Articles 1

Thinking and Doing Prevention: A

Critical Analysis of Contemporary Youth
Crime and Suicide Prevention Discourses
Adcock, A. , Nagy, S. , & Simpson, J. (1991).

In this article, we have traced some of the dominant cultural narratives

shaping current understandings of youth crime and suicide. We have aimed to
show some of the ways that our received understandings of what the problem
is and what should be done about it are social constructions that privilege a
certain kind of scientific explanation. By starting from the premise that narrow,
highly regulated approaches to studying these complex problems are bound to
be inadequate we have argued that alternative ways of thinking, studying and
doing prevention need to be considered. A number of theoretical frameworks,
including constructionist, critical, and postmodern paradigms, have been
identified as having a useful contribution to make. We conclude by
recommending ways of thinking and doing prevention that capitalize on young
people's wisdom, recognize more collaborative approaches to knowledge-
making and community building, and enable multiple forms of critical
engagement and resistance as well as engendering practices of hope and
solidarity.

ARTICLE 2
Adolescent Suicide Risk and Peer-Related Violent Behaviors and
Victimization
WILLIAM P. EVANS, RICARDO M. MARTE, SHERRY BETTS, 
BENJAMIN SILLIMAN
This exploratory study seeks to better understand the link between peer-related violence
(perpetration and victimization) and suicide risk among youth. The study uses data gathered
from Arizona, Nevada, and Wyoming, where the highest rates of adolescent suicide in the
United States are found. The data derive from in-school surveys of eighth-grade students
conducted during 1998 and 1999. Higher levels of reported suicide risk were prominent
among the multiethnic, urban, and female respondents. Male and female respondents who
perpetrated violence by initiating fights, threatening to use weapons, and using weapons to
assault others were more likely to be classified in the high-risk suicide group than those who
did not. General results were similar for victims and those witnessing violence. Implications
for prevention programming and future research are discussed
ARTICLE 3

Psychiatric Morbidity, Violent Crime, and

Suicide Among Children and Adolescents
Exposed to Parental Death
Author links open overlay panelHolly C.WilcoxPh.D.aSatoko
J.KuramotoM.H.S.aPaulLichtensteinPh.D.bNiklasLångströmM.D., Ph.D.bDavid
A.BrentM.D.cBoRunesonM.D., Ph.Db

In this large, longitudinal, total population study with decades of follow-up, parental mode of death and offspring's

age at the time of parental death both moderated risk for suicide among offspring. Consistent with a prior study

using Danish registers,8 parental suicide was linked to increased risk for offspring suicide. However, offspring of

suicide decedents less than age 26 (all ages combined) were at greater risk for suicide than offspring of alive

parents, whereas offspring of accident decedents and other parental death were not at increased risk. The risk

for offspring suicide also differed by the developmental period during which parental suicide occurred. Offspring

who were children or adolescents at the time of parental suicide were at increased risk for suicide, whereas

offspring who were young adults at the time of parental suicide were not at increased risk. Child offspring of

accident decedents (but not adolescents or young adults) were also at increased risk for suicide, which reflects

the importance of parental loss during this developmental period for some modes of parental death. Offspring of

parents who died of other causes were not at increased risk for suicide.

In general, offspring who experienced parental death had greater risk of hospitalization for all types of psychiatric
disorders and suicide attempts than offspring of alive parents (IRR = 1.3 to 1.9). The link between parental death

and adverse offspring outcomes remained robust after adjusting for parental psychiatric problems severe enough

to warrant hospitalization as well as parental criminal convictions. In addition, for offspring ages 0 to 25 years

combined, the risk of hospitalization for suicide attempt, depressive, psychotic and personality disorders (but not

drug or alcohol use disorders) varied by mode of parental death as offspring of parental suicide had an especially

high risk. Among those who lost a parent to suicide, child survivors were at particularly high risk for

hospitalization for drug use disorders and psychosis than were older age groups. All offspring who experienced

parental death, regardless of mode or age, were at increased risk for violent criminal convictions, as compared

with offspring of alive parents.

