On the eve of the publicationof Saraj-ol-Akhbar,
and excludingQuransand someimportedstandardreligioustexts, the number
of all otherbookspublishedin Afghanistan,includingclassicalPersianliterary
anthologies,did not exceedten.11
In theireffortsto formulatethe tenetsof the Afghannationalismand their
desire to reweave the socioeconomicfabricof the Afghan Kingdom,Tarzi
and Saraj-ol-Akhbar had, amongotherthings,the difficulttaskof copingwith
the complex problempresentedby the ethnic mosaic of Afghanistan.In a
countrywhereonly slightlyover 50 per cent of the populationwas ethnically
Afghan, Saraj-ol-Akhbar attemptedto redefinethe term "Afghan"on a geo-
graphicand religious,ratherthan merelyethnic,basis, implyingthe equality
of all the inhabitantsof the country.In this way he hoped to avertpossible
apprehensions on the partof non-Afghans,that modernization of Afghanistan
might serveas a meansto furtherstrengthenthe Afghan hold over them and
their regions.At the same time Tarzi had to soothe the fears of the Afghan
monarchthat social and economictransformation of his realmwould neither
invite the threatof foreign interventionand dominationnor jeopardizethe
positionof the Afghanmonarchyandits dynasty.He had to arguethatnational-
ism and modernismwould serve to reinforcethe centralauthority,the power
of the monarchy,the stabilityof the Kingdom,and stave off externalthreats.
Furtherattemptswere also to be madeto answerthe objectionsof the Afghan
religiousestablishmentas to whetherIslam,modernismand secularismwere
compatible.Then therewas the need to convincethe ShiaMuslimminorityof
the Kingdomthat modernismwas not a mere device to underminethe Shia
community'salreadyweak positionand to asserttotal Sunnicontrol.For the
benefitof the Afghan tribalchieftainsand their interests,Tarzi had to find
argumentsto convincethemthat a modernAfghanistanneed not be an instru-
ment ending the privilegesof their tribesor threateningAfghan ethnicrule.
Other factorsthat influencedthe contentand directionof Tarzi'sand the
YoungAfghans'sociopoliticalideaswere suchmomentouseventsas the Russo-
Japanesewar, the Anglo-RussianConventionof 1907, the constitutionalmove-
ments in Persia,the OttomanEmpireand China (1906-1911), the influence
of Pan-Islamism,the Italo-Turkish (1911) and the Balkan wars (1912-1913),
11. Behrouz, loc. cit., p. 369. Dianous, loc. cit., No. 31, p. 140, sets the numberat two. It
seems, however,that his figure does not include a few other works which appearedduring the reign
of Amir AbdurRahmanKhan.
World War I, the 1917 March and NovemberRevolutionsin Russia, and

the proclamationof Wilson's FourteenPoints,which enunciatedthe concept
of equalityand self determinationof all peoples. Each of these events and
movements,plus the great body of Muslimrevivalist-modernist thoughtwax-
ing strongin Indiaand the MiddleEastat that time, left its impacton Tarzi
and the Young Afghans.
Decline of Afghanistan:A modernistdiagnosis

As proselytizersfor modernism,the first task that Tarzi and his associates
undertookwas to establishand analyzethe causesof the declineand decadence
of Afghanistanand the Islamicworld. Tarzi insistedthat such inquiries,so
much in the interestsof the Islamiccommunityof Afghanistan,were both
the privilege and the duty of every devout Muslim and patrioticAfghan.
Only throughself examinationand self criticismcould individualsand na-
tions hope to overcometheir shortcomingsand avoid the repetitionof past
mistakes.12 For Tarzi, a thoroughexaminationof Afghan history revealed
that one of the principalreasonsfor the backwardness of the regionwas the
fact that the Afghans had fallen behind in learning,understandingand the
applicationsof the sciences.He pointed out that there were currentlymore
educatedpeoplein a single Indiancity of Punjabthanin all of Afghanistan.13
Suchutterneglect of learning,Tarzi explained,stemmedpartlyfrom Afghan
preoccupation with the defenseof theirfatherland,excessiverelianceon physi-
cal force and might,and the fact that educationand learningwere considered
the exclusivedomainof the mirzas (secretaries)and the mull/hs(members
of the religious establishment),whose own learningwas narrowlylimited.
The educationof neithergroup includedmathematics,geometryor the pure
sciences.Thus, for generationsthe Afghan people had been deprivedof able
and educatedteachers.In placeof scientificthought,superstitionand tradition
reignedsupremeand the Afghans,like theirfellow Muslimsin general,wrote
Tarzi,had thusfailed to tap a multitudeof both humanand naturalresources.
The light of scienceshone in the West whereasdarknesshad engulfed the
Eastand Afghanistan.A veil of apathyhad fallen on the Afghanswho, caught
in the vicious circle of their private passionsand appetites,had neglected
their fatherlandand endangeredits independenceand future development.14
Tarzi singled out the divisionsand disunityof the Afghans,as well as the
prevailinganarchicconceptionof freedomand law, as contributinghistorical
factorsto this condition.The calamityof disunityamong the Afghans was
such, he declared,that it had set city against city, village against village,
street against street, tribe against tribe, and the membersof families one
12. S.A., I, No. 21, p. 15, and No. 2, p. 9.
13. Ibid., VII, No. 16, p. 6.
14. R.H., pp. 140-2; also S.A., VII, No. 14, p. 4; No. 18, pp. 4-6; III, No. 16, pp. 10-2.
against another.These divisions defied both the preceptsof Islam, which

ordainedthat all the faithfulwere brethren,and the dictatesof reason,which
showedthat societyfunctionedbest within a frameworkof unity and mutual
cooperation.Had the Afghan nationalstrengthnot been irreparablydamaged
by this disunity,Tarzi asked,who then could have wrestedfrom them Pesh-
awar,Baluchistanand Sistan?15
One of the results of the prevalentdisunitywas that a majorityof the
Afghans had developeda negativeconceptof freedomwhich equatedfree-
dom with the absenceof restraintand the lack of governmentalauthority.To
Tarzi lawlessnesswas historicallyregressiveand alien to the spirit of Islam
and its high ethics.True freedom,he wrote,lay in the adherenceto a positive
conceptwhich conceivedof it as a cohesiveand constructivesocial force con-
tributingto the developmentof religion,nationalgenius and, ultimately,the
advancementof civilization.16
The absenceof normalintercoursewith the outsideworldand the fanaticism
of an unenlightenedtraditionalgroupwere also singled out as factorsin the
declineof Afghanistan.The want of meaningfuland directchannelsof con-
tact had, in Tarzi'sview, preventedthe Afghans from borrowingselectively
from the Europeanculturalreservoir.Cut off from the main currentsof mod-
ern civilization,the Afghans had accessonly to those productsof European
culturethat were designedexclusivelyfor the internalconsumptionof Euro-
pean colonies.These limited Europeanculturalexports,permeatedwith ma-
terialismand political design, restrictedAfghan choice and preventedthe
successfulgrafting of secularand foreign learningto the national and re-
ligiousheritageof the Afghans.17
In theirdiagnosisof the causesof the sociopoliticaldeclineof Afghanistan,
Tarziand his periodicalrejectedthe contentionof thoseChristianmissionaries
and Europeanwriterswho consideredIslamthe majorimpedimentto learning
and thereforethe mainsourceof the backwardness of the Muslims.Obversely,
theyregardedChristianity as the essentialingredientin the successandprogress
of Europeans.To them Tarziretortedthat the causesof the materialprogress
and attainmentsof Europeanswere to be found in the separationof religion
and learning,not in their union. The reasonsfor the decline of the Muslim
societieswere to be foundin the divisionsand the conflictsamongthe Muslim
rulersover expansionism,which had wroughtthe political disintegrationof
the Islamicworld.The wideninggulf betweensecularinterestsand the ethical
standardsof Islamhadcausedthe neglectand subsequentdeclineof the Muslim
institutionsof learning.18 The superstitionsand traditions,which mitigated
15. R.H., pp. 146.7, 149.

