Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Author(s): I. A. Talbot
Source: Modern Asian Studies , 1980, Vol. 14, No. 1 (1980), pp. 65-91
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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65
organized and inspired by the League to assert this fact. Most recently
of all, Paul Brass has developed a model for understanding Muslim
Separatism in the United Provinces of India.4 The League grew because
there were both an dlite which chose to manipulate separatist symbols
in order to serve its own power interests and a socially mobilized com-
munity which responded to the sense of communal identification com-
municated to it. This argument, whether it works or not in the U.P.,
which seems doubtful, explains none of the League's success in the very
different conditions of the Punjab.
Despite their inadequacies all these arguments do raise questions
which are of central importance to an understanding of the League's
success in the I946 provincial elections. How important are ideas in
moving a peasant society? Can peasant support be gained without
appealing to its immediate and practical interests ? Are levels of social
mobilization relevant to successful political mobilization in predomin-
antly peasant societies? To what extent can the role played by tradi-
tional social networks be ignored in the business of winning support for
political parties?
Further questions which must be tackled in any detailed explanation
of the Muslim League's success concern the Second World War's
extensive social and economic impact on the province. Did the neces-
sity of running an efficient war effort force the Unionist Party to pursue
policies detrimental to its own interests? The Punjab was the largest
army recruiting area in India. How important in the elections was the
large military vote? Finally, the question must be asked: what was
most important in the League's success: its organizational development
in the province or its use of the traditional channels of political mobiliz-
ation-the Sufi and biraderi networks ? The answer to this question will
have significant bearing on our understanding of voting behaviour in
traditional societies.
The task which faced the Muslim League on the eve of the elections
appeared formidable. In order to achieve a political breakthrough it
had to defeat the Unionist Ministry in the Punjab countryside as all
but i o of the 85 Muslim seats were situated there. But ever since its
creation in I923 the Unionist Party had dominated this area. Its influ-
ence stemmed from its ability to provide the patronage5 which retained
the loyalty of the landlords and pirs who led the leading local political
4 Paul R. Brass, Language, Religion and Politics in North India (Cambridge, I974),
pp. 178ff.
5 At the time of the 1939 New Years' Honours' List no less than a third of the
Unionist Party Assembly members held titles from the rank of Rai Bahadur to
Knight. The Tribune (Ambala), 5 January 1939.
Far more important than its patchy organizational growth was its
winning over the support of no less than 30 Unionist Party Assembly
members in the period I944-6. In 2 districts, Jhang and Sheikhupura,
all 7 of the sitting Muslim members joined the League. Although in
other areas such as Amritsar and Gujrat the Unionist Party members
remained steadfastly loyal, the League had by 1946 nevertheless made
a substantial inroad into its power base. For the defection of many of
its landlord and pir representatives not only weakened the Unionist
Party's position in the Legislative Assembly but robbed it of the control
of the networks through which its peasant support had been mobilized
during elections.13 After its initial campaign in the countryside in I944,
the League increasingly concentrated its efforts on the winning of lite
support rather than on the establishment of local branches.14 In such
areas as the Rawalpindi District where its organizational activity was
intense, this was activated more by the hope that it would force the
Unionist Party's landlord supporters to reconsider their attitude to its
overtures than in the belief that success could be achieved by thus by-
passing the traditional political structure in the countryside. The
League's ambivalent attitude towards its grass-roots development was
manifested in the attitude of the Nawab of Mamdot, its President, who
refused to allow the establishment of primary League branches on his
Ferozepore Estate.15
The landlords who had joined the League by 1946 included amongst
their number members from such families as the Hayats, the Noons and
the Daultanas from which the Unionist Party had traditionally drawn
its leadership. They wielded immense social and economic power in
their home districts and amongst their biraderi throughout the province.
As such their loss constituted a crippling blow for the Unionist Party
from which it was never able fully to recover. It had also to face the
setback of having lost the support of many of the province's leading pirs
and sajjada nashins.