Because the potency of exposure to parental suicide as a risk factor strongly depends on the age at exposure, it

is unlikely to be a marker of merely genetic vulnerability, but environmental, developmental or due to gene–

environment interaction. In terms of social and environmental factors, parental death results in post-death family

stressors and more extensive changes in caretaking routines for younger children that may influence offspring's

psychosocial outcomes. According to Shonkoff et al,24 adversities in childhood, in this instance parental suicide
and accident, create biological “memories” that can weaken regulatory physiological systems and increase

vulnerability to later morbidity and mortality. Early-onset, and thereby potentially more severe, psychiatric

disorder and associated suicide in parents may be linked with early onset psychopathology and greater genetic

liability for psychiatric disorder in offspring. However, in our analyses, we adjusted for parental psychiatric

admissions.

We expected offspring of parental death to be at greater risk for violent criminal conviction because the death of

a parent is often associated with socioeconomic disruption and less care or supervision,25 which are both known

risk factors for antisocial behavior. In addition, we expected offspring of suicide decedents to be at greater risk for

violent criminal conviction because impulsive–aggressive traits run in families affected by suicide.20 Our results

suggested that although parental death was associated with higher risk for criminal conviction in offspring, the

risk was not related to any specific mode of parental death. This could suggest that impulsive aggressive traits

are linked less strongly to suicide than previously suggested.26 However, violent criminal convictions measure

only one facet of impulsive/aggression.

This study had several strengths. The study population was several times larger than in any previous cohort

study on this topic. We are the only research group that has had a sample large enough to stratify by mode of

parental death as well as the offspring's developmental period at the time of parental death. The long follow-up

period allowed us to examine the development of outcomes over several decades. For example, previous studies

with short-term follow-up reported more similarities between offspring whose parents died from suicide and other

causes.6, 9, 27, 28, 29 This study suggests that offspring groups based on mode of parental death diverge over time,

with offspring of suicide decedents at greater risk for suicide and psychiatric hospitalization for some disorders

than offspring who lost a parent by other means. Nested case–control studies have examined only the risk for

offspring suicide and bipolar disorder in relation to parental suicide.7, 8 However, this retrospective cohort study
examined a broad spectrum of psychiatric outcomes and found that mode of death was related to certain

outcomes. We adjusted for potentially confounding psychiatric morbidity and criminal history in both parents, and

minimized ascertainment bias by using compulsory, longitudinal national registers for predictors, covariates

(parental psychiatric morbidity and criminality) and outcomes.

Nevertheless, the findings should be interpreted in light of certain limitations. Because the registers include only

inpatient treatment, we could not examine psychiatric problems that were untreated, treated at outpatient facilities

or occurred before 1973. Generalizability might be limited to primarily Caucasian populations with at least

moderate socioeconomic status and access to universal health care. We excluded offspring with an inpatient

psychiatric admission before parental death and offspring without a surviving biological parent. These exclusions

likely yielded more conservative estimates of offspring risk because those excluded may be more vulnerable to

the impact of parental death.30 We did not exclude homicides and other sudden deaths (e.g., myocardial

infarction) from the other parental death group, which may have resulted in more conservative differences across

the groups. In family-based studies, it is difficult to isolate the causal effect of parental suicide on adverse

outcomes in offspring from confounding genetic (e.g., shared psychological vulnerability) or environmental factors
(e.g., the major stressor of parental death and mode of parental death, sociodemographic factors, living with a

parent with mental illnss).31 Despite matching and adjustment for potential confounders, unmeasured differences

such as familial factors (genetic or early environmental) that increase the risk for both predictors and outcomes

across the groups may still exist. We also did not consider possible mediating factors such as surviving parent's

psychiatric morbidity or criminality after the index parent's death, family functioning, and change in caregivers.