16. S.A., III, No. 13, p. 13, and No. 19, p. 7.
17. Ibid., VII, No. 18, p. 7.
18. Ibid., II, No. 13, p. 3; No. 18, p. 15; also II, No. 14, p. 23; No. 21, p. 9.
againstreasonand learning,Tarzi claimed,had no basis in the fundamental

realitiesof Islam. The past achievementsof Islamicsocietiesare exemplary
proofs. Therefore,the Muslimsthemselves,ratherthan their religion, were
responsiblefor the decadenceof their respectivesocieties.19 This idea was
reiteratedin a poem reprintedfrom the PersianpaperNobahar,publishedin
Meshed,Iran:
The blacksmoke,risingfromthe roofof
the fatherland
is causedby us
Theflamesthatdevourus fromleft to right
arecausedby us.
Thedisunityandtheweaknessof Islamwasnot
causedby Christorthe Church
butwascausedby us.20
with Islam
On the benefitsof moderncivilizationand its compatibility
After arguing that the foremostprerequisitefor the revival of Afghan
societylay in the Afghan recognitionof the cause of their presentsituation,
Tarziproceededto demonstratethe valuesto be found in moderncivilization,
their compatibilitywith the spirit of Islam and the necessityof their intro-
ductioninto Afghanistan.
Tarziwas one of the firstAfghan moderniststo arguethat the preponder-
ance of Europe was not wholly due to its militarymight, but also to its
achievementsin the cultural, economic and industrialdomains.21 Simple
adaptationof militarytechnologywould not be sufficientto cope with the
overall Europeanchallenge,or to rejuvenatethe traditionalstructrueof so-
cieties.Only by a thoroughreorganization of theirinstitutionscould the Mus-
lims possiblyachievesuch an aim, and this was regardedas axiomaticfor all
emergent countries (e.g. the Russia of Peter the Great, and Japan). 22 The
Afghans were urged by a collaboratorof Saraj-ol-Akhbar to do this and to
adopt,at the sametime as militarytechnology,electricity,chemistry,the tele-
graph, railroadsand the like, all of immensepotential for Afghanistan.23
Such borrowings,though,warnedTarzi, should not be geared solely to na-
tionaldefensenorshouldtheybe allowedto degenerateinto mereunproductive
wereto develop
copying.The cultural,scientificandinstitutionalappropriations
scienceand learningin Afghanistanand therebycontributeto the country's
modernizationand the generalwelfare of tie Afghan people.24
19. Ibid., VI, No. 14, p. 2, and I, No. 10, p. 13; II, No. 16, p. 3.
20. Ibid., III, No. 16, pp. 10-2.
21. Ibid., I, No. 16, p. 1; III, No. 2; also III, No. 17, pp. 5-8.
22. Ibid., 1, No. 16, p. 1, and III, No. 2, p. 8; No. 8, pp. 5-6; also V, No. 17, p. 8, and VII,
No. 19, p. 8.
23. See the letter of Indian revolutionaryM. Barakatullahfrom Tokya,Ibid., III, No. 2, p. 8.
24. Ibid., IV, No. 8, p. 5, and V, No. 19, p. 2.
The plannedmodernizationof Afghanistan-or of any Islamicsociety-ac-

cordingto Tarzi, was not incompatiblewith the true spirit and characterof
Islam.To demonstrate thisbelief,Tarziandhis colleaguesassumedthe privilege
and the duty of interpretingthe "true"meaningand significanceof the pre-
cepts of the Quran, the various Muslim holidays, and the sayings of the
Prophet.25 This in itself was an importanthistoricaldevelopment.For the
first time educatedAfghan laymenpubliclyinterpretedthe Quran,in strong
opposition to tie traditionalelements and the mullhs, who had advanced
violent objectionsto the modernizationof Afghanistan.On the position of
these traditionalists,Saraj-ol-Akhbarlaunched its attack. They had raised
doctrinalobjectionsto Afghan use of Europeanstyle hats and clothingand to
the Afghan adoption of photography.Tarzi asked rhetoricallyif Muslims
wereto be distinguishedby theirclothingor by theirfaith?Answeringhimself,
he assertedthat faith and ethics, not appearancesand/or conventions,con-
stitutedthe importantingredientsof Islam. Clothingwas not an article of
faith, Tarziargued,otherwisea worldconventionof Muslimswould or should
have gatheredto prescribea uniformfor Muslims.26 He castigatedthose of
the religious establishmentwho condemnedmodern sciencebecauseit was
the productof the "kafirs"of Europe:such an attitude,he pointed out, be-
trayedabysmalignorance,as in the West scienceand religion were treated
and studiedseparately.In Afghanistan,unfortunately,there was neithersep7
arationnor study.The 'ulamd'of the countryhad done a great disserviceto
the childrenof the fatherlandthroughtheir negligence,indifferenceand ig-
norance.This ignoranceextendedbeyondthe sciences,even to theology.Instead
of masteringthat study through examinationand reflectionand only then
enunciatingthe truepreceptsof Islam,the 'ulamX'memorizedpages of words
like genuine parrots,and used chargesof "heresy"and "irreligion"against
theircriticsto shield their ignorance.27 Their insistencethat learningwas the
exclusivedomainof judges,interpretersof law and other membersof their
establishmentraised a formidableobstacleto the developmentof education
and disseminationof learningamong their coreligionists.Tarzi insistedthat
the imprecationsand accusationsof the Afghanreligiousestablishment, arising
as they did from ignorance,shouldnot be allowed to distortor misinterpret
the significanceof modernismwhichin essenceandin principlewas in harmony
with the lofty teachingsof Islam.
How, for instance,could the Afghan Muslimseven be asked to consider
scienceand technologyimpiouswhen they could greatlyhelp to consolidate
the defensesof MuslimAfghanistanand to preserveits independence?The
acceptanceof Europeantechnologydid not necessarilyentail the adoptionof
25. Ibid., II, No. 1, p. 16.
26. Ibid., No. 16, p. 8.
27. Ibid., IV, No. 15, pp. 6-7, 8.
Europeanmores.28 The historyof Islam in itself, Tarzi argued,was the best