The Unionist Party's success in the 1937 elections had been based on
the joint support of the leading landlords and pirs. By I946 this had
been lost in many of the western districts of the province. Leading pir
families such as those of the pirs ofJalapur, Jahanian Shah, Rajoa and
Shah Jiwana which had represented the Unionist Party since 1923
13 The Unionist Party's 1937 electoral success was based on the support of the
province's leading landlord and pir families. Despite Mian Fazl-i-Husain's reorgani-
zation of the party in 1936, at the time of the elections it had no formal organization
in most areas of the province.
14 (FR ist half of December I944) L/P&J/5/247 IOR.
Is Khan Rab Nawaz Khan toJinnah, 25 March 1943, QEAP File 579/46 NAP.
The status and character of the Unionist Party will under the agreement
undergo a radical transformation. The Unionist Party will consist of (I) the
Muslim League Party within the Legislature as constituted under the agree
ment and subject to the full control of the All-India Muslim League and
bound by its rules and regulations and (2) the party of Sir Chhotu Ram or
any other party that agrees to form a coalition with the League Party..
The allegiance of the Muslim League members will primarily be to the
All-India Muslim League and if ever a conflict arises between the funda-
mental policy and programme of the League and the coalescing group the
Muslim League Party will be bound by the mandate and orders of the parent
body.19
16 See The Eastern Times (Lahore), 15 March I946, for an assessment of their role
in the Muslim League's success.
17 B. A. Dar (ed.), Letters and Writings of Iqbal (Lahore, I967), pp. Io5-1 I.
18 The Tribune (Ambala), 19 October 1937.
19 The Tribune (Ambala), 23 October 1937.
20 On his departure from Lahore after his failure to win Unionist Support for the
Muslim League Central Parliamentary Board, Jinnah had said: 'I shall never come
back to the Punjab again. It is such a hopeless place'. Azim Husain, Mian Fazl-i-
Husain. A Political Biography (London, 1966), p. 31 I.
21 Nawabzada Rashid Ali Khan and a few other mainly urban-based League
activists had attempted to set up a Muslim League Workers' Board in I943 to put life
into the provincial party. Jinnah's opposition to this independent venture, however
doomed it to failure.
22 This called for the establishment of a Muslim League Assembly Party to which
the Muslim MLA's would owe sole allegiance. It would, however, coalesce with other
parties in the legislature and thus constituted carry out the Unionist Party programme
under the Unionist Coalition name. Khizr as leader of the Muslim League Assembly
Party would select his ministerial colleagues from among those members of the
Assembly in whom he had confidence. The Punjab Provincial Muslim League
would not thereafter raise any matter about the working of the Muslim League
Assembly Party except with Khizr's permission or through the Assembly Party
itself. File I6, Khizr Papers, Chicago.
23 Several Muslim Leaguers issued statements to the press attacking Khizr's atti-
tude at the Simla Conference. See, for example, Dawn (Delhi), 21 July I945.
24 The Eastern Times (Lahore), I8 September 1945. 25 QEAP File Io92/600 NAP.
26 See Nawab Muzaffar Ali Khan Qizilbash's statement in reply to Muslim
League allegations concerning the Unionist Party's use of official pressure during the
elections. The Civil and Military Gazette (Lahore), 23 October 1945.
27 Report of Sayed Ghulam Mustafa Shah Gilani, Hon. Sec. Rawalpindi Division
Muslim League. Vol. I62, Pt 7, Punjab Muslim League 1943-44, FMA.
28 Craik to Linlithgow, I May I939, Linlithgow Papers, IOR.
29 G. S. Chhabra, Advanced History of The Punjab, Vol. 2 (Ludhiana, 1965), p. 49.
Ranjit Singh, in order to strengthen his position in the western districts of the Punjab,
wisely attached to his fortunes representatives of the leading Muslim families. The
head of the Noon family served in Ranjit Singh's army and held several villages in
jagir as a result. He, however, deserted the Sikh cause in favour of the British during
the Sikh Wars. Similar opportunism was shown by the Tiwanas. Their head, Malik
Bakhsh Khan, served with distinction in Ranjit Singh's Army and was rewarded
with considerable grants of land in the Shahpur District. He, too, joined the British
forces during the Sikh Wars. C. F. Massy, Chiefs and families of note in the Punjab,
Vol. 2 (Lahore, I9I0), pp. 193 and 5.