In summary, we found that parental suicide, relative to other forms of parental death, increased the risk of

offspring suicide, hospitalization for suicide attempt, depressive, psychotic, and personality disorders, but not

drug and alcohol use disorders. We also found that offspring who lost a parent to suicide in childhood or

adolescence were more severely affected than those who were young adults at the time of parental suicide. This

research identified a subset of bereaved offspring most in need of intervention in the aftermath of parental death,

including identifying a critical period during which the loss is particularly deleterious. Consequently, these findings

frame targets for suicide prevention and the improved identification and treatment of psychiatric disorders.

Additional research is needed to understand the mechanisms behind these adverse outcomes and to inform the
development of interventions for offspring survivors of parental suicide, especially children and adolescents..

ARTICLE 4

Attempted Suicide Among Transgender

Persons
The Influence of Gender-Based Discrimination and Victimization
Kristen Clements-Nolle PhD, MPH,Rani Marx PhD, MPH &Mitchell Katz MD

17 Oct 2008

To determine the independent predictors of attempted suicide among

transgender persons we interviewed 392 male-to-female (MTF) and 123
female-to-male (FTM) individuals. Participants were recruited through targeted
sampling, respondent-driven sampling, and agency referrals in San Francisco.
The prevalence of attempted suicide was 32% (95% CI = 28% to 36%). In
multivariate logistic regression analysis younger age (<25 years), depression,
a history of substance abuse treatment, a history of forced sex, gender-based
discrimination, and gender-based victimization were independently associated
with attempted suicide. Suicide prevention interventions for transgender
persons are urgently needed, particularly for young people. Medical, mental
health, and social service providers should address depression, substance
abuse, and forced sex in an attempt to reduce suicidal behaviors among
transgender persons. In addition, increasing societal acceptance of the
transgender community and decreasing gender-based prejudice may help
prevent suicide in this highly stigmatized population.

ARTICLE 5

Linking Dating Violence, Peer Violence, and

Suicidal Behaviors Among High-Risk Youth
Author links open overlay panelMonica H.SwahnPhDaThomas R.SimonPhDaMarci
F.HertzMSaIleanaAriasPhDaRobert M.BossartePhDaJames G.RossMSbLori
A.GrossMHSbRonaldoIachanPhDbMerle E.HamburgerPhD
Peer violence victimization was the most common type of violence reported
(33.0%), followed by date violence victimization (30.7%), peer violence
perpetration (29.9%), date violence perpetration (24.8%), and suicide
attempts (11.2%). Among all students, 9.8% reported involvement in at
least four of the five violent behaviors examined. All five forms of violent
behaviors were associated. The highest ORs were observed for victimization
and perpetration within either the dating or peer context. However,
associations across contexts were also observed.

ARTICLE 6
Suicide Risk Among Violent and Sexual Criminal Offenders
Show all authors
Roger T. Webb, Jenny Shaw, Hanne Stevens
Risk of suicide in people who have perpetrated specific forms of violent or sexual criminal
offenses has not been quantified accurately or precisely. Also, gender comparisons have not
been possible due to sparse data problems in the smaller studies that have been conducted
to date. We therefore aimed to estimate these effects in the whole Danish population over a
26-year period. By completely interlinking national criminal, psychiatric, sociodemographic
and cause-specific mortality registers, we conducted a nested case-control study of more
than 27,000 adult suicides, during 1981-2006, and more than half a million age and gender-
matched living controls. Elevated suicide risk was found in male sexual offenders. Risk was
even higher among violent offenders, with greater effect sizes seen in females. It was
markedly raised with serious violence, reaching a peak in relation to homicide or attempted
homicide: male odds ratio (OR) 12.0, 95% confidence interval (CI) [8.3, 17.3]; female OR
30.9, CI [11.9, 80.6]. Following adjustment for psychiatric and social risk factors, relative risk
in violent offenders was comparable to that seen among nonviolent offenders. These
findings underline the importance of understanding why some people are violent toward
themselves as well as other people, and why suicide risk is so much higher in people who
have perpetrated serious acts of violence. They also indicate a clear need for developing
effective multiagency interventions that effectively tackle both forms of destructive behavior.