indicationthat in its golden age and times of greatness,the Islamiccomnimu-
nity was engagedin the preservationand propagationof scienceand learning
and derivedmuchof its vitalitytherefrom.Knowledge,and effortsto acquire
it througheducation,werenot only compatiblewith the preceptsof the Quran:
they formedan essentialpart of it. 29 By ordainingthe faithful to betterthe
fate of the Islamiccommunityand secureits future,the Quran,it was argued,
was in concordwith the spiritof each age and the needs of everyera.3 The
Quranwas not prescribedfor the eternallife alone, but for this world too,
where the triumphof good deeds was essentialfor personal,social and na-
tional self improvement.The culturaland materialprogressof the Islamic
communityhad traditionallycontributedto the strengthand spreadof the
Islamicfaith, and therewas no reasonto believethat currentand futureprog-
ress of the communitywould underminethe positionof Islam.31
The necessityof knowledge,and thereforescience,accordingto Tarzi,was
clearlyacknowledgedand condonedby the ProphetMuhammad,who advo-
cated that ignoranceand knowledgecould not coexistany more than cleanli-
ness and uncleanliness,light and darkness.32 This was reiteratedin one of the
hadithsof Islam,whichstatedthat "man'sfaith lay in his reason."Knowledge
was thereforeessentialnot only in knowingoneself but also in knowingGod,
man's Creator.33 Since the distinguishingtrait in which lies the inherentsu-
periorityof man over the beastswas his God given reason,by inference,the
neglectof its cultivationandapplicationwas a greatdisserviceto oneself, one's
community,Islam and God.3
One of Tarzi'smost importantintellectualeffortswas the portrayalof the
unityof humanityand the universalityof scienceandlearningas demonstrated
in the texts of the Quran.35Followingthis line, Abdol Hadi, a contributor
to Saraj-ol-Akhbar,tried to prove Quranicsanctionfor travel abroadin pur-
suit of learning.He wrote that the Quranhad implicitlyacknowledgedthe
capacityof the Chineseand other non-Muslimpeoples of possessingand in-
creasingtheir knowledge,from which the Muslims could benefit, when it
urged the faithful to travel"evento China"for the sake of learning.Surely
28. R.H., p. 156.

29. S.A., II, No. 14, pp. 14-5, and V, No. 17, pp. 10-1. Also the article of Abdur Rahman,
III, No. 17, pp. 5-8.
30. Ibid., III, No. 2, pp. 2-3, and I, No. 10, p. 13. This is reminiscentof Syed Amir Ali's
general thesis, The Spirit of Islam (London, 1891), and the views of S. Khuda Bukhsh, Essays:
Indian and Islamic (London, 1912). It also follows the Quranic interpretationsof Muhammad
'Abduh (1848-1905) and his disciple MuhammadRasid Rida in Egypt. See J. Jomier,Le commen-
taire Coraniquede Manar(Paris, 1954).
31. S.A., III, No. 17, pp. 5-8; also the article of Mullah Tuti, Ibid., III, No. 8.
32. R.H., pp. 9, 11-2, 14.
33. S.A., VI, No. 14, pp. 2-3; I, No. 4, p. 9; III, No. 17, p. 4; V, No. 17, p. 5.
34. Ibid., I, No. 12, pp. 1-2, and III, No. 8, p. 5; No. 17, p. 4.
35. R.H., pp. 15-6, 38.
this passage,by extension,sanctionedthe travelof Muslimsto the West for

the same purpose.Abdol Hadi cited the extensivetravelsof famousMuslim
geographers,sages and navigatorsof the past as symbolsof open mindedness
and indicationsof the fact that knowledgewas universal.3 It was this uni-
versality,accordingto Tarzi, that had allowed the West to borrow from
Islam manyof its past scientificachievements.
Scienceand knowledge,whateverthe language and whereverthe source,
were beneficial;"a diamondencrustedwith mud is still a diamond."37 By
resortingto irony and furthercastigatingthe "logicalinconsistencies" of the
traditionalists,"M.A.,"anothercollaboratorof Saraj-ol-Akhbar, rejectedtheir
view that modernscienceand all its byproducts,as worksof infidelswere in
essencealien to Islam.If we acceptsucha conclusion,he wrote,we must stop
the importof all foreign goods, includingeven matchesand clothing,which
would do nothing more than leave the Afghan people naked and without
light. 38 Why, Tarzi asked,shoulda firmbelief in Islamas the best and most
sacredof all religionsdeter the Afghans from tryingto rid their countryof
ignorance,want, misery,diseaseand dependence.On the contrary,effortsto
help mold a free, strong,healthyand independentIslamiccommunityin Af-
ghanistanshould be welcomedas acts of religiouspiety.39
Since knowledgewas beneficialand servedthe best interestsof Islam and
the Afghans,the learningof Frenchand Englishcouldnot corruptthe Afghan
youth or harm the Afghan nationalgenius. To dissipatethese traditionalist
fears, Tarzi advancedseveralarguments.He invokedan historicalprecedent
by remindinghis readersthat suchpatrioticAfghanrulersas Dost Muhammed
and SherAli had allowedthe use of the Englishlanguagein militarylogistics
and terminology.He argued that the acquisitionof both foreign languages
and moderntechnologyby Japan,a majornon-Christian, Asiaticnation,had
certainlybenefitedratherthan harmedthe developmentof her nationalinsti-
tutions and genius.4 Tarzi used the anti-Britishsentimentsof the Afghans
againstthemselves.Knowledgeof English,he argued,would enable the Af-
ghans to learn the secretsof Britishscientificand technologicalachievements
and to understandbettertheirpoliciesand politicaldesignsvis a vis Afghanis-
tan. For similarutilitarianreasons,tourismand travelin generalwere hailed
as beneficialto the Afghan nationin the promotionof tradeand broadening
the horizons of individualAfghans, strengtheningtheir grasp of complex
politicaland strategicproblems.41
The reformationof Afghan society, Tarzi concluded,was a necessityto
36. S.A., V, No. 23-4, pp. 8-10.

37. Ibid., III, No. 6, p. 4 R.H., p. 6.
38. S.A., V, No. 17, p. 7.
39. Ibid., IV, No. 21, p. 6, and V, No. 17, p. 9; also III, No. 2, p. 7.
40. Ibid., II, No. 13, pp. 3-4, and III, No. 2, p. 8; also V, No. 17, p. 8, and R.H., pp. 153-4.
41. On the use of English see S.A., IV, No. 22, p. 7; on tourismsee R.H., pp. 45-7, 49.
of its institutionsand the introduction

be realizedonly with the reorganization
of modernscienceand technology.He felt that the burdenof this great task
should be carriedjointlyby an enlightenedMuslimreligiousleadership,the
Afghan scholarsand the ruling elite. It was for the religious leaders and
intellectualsto demonstratethe progressivespirit and preceptsof Islam and
thus purge the Islamicsocietyof Afghanistanof a superstructure of supersti-
tion, customsand habitswhich were inherentlynon-Islamic. 42 These Afghan
leadershad to becomeactivistsin this supremelyimportantcause:

Timesof poetryarebygone.It is nowthe timeof actionandeffort.The erais
thatof motor,rail,andelectricity.
The timesof camels,oxen,and donkeysare
bygone.43
The first concretestep generatingsocial change and reform, accordingto
Tarzi,was the establishment of widerculturalcontactswith the externalworld.
To this end, Saraj-ol-Akhbar assumedthe r6le of a bridge betweenAfghan-
istan and the rest of the worldand took upon itself the taskof informingthe
Afghans of intellectual,scientificand technologicalachievementsin Europe,
and the natureof the continent'ssocial and political institutions.Numerous
articlesdiscussedsuch new conceptsas the naturaland evolutionaryprogress
of humanity,naturalcausesof cyclones,blood circulation,the microscope,and
the telescope,meteorology,geologyand cosmography, internationallaw, politi-
cal science,municipalself government,the importanceof jointstockcompanies,
archeology,geography,historiography, et cetera.Amongtechnologicalachieve-
mentsthe periodicalnoticedrailways,automobiles,the telephone,photography
and airplanes.Hundredsof shortitems and poemson the natureof literature
and the historyof sciencewere carried,all of them exalting modernityand
progress,stressingthe immensepower of scientificknowledgeand the possi-
bilitiesit offeredto the Afghans.The latterwereexhortedto follow the exam-
ples of Japan,the OttomanEmpireand Persia,who had learnedthe hardway
tlhatin the contemporary world you could not meet the challengesof modern
armiesand the scientificand technologicalsuperiorityof the Europeanswith-
out theirpropercounterparts."
Saraj-ol-Akhbar enunciatedthe conceptof individualrights.Tarziwas the
first Afghan to championthe rights of women in modernAfghanistan.In a
seriesof articlesdedicatedto famouswomenin historyhe explicitlydefended
the manyabilitiesof women.Althoughhe ridiculedthe extremismand eccen-
tricitiesof someFrenchfeminists,he acknowledgedthe femininecontributions
to scienceand human progress.In Europe,he reported,there were women
doctors,scientists,writers,lawyers,teachersand governmentemployees.While
42. S.A., VII, No. 19, p. 9, and II, No. 24, p. 3.