30 Many of the Punjab landlords who had been defeated by the PPP in 1970 joined
it during the period to I977.
months of I945, but as the year progressed the zemindars became in-
creasingly reluctant to market their goods. Political insecurity, the un-
favourable prospects for the I946 rabi crop and the enticement of the
black market all contributed to this. Many regarded the high black
market prices which they obtained for their produce as a legitimate
compensation for their other economic difficulties. By December I945
wheat, maize and gram had virtually disappeared from the open
market.44 Many towns in the province even in the Canal Colony areas
began to experience a wheat famine. The large landlords-of the West
Punjab still brought at least part of their grain to the mandis but virtu-
ally none came from the petty zemindars of the East Punjab. The
Unionist Government was forced to requisition grain from the villages
there, although it wished to retain its popularity in the area to counter-
balance its loss of influence throughout much of the West Punjab.
Unfortunately for its electoral prospects, grain requisitioning aroused
considerable opposition. Disturbances broke out as a result in the
Ludhiana, Hoshiarpur and Ferczepore districts right in the middle of
the elections.45
The Muslim League exploited wartime economic discontent. It
frequently organized protest meetings about alleged communal fav-
ouritism in rationing.46 Six resolutions complaining about cloth dis-
tribution in Lahore were, for example, passed after a series of such
meetings in its leading mosques in May 1945.47 Even more important
was its policy of seeking political support in the villages by helping the
peasants to overcome their economic problems. The success of this
strategy in politically mobilizing peasants (so dramatically illustrated
in later years by the victories of the Chinese Communist Party and the
Vietnamese NLF) had been brought home to it by the Punjab Com-
munist Party's campaign run on this line in the Central Punjab villages
during the winter of 1943.48
League propagandists took medical supplies, which had become in-
creasingly expensive and difficult to obtain during the war, with them
to the villages.49 They also distributed cloth there and endeavoured to
obtain increased ration allowances for the villagers.50 Wherever possible
44 Board of Economic Inquiry Punjab Publication No. 90. Annual Review of Econo-
mic Conditions in the Punjab I945-6, pp. 6ff.
45 (FR 2nd half of February 1946) L/P&J/5/249 IOR.
46 Hawa-e-Waqt (Lahore), 19 April I945.
47 The Eastern Times (Lahore), 27 May 1945.
48 (Fr 2nd Half of October 1943 and ist Half of November I943) L/P&J/5/246
IOR.
49 The Eastern Times (Lahore), 28 December 1945.
50 The Eastern Times (Lahore), 28 August 1945.
74 Madan Gopal, Sir Chhotu Ram. A Political Biography (New Delhi, I977), p.
75 Maulana Jamal Mian of Firangi Mahal made several tours to the Punj
the League's behalf, including one of the Ambala District in January 194
League Ulema from Deoband headed by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Ut
attended the Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Islam conference in Lahore from which they
ceeded to tour several districts of the province.
76 Baraka was the religious charisma believed to be transmitted by a saint
descendants and his shrine.
the Punjab League was pursuing the line of action proposed at the
All-India level in I943 that of:
Respectfully requesting the Muslim religious heads, pirs and sufis to help
the Muslim Nation of India in its present life and death struggle, by their
sincere prayers and by exhorting their followers to sacrifice their all in the
cause of the attainment of a free and independent Muslim India.85
92 B. H. Dobson, Final Report of The Chenab Colony Settlement (Lahore, 1915), p. 44.
93 The brother of the Sajjada Nashin of the Gilani shrine at Pirkot Sidhana in the
Jhang District was, for example, a zaildar in the Chenab Canal Colony. Jhang
District Gazetteer (Lahore, 1930), p. 45.
94 F. C. Bourne, Assessment Report of the Okara Tehsil of the Montgomery District
contained in the Lower Bari Doab Canal Colony (Lahore, I929), p. I9, Punjab Revenue
Proceedings May 1934, Pt A P I2048, IOR.
95 The Muslim League gained 80 per cent of the popular vote in theJhang District,
77 per cent in the Montgomery District and 70 per cent in the Lyallpur District,
the three main colony areas.
