British Journal of Religious Education

Vol. 28, No. 1, January 2006, pp. 33–49

Children and God in the multicultural

society1
Tullie Torstenson-Ed*
Linköpings University, Sweden
British
10.1080/01416200500343118
CBRE_A_134294.sgm
0141-6200
Original
Taylor
02005
00
tulto@ituf.liu.se
TullieTorstenson
000002005
and
&
Journal
Article
Francis
(print)/1740-7931
Francis
of Religious
Ltd Education
(online)

What kind of perceptions of God do children have? Do they believe in God? Does change take place
over time and is there a connection with changes in society? These questions are answered on the
basis of texts and surveys involving children between 8 and 12 years of age in Sweden during 2002
and similar material from the years 1969, 1979 and 1987–90. Results show that children who do
not know what to believe make up the largest group throughout the period. Perceptions of God are
relatively stable over time but belief in Allah as well as personal relationships with God seem to be
more common. The proportion of children who believe was visibly greater than the proportion of
non-believers in 2002, which disrupts the tendency running up to 1990 where the proportion of
non-believing children was on the increase and is greater than the proportion of believers. Issues
about God also get a higher ranking order in 2002. A careful interpretation shows that a change has
taken place. The number of children with foreign backgrounds has increased. While the tendency
in ethnically Swedish schools remains the same, believers constitute the majority in multi-ethnic
areas, and also among Swedish children. This suggests an increasing interest and dialogue among
all children in multi-ethnic schools about religious matters. Great demands are placed on the teach-
ing of religion and ethics in order to capture this increase in interest.

Keywords: Children; conceptions of God; secularisation; multicultural society; religious

education

Introduction
How do children relate to religion? Do children believe in God? How do they express
faith, doubt or non-belief? Are there changes over time? Are they connected to
changes in society? In addressing these questions, the article presents material gath-
ered in Sweden in 2002 and comparisons are made to findings of previous studies
carried out between 1969 and 1990.

*Institution of Thematic Studies, Linköpings University, Campus Norrköping, 601 74 Norrköping,

Sweden. Email: tulto@ituf.liu.se

ISSN 0141-6200 (print)/ISSN 1740-7931 (online)/06/010033–17

© 2006 Christian Education
DOI: 10.1080/01416200500343118
34 T. Torstenson-Ed

Sweden—a secularised and multicultural society?

Sweden is described as more and more secularised and multicultural. This descrip-
tion is not entirely unproblematic. At the social level, the concept of secularism means
that the church as an institution has lost much of its influence, including influence
over the school system. At an individual level, it entails a mounting indifference
towards religious matters. Sweden has been described as being secularised on both
levels with respect to Christianity, and with religious interests beyond traditional
Christian concepts (Hamberg, 2001). From a global perspective, the concept of secu-
larism is being increasingly questioned, as religious phenomena are of great impor-
tance throughout the world. Western society is described as being secularised and
therefore rational and developed; the concept becomes value-charged. In a multicul-
tural, globalised society new religious spheres occur as the concept of secularism may
be subjected to questioning ‘from within’, i.e., at a local level (von Brömssen, 2003).
Could this also apply to children in the school as a local environment?
Sweden is described as a multicultural society in contrast to having previously been
homogenous. In actual fact, Sweden has always had many cultural minorities, both
socially and geographically, but the increase in immigration over the last few decades
has led to more debate about the multicultural society. In this debate the term ‘multi-
cultural’ has often been used to describe a society that reflects a greater number of
Swedish citizens with foreign backgrounds. However, ‘multicultural’ also has an ideo-
logical meaning, as a goal to be reached, to have many cultures living side by side,
influencing each other and equal in value, in other words a demand for equality and
respect for human variation and diversity (Bunar & Dahlstedt, 2000, von Brömssen,
2003).

The school as a value-laden environment and meeting place for diversity

Today our schools are a meeting ground for children from a multitude of different
cultures and religions. When the elementary school was established in 1842, the evan-
gelical-Lutheran doctrine of the Church of Sweden was taken for granted. In the
curriculum of 1919 the number of hours for teaching Christianity was reduced and
the Lutheran catechism disappeared. After the Second World War an elementary
school for all children with the goal of educating for peace and democracy was estab-
lished. This was the start of a period of pluralism and objectivity on a scientific basis.
The subject of Christianity was turned into studies of many religions, which often
became a rather invisible part of the general subjects in school. When the school
system pronounced itself to be non-denominational in 1994, a shared value founda-
tion was established, which emphasised democratic values and was said to be in accor-
dance with the ethics that have been safeguarded by Christian tradition. When
Orlenius (2001) considered the strong emphasis on the value foundation in the curric-
ula for pre-school and school in 1998, he saw a multicultural society as one reason.
The government has described Sweden as a multicultural as well as a segregated
society (Prop.1997/98:16). The multi-ethnic schools are often located in segregated
 Children and God in the multicultural society 35

suburbs. This segregation may lead to conflicts in schools (Torstenson-Ed, 2003).

Are schools multicultural ideologically speaking? Lahdenperä (2001) sees the value
foundation more as an expression of Swedish cultural chauvinism, since it distin-
guishes between ‘us’ and ‘the others’ and lacks any sense of perspective concerning
Swedish culture itself. Bunar (1999) points out that the new integration policy aims
towards mutual integration based on diversity. How do children relate to diversity?
How do secularism and cultural diversity co-exist in schools?