43. Ibid., V, No. 6, p. 9.
44. Ibid., No. 17, pp. 1-2, and R.H., pp. 151-2, 153.
supportingthe individualrightsof womenand theirright to education,Tarzi

agreedthat the primaryduty of womenstill lay in raisingfamiliesand man-
aginga household.4 Himselfmonogamous,Tarziattackedpolygamy,although
neverexplicitly.He referredconstantlyto the value and the importanceof the
typicalideal family, which had as a unit one wife and a few children.46 In
Raudat-i-hikam he discussedthe fact that monogamyis universallypracticed
in Europeand that Europeansderide the Muslim customof marryingfour
women.Sincethe health,welfare and educationof Afghan familieswere es-
sentialin the processof buildingprogressiveAfghanistan,Tarzi attackedthe
extravagantexpendituresincurredin polygamyand/or customwhich ruined
the healthand potentialof manyeconomicallydeprivedfamilies.4
On the importanceof education,publichealth and otherbenefitsof

modernization
Saraj-ol-Akhbar publisheda great numberof articleson the regrettableab-
sence of moderneducationalfacilitiesin the Afghan fatherland.To acquaint
Afghan youthwith the value of education,he publisheda supplement,called
Saraj-ol-Atfal(Children'sLamp), whichwas the firstAfghan publicationde-
signed for a juvenileaudience.Here, throughselectedstories,moralisticand
didactictales, charadesand puzzles,Tarzi attemptedto inform the youth of
Afghanistan.In an articleon religion, for instance,he adjuredthe youth to
strengthentheir faith by obtainingknowledge,since knowledgealone would
enablethemto knowGodandCreation,to knowthe knownand the unknown.48
In otherwritingshe praisedthe greatnessof truescholarshipand sciencewhich
had conqueredand enlightenedthe world, and treatedknowledgeas the only
sourceof social wealth and individualfulfillment.49 Tarzi presentedAfghan
parentswith a plea to recognizethe worth and the rights of their children.
The latter,he wrote,were not objects,instrumentsof labor or capitalinvest-
ments.Their educationwas moreimportantthan the procurementof material
gains which,withoutthe benefitsof learningand know-how,were ephemeral;
educationalone was a lastinginvestment,benefitingthe individual,the nation
and the state.5 To assureprogressfor Afghanistanand to secureits modern-
45. S.A., I. No. 3, p. 7 ff; also III, No. 7, pp. 10-1. A. A. Jafarova,writing on "The position
of women in Afghanistan"in Kratkii SoobscheniiaInstituta Narodov Azii (Moscow) No. 73
(1963) says that Tarzi advocatedthe need for secularschools for girls. I could find no such cate-
goric statement.The ambiguityof Tarzi in this matter,I think,was deliberate,becauseof the delicacy
of the subjectmatter.
46. S.A., I, No. 3, p. 7. Tarzi had some 20 children,ten of whom still survive. See Dupree,
op. cit., pp. 5, 21.
47. S.A., III, No. 7, pp. 7-8. Amir HabibullahKhan, and later AmanullahKhan, imposed a
legal limit to the sum of moneyinvolvedin the proceedingsof a marriageceremony.The limits were
aligned with social status-Royal, noble, common.
48. Saraj-ol-A 4l, (Kabul), I, No. 4, p. 4.
49. S.A., 1, No. 12, pp. 14-5; also R.H., p. 5.
50. Ibid., 1, No. 4, pp. 7-8, and II, No. 16 pp. 11-12.
ization, the Afghans needed compulsorypublic education.This had to be

accomplishedthroughthe establishmentof a networkof modernschoolswith
well balancedcurriculaand accompaniedby the erectionof publiclibraries."
In order to generatepublic interestin science and learning,Tarzi made
a numberof translationsfrom Europeanliteratureinto Persian,which were
dominatedby science fiction.Among these were Jules Vernes'Around the
Worldin EightyDays, TwentyThousandLeaguesunderthe Sea, The Hidden
Island, et cetera. He published (1914-15) a personal travelogue entitled
Travelin Three Continentsin Twenty-NineDays, writtenin the 1890's.His
other works featurecollectionsof essaysand pamphlets,the most important
of whichare Whatis to be Done and Scienceand Islam,which is yet another
attemptto demonstratethe compatability of Islamand modernscience,and to
relate the past scientificachievementsof the Islamicworld. Other important
translationsincluded,from the Turkish,Hasan Fahmi Pasha'sInternational
Law, and a five volumeHistoryof the Russo-Japanese War, publishedby the
OttomanArmy'sChief of Staff. The former constituted,I think, the first
introductioninto Afghanistanof conceptsof internationaljustice and legal
order.52
Thereis hardlyanythingthat Tarziand Saraj-ol-Akhbar overlookedin their
effortsto educatethe Afghanpublic.In the field of publichealth,for instance,
Tarzi and his collaboratorsintroducedthe conceptof the germ, and tried to
presshome the necessityof providingthe people with non-pollutedwater.5
He attackedthe widely held notion, so prevalentin easterncountriesat that
time, and even now, that water,no matterwhat its origins,was pure as long
as it was runningand not still. To promotecleanliness,Tarzi stressedthe
necessityof using soap, and even invoked the injunctionsof the Quranon
cleanliness,withoutwhich,he said, prayerswould be invalid.5
Tarzi also criticizedthe meager and antiquatedknowledge of the local
hakims(physicians)whose learning,he contended,had not gone beyondthat
of the ancientGreeksand the MiddleAges. To averttragediesand to combat
the widespreadmiseryof Afghanscaughtin the grip of disease,he proposed
the hiringof doctorswith moderntrainingand the establishment of pharmacies
andpublicdispensaries. 5
Along with the establishmentof modern educationalfacilities and the

raisingof health standardsin the country,Tarzigave priorityto the improve-
ment of the country'smeans of communications and economy.Afghans had
51. Ibid., IV, No. 15, pp. 6-7, and VII, No. 16, p. 6; also II, No. 16, pp. 11-12. "On the need
for public libraries,"see the article of M. Fazli, Ibid., 1, No. 17, p. 12.
52. D. Wilber in AnnotatedBibliographyof Afghanistan(New Haven, 1956) p. 81, attributed
also Siraj-ol-twarikh(Kabul, 1913), the two-volumehistory of Afghanistan,to Tarzi. This is not
correct.
53. S.A., II, No. 8, p. 13; No. 2, p. 3; No. 7, p. 15.
54. Ibid., II, No. 3, p. 12, and I, No. 3, p. 8.
55. Ibid., II, No. 3, p. 10.
to accept modern technologyand introducevarious basic industries.They