96 Pir Makhad had always been traditionally factionally aligned against the Khan
of Makhad who in 1946 was supporting the League.
was much smaller. An interesting example of a pir from the first cate-
gory who had no choice but to remain loyal to the Unionists was the
son of the Sajjada Nashin of the Qadiri Dargarh at Batala-Pir Mian
Syed Badr Mohy-ud-Din, the narrowly defeated Unionist candidate
for the Batala constituency.
The dargarh was a small one. The estimated attendance at its annual
Urs was only 5,000. The family's high social position stemmed not
from its religious influence but rather from its long tradition of loyalty
to the central government. This dated back to before the Mutiny, after
which the then Sajjada Nashin of the shrine had been granted a jagir
for life and had been made a provincial darbari. The Sajjada Nashin
of the shrine in 1946, Khan Bahadur Syed Nazar Mohy-ud-Din, held
a hereditary seat in the Darbar and in the recent Civil Disobedience
Campaign in the province had helped the government. Mian Syed
Badr Mohy-ud-Din was himself an honorary magistrate and sub-
registrar, besides holding the title of Khan Bahadur.97
David Gilmartin has singled out the pirs of the Chishti revivalist
shrines of Taunsa, Golra, Sial and Jalalpur as the most influential of
the League's Sufi supporters. He has carefully analysed why these pirs
were so active on its behalf. They had been waiting a long time, he
declares, for the opportunity which the League offered of infusing a
greater religious influence into the politics of the countryside. The
prospect of a future Pakistan controlled by rural Muslim politicians
held none of the misgivings for them, which it did for religious oppon-
ents of the League such as many of the Ulema from Deoband.
The idea of a state in the hands of such leaders was for them perfectly natural,
for in the establishment of such a state based on the Shariat, they could see
the projection of their local religious work into a larger political arena....
The thrust of their concern had always been to influence the political
leaders and their followers to regulate their lives according to religious
injunctions.98
His thesis does not, however, explain why older established Chishti
shrines such as that of Sharfu'd-Din Bu Ali Qalandar at Panipat also
supported the League. These shrines, as also to a great extent the
revivalist shrines, had been influenced to support the League by the
premier shrine of their order at Ajmer. The Dargarh of Hazrat Khwaja
97 Information compiled from G. L. Chopra, Chiefs and families of note in the Punjab,
Vol. 2 (Lahore, I940), p. 52, and from Gurdaspur District Gazetteer (Lahore, I915),
P- 74.
98 David Gilmartin 'Religious Leadership and the Pakistan Movement in the
Punjab', Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 13, No 3 (1979), p. 509.
Moinuddin Chishti at Ajmer had been one of the shrines which the
Unionist Party had approached for support in I937. During the I940S
this shrine of India's premier Sufi Saint, had, however, become closely
connected with the Muslim League. Mirza Abdul Qadir Beg, the
Vice-President of the Dargarh Committee which administered its
affairs, was the President of the Ajmer Muslim League. League meet-
ings were regularly held at the Dargarh.99 A huge assembly of over
20,000 gathered there in January 1946 to celebrate the Muslim League's
'Election Victory Day'. At the time of the Urs the Muslim League
message was spread amongst the vast numbers of pilgrims which flocked
to the shrine, among whom each year were representatives of all the
Punjab's Chishti shrines.100 This leadership from Ajmer was a major
factor in the Chishti Pirs' support for the League in the Punjab.
They were not the most influential pirs in mobilizing support for the
League in all areas of the province. In some districts pirs from the
Qadiri Order exerted a far greater influence. The Sajjada Nashin of
the Qadiri shrine of Pir Syed Mohd. Ghaus intervened on the League's
behalf in the Shakargarh constituency and thus enabled Ch. Abdul
Ghafoor to defeat the Unionist candidate Ch. Abdul Rahmin who had
been its representative since I937.101 A representative of the Qadiri Pir
family of Pirkot Sidhana was the successful League candidate for the
Jhang Central Constituency. Sahibzada Syed Mohd. Abbas, son of the
Sajjada Nashin of the Shergarh Estate whose influence in the Lower
Bari Doab Canal Colony has already been referred to, was the Divi-
sional Organizer of the Montgomery Muslim League.102 The shrine of
Mian Mir who was the founder of the Miyan Khel section of the Qadiri
Order was another of the province's influential shrines which issued
fatwas in the League's support.103 Makhdum Syed Mohd. Nazar
Hussain Shah Sajjada Nashin of Koranga in the Multan District
counterbalanced the influence of his brother Syed Nasir-ud-Din Shah
who was narrowly defeated as Unionist Candidate for the Toba Tek
Singh Constituency. The Gilani Pirs of Multan did much to counter
the influence in support of the Unionist Party throughout the district
by the leading Suhrawardi shrine of Shaykh Baha'u'd-Din Zakariya.