ARTICLE 7
Declining Social Control and the Rising Deviant Behaviour in
India
Pravin J. Patel
First Published January 22, 2020

Crime rates are increasing across the

Indian society. Normally, such crimes
are attributed to two broad categories
of factors: (a) psychological factors
like individual or mob fury and (b)
administrative factors like the failure of
law and order machinery. These
explanations, however, do not account
for the increasing rates of such
demeaning instances. This article,
attempting to explain
the increasing crime rates, focuses on
the social control theory. The main
argument of the article is that the
rapidly declining informal social
control causes the phenomenal rise of
decadent behaviour in the
contemporary Indian society. Due to
modernising forces, traditional social
institutions and structures such as
family, kinship, caste system and
village community have become weak.
Crime rates are increasing across the
Indian society. Normally, such crimes
are attributed to two broad categories
of factors: (a) psychological factors
like individual or mob fury and (b)
administrative factors like the failure of
law and order machinery. These
explanations, however, do not account
for the increasing rates of such
demeaning instances. This article,
attempting to explain
the increasing crime rates, focuses on
the social control theory. The main
argument of the article is that the
rapidly declining informal social
control causes the phenomenal rise of
decadent behaviour in the
contemporary Indian society. Due to
modernising forces, traditional social
institutions and structures such as
family, kinship, caste system and
village community have become weak.
As a result, the traditional informal
social control based on shame has
gradually diminished. And the sense of
guilt, the functional alternative to
shame, as an informal mechanism of
social control, has not yet been fully
institutionalised. This seems to be the
major factor giving rise to widespread
deviant behaviour in India. Although
formal mechanisms of social control
like police and judiciary do exist, they
cannot be very effective without being
reinforced with the informal social
control.

ARTICLE 8
Vedika Agarwal
4/02/2020

Suicide has been around for as long as human society.

Suicide is the third leading cause of death among young
adults worldwide. Suicide is the third leading cause of
death among those aged 15-44 years, and the second
leading cause of death in the 10-24 years age group in
some countries. The suicide rate in India is comparable to
that of Australia and the USA; and the increasing rates
during recent decades is consistent with the global trend.
Traditionally, in western literature risk factors associated
with suicide, including suicidal attempts - include young
age (15-24 years), female gender, low educational
attainment, unemployment, living alone, and history of
socioeconomic deprivation. An Indian study showed that
the suicide rate was highest in the 15-29 years age group
(38 per 100,000 population) followed by the 30-44 years
group (34 per 100,000 population). The rates of suicide
was 18 per 100,000 in those aged 45-59 years and 7 per
100,000 in those aged >60 years. Student suicides are
becoming increasingly common in Kota, Rajasthan,
considered the capital of India’s shadow education
system. India does not spend enough on mental health.
There’s a rapid increase in the crime rate in our Indian
economy. Crime degrades the quality of life in many
ways . Controlling crime rates is therefore important in
developing countries like India. The number of crimes
originated from India is more than the crimes originating
from the developed countries. According to released
figures of the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB),
almost 60% crimes against minors are done by youngsters
of age 16 and 18. That accounts for, 28,830 out of 43,506
crimes registered against minors under the Indian Penal
Code (IPC) and the Special Local Law (SLL). The main
reasons the Indian youth is suffering with Suicide and
Crime is due to poverty, unemployment, lust for
attraction, easy money, peer pressure and fitting into the
group. The upbringing, lack of time provided to
youngsters has led to most of the youngsters to be drawn
towards the wrong path. A little thing which can be done
for the betterment of the Indian youth can be done by
having a better education system, huge modifications is
called for in terms of upbringing and social awareness.
Youngsters are a sensitive and tender group and need to be
dealt with better care and protection. They need time and
need to be talked out with the help of love and care. It does
not guarantee that no offending by youth will be
considered or committed but reduces the risk to a minimal
level.