were urged to adopt such innovationsas the telephone,the telegraph,the
automobileand industrialmachinery,to establishpost offices,and form joint
stockcompanies.Thesewould all assistin the economicunificationof Afghan-
istan.56 To speed up this process,bolsterthe country'sdefensesand improve
conditionsfor the forthcomingindustrialization of the region, Tarzi insisted
on the introductionof the railway,somethingwhich for politicalreasonshad
always before been steadfastlyrefused by the Afghan rulers.Accordingto
him, the railwaywould have a tremendousimpactupon the Afghan society,
completelyrevolutionizingAfghan notions of time and distance:the Kabul-
Herat journeyof 35 days,for instance,would be reducedto three days.The
railwaycould allow the Afghansto unearththe mineralwealth of theirrealm
and, in cases of famine or shortage,to transfergrain and other foodstuffs
from one region of the countryto anotherwithout undue delay. It would
also permitthe peopleto markettheirchief exportitem, freshfruit,muchmore
efficiently.Above all, the railwaywould vastlyimprovethe country'sdefenses.
This was especiallyso in view of the fact that Russiaand BritishIndia had
extendedtheir respectiverailwaysystemsto the very bordersof Afghanistan.
If necessary,these countriescould throw at once hundredsof thousandsof
soldiers against Afghanistan,whereas it would take the Afghans a whole
month to send an armyto the north by the only availablemeans,horse and
camel.
Tarzi recognized,however,that a railwayin Afghanistanmight also have
drawbacks.Railwayconcessionsto Great Powers,or the scramblefor them,
would have dire political consequences,as had been the case with China,
the OttomanEmpire,Persia and Morocco.The railwaymight also lead to
the division of Afghanistaninto spheresof influencebetween Russia and
Britain,whereasthe lack of it servednow as a BritishbulwarkagainstRussia.
The Afghans faced a dilemmaon this question,for the potentialpolitical
drawbacksand threatsto nationalsovereigntywere quite as powerfulas the
possiblebenefits.Tarzi found a plausiblesolution to the dilemmain inter-
nationallaw, wherebyall the "interestedparties"would pledge not to inter-
vene in the internal affairs of Afghanistan.Only on this basis could the
Afghan governmentallow the constructionof badly needed railways.57 He
was not, however,so naive as to acceptforeign pledges of non-intervention
and the spirit of internationallaw by themselvesas adequatesafeguardsof
the integrityand sovereigntyof Afghanistan.Tarziwarnedthat the Afghans,
valuing freedommore than materialwell being, could destroythe railways
if their countrywere subjectedto foreigninterventionism. He even published
56. R.H., p. 151, also S.A., I, No. 5, p. 5; No. 7, pp. 1-2; No. 11, p. 10; No. 20, p. 2.
57. ibid., No. 24, pp. 10, 11-2.
a manual,for the benefitof the Afghan military,on the subjectof effective

destructionof railways,in order to preparethem for such an eventuality.5B
The deep seatedfear of capitulationsand foreign interventionforcedTarzi
and some of his associatesto advanceunrealisticplans for the modernization
of Afghanistan,includingthe introductionof railways,withoutsorelyneeded
foreign capital.5 However, they had no immediateconcrete,realistic and
convincingsolutionto the main dilemmaof the Afghan rulers:how to har-
monize the needs of modernizationand the causesof the Afghan monarchy
and independencevis a vis internaland externalthreats.Only in nationalism
did Tarzi discerna mightyforce capableof sustainingboth the integrityand
sovereigntyof Afghanistan,and securingits unhinderedmodernization.
Afghannationalism:ally of modernism
Tarzi found the raisond'&reof Afghanistanin the teachingsof Islamand
made an ingeniousattemptto link its aspirationswith the causes of Pan-
Islamism,Pan-Asiaticsolidarityand modernism.Accordingto him, the ethos
and the conceptof an Afghan fatherlandand nationhoodemanatedfrom
Islam. To substantiatethis contentionTarzi quoted a sayingof the Prophet
Muhammad:"Hubbal-watanmin al-iman"(Patriotismderivesfrom faith).
Since the Afghans had acceptedIslam by the grace and will of God, it fol-
lowed that Afghanistanwas a God given country,and love for the Afghan
fatherlandwas divinelyordained.The fatherlandwas the cradleof religion,
the foundationof freedom,honor, nationalityand individualidentity.Tarzi
proceededto demonstratethe compatibilityof the ideasof Afghannationhood
and the Quranicconceptof one single Islamiccommunity(umma). He wrote
that all Muslimswere membersof that community,but that within it there
were a numberof political entities,which constitutedfatherlandsfor given
communitiesliving therein, who formed nations. Being Muslim political
entities,the love citizenshad for their particularfatherlandswas, ipso facto,
sanctionedby Islam and by God. To love one's countrywas to love one's
religionand vice versa.60
By makingIslam the foundationfor the state of Afghanistanand Afghan
nationality,Tarzi developeda religio-politicalformula that transcendedthe
58. Ibid., V, No. 7, p. 8.
59. Thus, Ali Akbar, a collaboratorof Saraj-ol-Akhbar, proposed in 1916, the adoption of a
policy whereby the Afghans could modernizetheir country by a system of individual mandatory
savings throughoutAfghanistan.By placing the numberof Afghans at 20 million, Ali Akbar esti-
mated an annual revenue of 20 million krans which, he argued, would permit them to pursue a
policy of autochthonousmodernization.Tarzi himself advocateda more ingenious, althoughequally
unrealistic,plan. Everyyear, accordingto him, millions of rupees worth of animals were sacrificed
to religious purposes.If the skins of the animalsalone were contributedto the cause of Afghan edu-
cation, they would net an annualrevenueof a million or so rupees. This would benefitthe Afghan
nation, help its progress,and at the same time widen the scope and meaningof religious saaifices.
60. S.A., 1, No. 7, pp. 6-7. On this theme see also Ibid., IV, No. 17, pp. 3-4; III, No. 16,
pp. 14-5. For poems on "Fatherland"(watan), see IV, No. 10, p. 7; VI. No. 24, pp. 1-3.
existingethnic,linguisticand religiousdivisionsof the country.He attempted

also to link the legitimacyof the Afghan monarchyand its centralizingactivi-
ties with the preceptsof Islam. Religion,the nation, the fatherlandand the
governmentwere four inseparableand sacredconcepts.61 If the fatherland
were to be comparedto a being, the nation would form its bones and flesh,
the King its soul. 62 Therefore, Tarzi concluded, it was the religious duty of
every devout MuslimAfghan to love and serve not only his fatherlandand
nation,but also his governmentandmonarch,for a "Fatherland(watan) with-
out a nation (millat), a nationwithouta fatherland,bothwithoutgovernment,
and governmentwithouta King, would resembleinorganicsubstanceor a car
withoutan engine.' 63
The next logical step for Tarzi and Saraj-ol-Akhbar was to identify the
love of the fatherlandwith the causeof modernism.The argumentsadvanced
were as follows: patriotismwas explicitlysanctionedand exalted by Islam
as a religiousduty.Almostby definitionit requiredcommitments to the defense
of the fatherland.Or, progressand civilizationbeing indispensableto the
defense and strengthof Afghanistan,they were compatiblewith Islam.Only
throughmodernization couldthe AfghanKingdomreorganizeits army,bolster
its defensesand thusprotectits independence,honorand the positionof Islam
againstthe insatiableappetite,designsand encroachments of the Europeans.64
True patriotism,however,went beyondthe mere physicaldefense of one's

homeland and extended to its reformationand modernization.It was de-
monstrablythe duty of each faithful patriotto promotelearningand to con-
tribute to the developmentof educationalinstitutionsand the progressof
Afghanistan.65 Divinely ordainedprinciplesof law and other preceptsof
Islam, as well as the causes of freedomand progress,necessitatednational
unity. Therefore those who opposed progressand contributedto disunity
providedweaponsto the enemiesof Islamand the Afghan fatherland.It was
the supremetask of all Afghans to supportthose policies of the monarchy
that aimed towardsocioeconomicunificationof Afghanistanthroughcentral-
izationand to secureits progressthroughmodernization. 66
The developmentof Afghan historiographywas regardedas essentialto