Makhumzada Mohd. Raza Shah Gilani defeated its representative
99 See FR Ajmer-Merwera for the 1940s. L/P&J/5, IOR.
100 The Urs of leading shrines were great meeting places not only for pilgrims but
for the pirs of the shrine's order. Pir Taunsa and Pir Golra were only 2 of the leading
pirs who annually attended Baba Farid's Urs at Pakpattan, for example.
101 Nawa-e-Waqt (Lahore), I8 January 1946.
02 Dawn (Delhi), 14 January 1945.
103 Inqilab (Lahore), 8 November 1945.
The force of this complaint lay in the fact that the League did usually
select its candidates with the strength of the biraderis within the consti-
tuency in mind. It also endeavoured to capture the support of their
provincial organization. The League, for example, organized in Janu-
ary 1946 a special Gujjar Conference which appealed to all the Muslim
Gujjars not only of the Punjab but of the whole of India to: 'Sacrifice
body, heart and wealth for Pakistan'.105 Before the elections, provincial
Leaguers successfully urged Jinnah to remove the ban on Begum Shah
Nawaz's membership of the League, so that her influence as Vice-
President of the Provincial Arian Conference could be utilized in the
Arian constituencies of the Lahore, Jullundur and Ferozepore
Districts.106
104 Mian Mahbub Ali to Jinnah, 7 December I945, QEAP File 882/229-30, NAP.
105 Jawa-e-Waqt (Lahore), 19 January I946.
106 Vicky Noon to Jinnah, I8 October 1945, Shamsul Hasan Collection, Punjab
Vol. 4.
Conclusion
The Unionist Party paid the price for identifying its system of rule far
too closely with the British.
Faced with the disruption of their support in the countryside, the
Unionists increasingly turned to the machinery of government for
mobilizing support. Attempts to coerce the village voters proved
disastrous. They did irreparable damage to the reputation which the
Party had achieved during its early years in office, in complete con-
trast was the Muslim League's identification with the villager's war-
time economic difficulties. It recognized the support it could win from
them if it offered help to overcome these problems. Most importantly,
it presented Pakistan not only as a religious imperative but as a cure
for all their problems. The League's ability to provide answers to the
economic dislocation of the countryside caused by the War was the key
to its success in winning over the Punjabi villagers. Votes were traded
off for immediate material benefits and for the promise that Pakistan's
creation would solve their social and economic difficulties. The impor-
tance of interests rather than ideas in mobilizing peasant support has
been revealed to us by research on other peasant societies in Asia.
Jeffrey Race, for example, declares that the Communist Party's suc-
cessful takeover of Long An Province in Vietnam was not the result of
its ideological appeal but of the pragmatic and flexible way in which it
developed bonds of loyalty between the individual and itself on the
basis of its ability to: 'resolve concrete local issues of importance in the
peasant's life: land, taxation, protection from impressment into the
national army, or a personally satisfying role in the activities of the
community.'114
As the Unionist Party found to its cost, religious appeals alone were
insufficient to mobilize support. The League's demand for Pakistan
was certainly legitimized in the minds of the Muslim voters by its
religious appeal,115 especially as this was delivered by the pirs and
sajjada nashins-the religious elite in the countryside. But its potency
lay in the fact that it was a systematic expression of the Muslim
peasant's interests.
114Jeffrey Race, War Comes to Long An (Berkeley, I972), p. 179.
115 For evidence elsewhere of popular Islam legitimizing peasant protests and in-
terests see Clive S. Kessler, 'Muslim Identity and Political Behaviour in Kelantan',
in William R. Roff (ed.), Kelantan Religion, Society and Politics in a Malay State (London,
I974).
- - Provincial border