the growthof Afghan nationalism.Scholarswere urged to develophistorical
rationalism,to establishcausalrelationships,and througha comparativestudy
to discoverand revealthe sourcesof the strengthand weaknessesof civiliza-
tions. This would enablethe Afghansto understandthose factorsthat under-
61. Ibid., IV, No. 10, pp. 4-5; No. 21, p. 6, and I, No. 18, p. 1; No. 8, p. 4.
62. Ibid., No. 7, pp. 6-7; IV, No. 20, p. 6. In anotherarticle, Tarzi comparedthe ruler to a
tree and the nation to its roots. See I, No. 10, p. 7.
63. Ibid., IV, No. 20, p. 6.
64. R.H., p. 151.
65. S.A., II, No. 7, p. 14; No. 8, p. 12; also V, No. 17, pp. 1-2, and R.H., p. 145.
66. S.A., III, No. 16, p. 13; No. 22, p. 1; also II, No. 8, p. 12; No. 21, p. 2.
mine or assist a country'sindependenceand prosperity,and thus help them

to securethe future developmentof their own.07 The study of Afghan and
general historyhad to be accompanied,accordingto Tarzi, by a concerted
effortto raise the statusof Pashto,"the Afghan language."SincePashtowas
the manifestationof nationalgenius and "the ancestorof all languages"its
studywas essential.As the nationallanguage,maintainedTarzi, Pashtomust
be taught to and learnedby all the ethnicallynon-Afghangroups.6 Islam,
Afghan historyand Pashtohe felt to be thosematricesfrom which the ethnic
mosaicthatconstitutedAfghanistancouldgrowandprogressas one.
AfghanPan-Islamism
As proponentsof Pan-Islamismand foes of Europeanimperialism,the
reformersattemptedto utilize the programand the impactof Pan-Islamism
to advancethe causesof Afghan nationalismand modernism.In 1911-1912,
Tarzi advocatedthe use of Turkishofficers,techniciansand medicalexperts
in Afghanistan.Their employmentwould serve as an exampleof intra-Mus-
lim cooperationand solidarity.As coreligionists,their presencewould not
cause internalfrictionand would both facilitateand acceleratethe reforma-
tion of the Afghan armiesand othermodernistschemes."
Echoingthe views of Jamalal-din al-AfghTni,Tarzi and Saraj-ol-Akhbar
attackedthe position of those Europeanauthorswho saw in Europeanim-
perialisma progressivehistoricalforce. Europeancolonial rule, Tarzi con-
tended,pursuedboth politicaland religiouspolicies propagatingmaterialism
with the ultimateaim of underminingthe vitalityof Islam.With this intent,
they supportedthe activitiesof Christianmissionaries,capitalizedon and
sustainedthe divided state of the Muslim world and devised such colonial
educationalprogramsthat would stifle the revival of Dar-al-Islhm. 70 The
onslaughtof Europeanimperialismcould be checked,Tarzi believed,by ad-

heringto the Pan-Islamiccredoof al-Afghaniand promotingsolidarityamong
all the Muslims.In this process,the OttomanEmpire,Iran and Afghanistan,
"thethreeremainingindependentMuslimpoliticalentities,"had an important
historicalrole to play. They were to establishclose political, culturaland
economicties with each other and promoteunity and solidaritywithin the
Islamicworld. Sucha politicalrapprochement had in the past been obviated
67. Ibid., I, No. 11, p. 8; VI, No. 6, p. 6; No. 13, pp. 4-5, also IV, No. 7, pp. 4-5; No. 16, pp.
8-10.
68. Ibid., V, No. 1, p. 2; No. 19, p. 5, also II, No. 9, pp. 9-12. Such a policy was adoptedin
the 1930's and pursuedwith especialvigor since the 1950's. Pashtois currentlyboth the officialand
nationallanguage.
69. Ibid., I, No. 14, pp. 9-10.
70. Ibid., No. 6, pp. 3-4. On al-Afghani'sviews regardingthe British political and cultural
strategiesvis a' vis Muslim societies see Jamalal-din al-Afgh.ni and Muhammad'AbduhaJ'urwaal-
'urwaal wutbqa (Beirut, 1910) 2 vols., I, 13, II, 138 if.
by the particularism of the Shia Persians.However,the calamitiesbefore the

Muslimworld made such a unity both a religiousduty and a politicalneces-
sity.71 The end of Shia and SunniMuslimantagonismin Afghanistanwould
consolidatethe position of Islam, strengthenthe defense of the fatherland,
and inauguratea culturalrapproachment and closercooperationwith Persia.72
The idea was not a novel one. Two plans affectingAfghanistanhad been
advancedin the eighteenthandnineteenthcenturiesto overcomethe Shia-Sunni
confessionaldivisions.The firstof these plans (1743) was mainlya political
move on the partof Nadir Shah,the Persianconqueror,to bringabouta har-
moniousfusion or at least a peaceful modus vivendi between the Shia and
Sunni Muslims of his Empire.The unsuccessfulplan entailed Shia recogni-
tion of the legitimacyof the first threeCaliphs,in exchangefor Sunniaccep-
tance of Shia Muslims as membersof a new legal categoryof Islam, the
Jafari school. It was to be rankedas the fifth legal divisionof Islam, after
the Hanafi,Maliki,Shafii,and Hanbalischools.73
A centurylater, al-AfghTni,chief intellectualadvocateof Pan-Islamism,
offeredanothertentativesolution for the reconciliationof the Shia and the
Sunni.The schemeinvolved Shia recognitionof the OttomanSultan as the
Caliph of all the Muslims.The latter was to recognizethe Shah of Persia,
head of the leading Shia power, as an independentand sovereignmonarch.
As a magnanimousgesture, the Sultan would cede the Shii holy places irn
Iraqto the Shah.Mattersof commoninterestwould be discussedand policies
coordinatedthroughconferences. This plan also came to nothing.
Tarzi'sprogramwas much simpler.He proposedthat the three cardinal
elementsof Islam,namelya) the professionof Faith, "Thereis no God but
God and Muhammadis His Prophet,"b) the Quran,and c) the Ka'abah,
be regardedas the non-controversial basis for Sunni-Shiaunity. Since the
unityof the faithfulwas orderedby the Quranand the Prophet,all Muslims
of Afghanistanwere brethren.75 The questionas to whethersuch an enunci-
ated unity entailed the recognitionof the Caliphateon the part of Afghan
or other Shia was left unanswered.
Unlike certainPan-Islamists,Tarzi did not deem the mere political unity
or numericalstrengthof the Muslimssufficientto redeemthe Muslimworld.
This was possibleonly througha Pan-Islamicprogramwhich would include
71. S.A., 1, No. 13, p. 15, and No. 7, pp. 5-6.

72. Ibid., IV, No. 23, pp.1-3; for a poem on the same topic see Ibid., p. 4.
73. The choice of Jafar-us-Sadiq(one of the twelve Imamsof the Shia Muslims) was probably
dictatedby a desire of Nadir Shah to woo the Shia majorityof his empire without offending the
Sunnis. See L. Lockhart,Nadir Shah, (London, 1938), also E. G. Browne, A LiteraryHistory of
Persia, (C.U.P., 1959), IV, 137. The scheme failed due to the opposition of both Shia and ultra-
conservativeleadersand the assassinationof the Shah in 1747.
74. Mirza LutfallahKhan, Jamal al-Din al Asadabadi(Cairo, 1957) p. 98 ff.
75. S.A., I, No. 13, pp. 10-2, 15; also No. 2, p. 3, and IV, No. 21, p. 6.
socioeconomicreform and would promotelearnig, freedom and science.7

The Pan-Islamiccause thus imposeda solemn duty upon Afghans to unify
and modernizetheircountry,which was an "anchorof hope for the Muslims
of tie East."77
The Pan-Asiaticcause and Afghan modernism

Having justifiedthe modernizationof Afghanistanon the basis of Afghan
nationalismand Pan-Islamism, Tarzi and his colleaguesalso used the concept
of Asian solidarityvs. Europeancolonialismas an additionalargument.
The Europeanshad subduedalmostall of Asia. Englandand Russiaalone
had enslavedmillions of people, deprivingthem of their basic right to free-
dom: "Peoplesof India and Baluchistan,numberingfive or six times more
than the English nation, were being ruled by the will of a few hundred
thousandEnglishmen";Russia,"like a spider,had extendeditself from the
Baltic to the Pacific,subjugatingthe Muslimsof Turkestanand subjecting
them to the most cruel exactions."78 Tarzi called upon Afghans and other
Muslimsto awakenand face the fact that Russiaand Englandhad launched
an onslaught against Constantinople,"the political center of the Muslim
world,"that in Europethe Italians,Greeksand Bulgariansbled the Muslims,
that the British in India destroyedMuslim mosquesand Indian temples.79
Afghanistanitself was flankedby governmentswho nurturedthe destruction;
of Afghan independenceand were enemies both of Afghan religion and
honor.80
In the face of "Christianexactionsand encroachments" in the East,particu-
larly againstthe Muslims,Saraj-ol-Akhbar urgedthe latterto join forceswith
the awakeningnon-Muslimpeoples of the East in order to bring about the
liberationof all Asia. The signal of the awakeningEast was manifest in
Japan'svictoryover Russia.If Chinafollowed the footsteps of Japan,their
eventualconcertedaction in defense of Asia would draw the OttomanEm-
pire, Persia, Afghanistanand Arabia under the banner of "Asia for the
Asians." This could end once and for all the greed of Europeand even
threatenits very existence.81 Therefore,it was reasoned,the socioeconomic
transformationof Afghanistanwas indispensablefor Asia in the coming
struggleagainstEuropeanimperialists.
With suchelaborateargumentsand goals for a modernAfghan state,Tarzi
and Afghan modernistsgroupedaroundSaraj-ol-Akhbar urged their compa-
76. Ibid., VI, No. 7, p. 2; II, No. 20, p. 12; No. 22, p. 6; No. 13, p. 3. Also IV,
No. 8, pp. 5-6, and V, No. 17, p. 11.
77. Ibid., I, No. 20, pp. 7, 13.
78. Ibid., VI, No. 12, p. 12. For the English rule, see III, No. 6, p. 4.
79. Ibid., No. 3, p. 3; II, No. 18, p. 15; No. 24, p. 12; V, No. 17, pp. 10-1.
80. R.H., pp. 144, 145.
81. S.A., II, No. 16, pp. 13-4, and No. 17, pp. 7-8.
triots and the ruling elite to embarkupon a vast programof social, cultural
and economicrenovation.This had to be accomplishedthrougha systematic
plan at an acceleratedpace.In theirendeavorto win the supportof the Afghan
ruling class the most difficultobstaclewas that element'sfear that a process
of modernizationwas impossiblewithoutimpairingAfghan nationaldynastic
and tribalinterests.To dissipatethese apprehensionssome, like Barakatullah,
a Muslimrevolutionaryfrom India, proposedmodernizationof Afghanistan
throughthe assistanceof "Asiaticand anti-imperialistJapan."82 Tarzi and
his colleagues,however,stressedmore the fact that genuine nationaldevel-
opmentand progresswere possibleonly when a modernizingsocietyenjoyed
complete independence,sovereigntyand freedom.83 The full independence
of Afghanistan,therefore,and the acceptanceof its rightful position in the
family of nations,were consideredthe best guaranteesof Afghan interests,
for fulfillmentof nationalaspirationsandrapidmodernization of the country.84
Conclusion
The historicalimportanceof Saraj-ol-Akhbar is in its formulationof the
tenets and goals of modernAfghan nationalism.It providedthe first ethical
justificationfor the modernizationof Afghanistan,and made modernisman
integralpart of Afghan nationalism.To be sure, Tarzi'speriodicaldid not
have a large circulation.It was writtenin Persian,carryingonly an occasional
versein Pashto,and was thus accessiblechieflyto readersin the urbancenters
of easternand western Afghanistan.Widespreadilliteracy,the absenceof
publiclibrariesor readingrooms,the noveltyof the idea of a newspaper,the
high annualsubscription rate (one poundsterlingor 15 rupees)andthe paper's
numerousarticleson abstractand unfamiliarscientifictopics and concepts,
as well as its use of many newly borrowedEuropeanwords and nomencla-
tures, all mitigatedagainstwide circulation.
The familiarityof the Afghan 6elitewith Persian,the officiallanguageof
both the court and the country,on the other hand, along with the Amir's
active patronageof Saraj-ol-Akhbar encouragedits circulationamong the
country'sprominentcourtiers,educators,membersof the Royal family and
some representatives of the religiousestablishment.The small Afghan literati
too, which had acquireda limited Persianeducationin the maktabsand the
newly foundededucationalestablishments, had alreadybeen exposedto some
aspectsof the Muslimrevivalist-modernist thought,throughpilgrimage,travel,
importedbooks,periodicalsand Muslimeducatorsfrom India and the Otto-
man Empire,was receptiveto the ideas of Saraj-ol-Akhbar. Thus, despitethe
limitationsand obstaclesit encountered,the periodicalwas able to widen
82. Ibid., III, No. 2, p. 8.
83. Ibid., I, No. 11, p. 11.
84. Ibid., VII, No. 13, pp. 2-4.
the horizonof the Afghan elite and literati,by introducingmany new con-
cepts and acquaintingthem with developmentsand sociopoliticalattitudes
in the rest of the Islamicworld. As such, the periodicalservedas a medium
of contactbetween the Afghans and the Muslimsof the OttomanEmpire,
Persia,India and Turkestan.The popularprose and style of Saraj-ol-Akhbar
and Tarzi'sown voluminouswritingsand translationsservedas stimulito the
developmentof modern Afghan literatureand journalism.Such poets and
writersas MuhammedAmin (Andalib), Nadim,AbdulAli Mostaghni,Abdul
Ahad Dawi, SardarAzizollah,Abd al Haqq Betab,AbdullahKhan Qari, et
cetera,or else such publicistsas Safa, Ali AhmadNaimi, SarwarSaba,Aziz
RahmanSaifi,who playedimportantrolesas journalistsunderthe rule of King
Amanullah(1919-1928) and later,eitherfound theirfirstforumin the pages
of Saraj-ol-Akhbaror were greatlyinfluencedby its style and ideas.
Some of the aims of Tarzi and the Young Afghans were at the time too
ambitiousand manyof theirplans eitherunrealisticor exaggeratedlyoptimis-
tic. Whereastheir Pan-Islamicand nationalisticteachingsand clamorfor com-
plete independenceof Afghanistanappealedto the massesand most political
and religious leaders, their modernistviews, however, in the absenceof a
cohesivesocial force, lackedsimilarsupport.Powerfultribalchieftainsoften
opposedor distrustedthe introductionof moderninstitutionsand the adop-
tion of those innovationsand reformsthat could have underminedtheir tra-
ditional privileges and parochialsocioeconomicinterests, strengthenedthe
centralgovernmentat their expense,and weakenedthe strategicstrongholds
of the tribes in a blow to their and Afghanistan'sdefenses. Similarfears
preoccupiedthe religiousestablishment.They wholeheartedlysupportedthe
political programof Pan-Islamismand its call to struggleagainstEuropean
imperialismbut, in general, they opposed those modernisticprogramsthat
went beyondthe confinesof improvingmilitarytechnology.In the projected
socioeconomicrenaissancethey rightly foresaw a gradual end to their hold
over education, tighter governmentalcontrol over religious endowments
(awqtaf), increasedregulationsof Islamiclaw on the part of the government
and an overallassaulton the traditionalAfghan way of life.
In the absenceof a cohesive or strong bourgeoisie,the only power that
couldusherin the tools and institutionsof moderncivilizationwas the Afghan
monarchy.Tarzi and his colleaguesthereforeaimed chieflyat reachingthe
Afghan ruling elite, from whom they expecteda rapid and guided modern-
izationwith prioritiesfor educationandindustrialization.
Forthis reason,great
endeavorswere made to encourageand to providemoderneducationto the
childrenof importantAfghan families,especiallythose of the Muhammadzai
ruling clan. In the same manner,each reformand modernizationschemeof
Habibullah,no matterhow modest,was hailed, advertisedand cast into his-
toricalperspectiveby Saraj-ol-Akhbar and Tarzi.Numerouslaudatoryarticles
were dedicated to the Amir, singling him out as an exemplary progressive

ruler who had gained respect and renown in the gratitude of the Islamic
world. He was proclaimed as "sacred," "shining star," and "architect of
progress."
Amir Habibullah welcomed this active support. Obviously, he was especial-
ly appreciative of those theories that expounded the legitimacy of the mon-
archy and made it an integral part of Afghan nationalism and Islam and
justified the attempts of the monarchyto centralize political power and initiate
some modernization schemes. However, while sanctioning the advocacy of
modernism and nationalism under the aegis of monarchy and appreciating
the paper's defense of him against foreign critics, the Amir curtailed the
expression of those Pan-Islamic and militant nationalistic views of the Saraj-
ol-Akhbarcircle that might have strainedAnglo-Afghan relations. Thus, during
World War I, he resisted both the efforts of the nationalists and the modern-
ists, and external pressures, that urged him to cast off his neutrality and join
the fate of Afghanistan with the Ottomans and other Central Powers by
opening hostilities on the Northwest Frontier of India. He might have thus
achieved the immediate and total independence of the country, the condition
which was a prerequisite for its future social and economic development. He
also failed to meet great expectations of the Young Afghans concerning the
modernization of his realm. This was due partly to World War I but also
in a great measure to the Amir's fears that large scale reforms might under-
mine this absolute rule and raise (as it did, only to meet with immediate
suppression) the issue of constitutional monarchy. The Amir was also handi-
capped by the fact that the monarchy,in order to sustain its dynastic rule and
preserve the independence and integrity of the Kingdom, had to rely chiefly
on the Afghan tribes, which necessitated a basic commitment on the part of
the monarchy to maintain the overall tribal-feudal structureof the Kingdom.
The nineteenth century Afghan struggles against the Sikhs and the British
had also strengthened the position of the religious establishment. Islam had
become a necessary spiritual weapon against the encroaching "infidels," and
a rallying point for the ethnically heterogeneous groups of Afghanistan. Con-
versely, the economically weak and in general ethnically non-Afghan character
of the majority of the urban center, made the prospects of a successful or
lasting alliance between the urban sectors and the monarchy a difficult one.
To implement its limited modernization schemes, the monarchy was forced
to rely chiefly on heavy taxations on the non-Afghan sedentary elements and
urban sectors. These, the lack of adequate financial resources and the reluc-
tance of the monarchy to pursue an "open door" policy that would have
allowed foreign investment and enable the Afghans to exploit their natural
resources, constituted the major flaws in the implementation of modernization
schemes of any significance.
By late 1918, the avowed political and social aims of the Afghan national-
ists and the position of the Amir came into sharp conflict. Relations were
strained and Tarzi was forced to cease the publication of Saraj-ol-Akhbar.
However, the influence of Tarzi and the periodical continued. As champions
and theoreticiansof Afghan nationalism, they stimulated the Afghan struggle
for complete independence. Under the banner of Pan-Islamismand national-
ism, a temporary alliance of modernist and traditionalist forces lent their
support to the third Afghan war against British India (1919), which cul-
minated in complete Afghan independence.
The impact of Tarzi assumed a new dimension after 1919. As father-in-law
to the foreign minister, and for a long time the principal advisor to King
Amanullah (1919-1928), Tarzi's view on Afghan nationalism and modernism
became a prime force in shaping the subsequentcourse and characterof mod-
ernization in Afghanistan.

Mahmud Tarzi and Saraj Ol Akhbar

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Mahmud Tarzi and Saraj-ol-Akhbar: Ideology of Nationalism and Modernization in Afghanistan

Author(s): Vartan Gregorian

IDEOLOGY OF NATIONALISM AND

T HE studyof the reformmovement andof thecharacter

Akhbargave voice to the aspirationsof the "YoungAfghans,"a small, en-

Abdur RahmanKhan and SardarGhulam MuhammadKhan, an amnesty,

2. Saraj-ol-Akhbar(henceforthS.A.) I, No. 5, p. 12, In Wilber (ed.), op. cit., p. 178, the

of Great Britain to strengthenits diplomaticposition in Afghanistan,two

of a few elementaryschools to coexist with the traditionalmosque schools

World War I, the 1917 March and NovemberRevolutionsin Russia, and

Decline of Afghanistan:A modernistdiagnosis

against another.These divisions defied both the preceptsof Islam, which

15. R.H., pp. 146.7, 149.

againstreasonand learning,Tarzi claimed,had no basis in the fundamental

The plannedmodernizationof Afghanistan-or of any Islamicsociety-ac-

Europeanmores.28 The historyof Islam in itself, Tarzi argued,was the best

28. R.H., p. 156.

this passage,by extension,sanctionedthe travelof Muslimsto the West for

36. S.A., V, No. 23-4, pp. 8-10.

of its institutionsand the introduction

leadershad to becomeactivistsin this supremelyimportantcause:

42. S.A., VII, No. 19, p. 9, and II, No. 24, p. 3.

supportingthe individualrightsof womenand theirright to education,Tarzi

On the importanceof education,publichealth and otherbenefitsof

ization, the Afghans needed compulsorypublic education.This had to be

Along with the establishmentof modern educationalfacilities and the

to accept modern technologyand introducevarious basic industries.They

a manual,for the benefitof the Afghan military,on the subjectof effective

existingethnic,linguisticand religiousdivisionsof the country.He attempted

True patriotism,however,went beyondthe mere physicaldefense of one's

The developmentof Afghan historiographywas regardedas essentialto

mine or assist a country'sindependenceand prosperity,and thus help them

onslaughtof Europeanimperialismcould be checked,Tarzi believed,by ad-

by the particularism of the Shia Persians.However,the calamitiesbefore the

71. S.A., 1, No. 13, p. 15, and No. 7, pp. 5-6.

socioeconomicreform and would promotelearnig, freedom and science.7

The Pan-Asiaticcause and Afghan modernism

were dedicated to the Amir, singling him out as an exemplary progressive

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