Children and religion in research

The concept of religion has multiple definitions, rooted in time and context. In many
parts of the world it is closer to the concept of culture than in the West, where religion
has represented the right faith and has had an exclusive function. Religion contains
conceptions, emotions and action (Munksgaard, 1980; Tamminen, 1991) and is
described as an expression of both culture and existence (Harms, 1944; Dahlin,
1989; Birkedal, 2000).
The development psychology perspective, that children’s development towards
adulthood can be divided into clearly defined stages, has been the dominant one. The
general and universal become more important than the influence of time and place.
Goldman’s (1964) study of children’s religious thoughts and Harms’s (1944) study
of the emotional aspects of religion both reached the conclusion that children’s religion
develops in stages. Goldman uses theological experts as a standard which leads him
to see the child as incompetent; a common view in a development psychology perspec-
tive when the child is compared with an adult ideal. The realisation that children’s
religion mirrors their experience becomes clearer as society is secularised and religion
is not taken for granted. Klingberg (1953) sees three ways of meeting religion in chil-
dren: acceptance, doubt or difficulty in understanding. Munksgaard (1980) relates the
conceptions of religion in children between the ages of 9 and 11 to their experience
of religious practices in favourably disposed, neutral or secularised homes. Tamminen
(1991) sees different developments in different content areas. These studies ascribe
greater competence to the children and see similarities between children and adults.
Hartman, Pettersson and Westling (1973), Hartman and Pettersson (1980) and
Hartman (1986) have done studies on children’s existential questions and personal
philosophy of life, of which religion is a part. Methods which let the children them-
selves define their questions through producing or supplementing texts were used, as
well as questionnaires. The children’s texts provided a wide variation of thoughts.
Individual themes about loneliness and abandonment and global ones about war,
famine and misery in the world were most common. Seven areas arose: (i) existential
questions, (ii) international questions, (iii) life processes, (iv) society, (v) friendship/
school, (vi) family and (vii) myself (Hartman, 1986). Ten years later the same themes
were found in new children. These studies were conducted in 1969, 1979 and 1987–
90. This study is a follow-up.
The children expressed the religious dimension by supplementing a text about
‘things to do with God and Jesus’ or writing texts under the heading ‘Once when I
36 T. Torstenson-Ed

was thinking about God’. In the survey they responded to propositions about God’s
existence. Both in 1969 and in 1979 doubtful answers dominated. More children said
they were sure that God did not exist (30–40%) than those who believed he did exist
(20–30%). In similar material from 1987–1990, the number of children who believe
in God has declined to 15%, the non-believers have increased to 43% and the majority,
roughly 60%, do not know what to believe. Hartman emphasised that religious ques-
tions only arise if the children have encountered religious practices and ideas in their
environment. ‘A secularised society raises secularised children’ is a conclusion which
Hartman found to be reasonable in 1986 as well as in 2003. Hallgren (2003)
performed similar studies based on questionnaires that compared what children
thought about God in 1992/93 and in 2001. He saw a polarisation; both believers and
non-believers were on the increase. He also saw a transition to a more pantheistic
conception of God. Neither of the researchers studied differences in different contexts.
Birkedal (2000) studied the connection between social environment and religious
development in Norwegian children and found different interactions. The faith of
children can either live on in discussions or it may die out due to a discontinued
dialogue. He also found an emotional faith with its own world of symbols. This devel-
opment is not given by nature but is determined by interaction with the environment.
One conclusion he draws is that the role of religion in a secularised society has
changed from that of organising society to organising an inner life (Birkedal, 2000).
Von Brömssen (2003) problematises the multicultural society. She studied how chil-
dren in a multi-ethnic environment talk about religion and about the multicultural
school. Pupils in Year 8 in a school situated in a multi-ethnic suburb were interviewed
during the years 1999–2000. Eleven pupils with varying ethnic backgrounds and reli-
gions were presented.
The results show that the children talk to each other about religion, but not in class.
A multicultural school meant a social meeting place for many cultures, not a different
educational content. The three Swedish pupils positioned themselves in a secularised
and materialistic frame of interpretation, which, according to von Brömssen,
confirms what is said about the secularised Swede. To the Islamic pupils, religion is
more important than ethnicity. They are capable of questioning traditional interpre-
tations. Thus pupils position themselves as being either religious or secularised. The
Swedish pupils find religion too sensitive to discuss; they adopt a kind of silent toler-
ance towards the religion of others. Von Brömssen cannot see evidence of pupils
crossing borders or creating new expressions of religion, what Hall (1999) has called
‘hybrid identities’; the differences are too great. Other cultural spheres seem to
produce hybrids, religion produces borderlines, says von Brömssen. These results
arouse an interest to investigate if this applies to all school contexts.

Method
In the project ‘Young People’s Interpretation of Life and the School’s Value Founda-
tion’, material was gathered from the spring of 2001 to the autumn of 2002 consisting
of texts and surveys completed by children between the ages of 8 and 13, the latest
 Children and God in the multicultural society 37

addition to a series of studies on children’s thoughts collected over a long period of

time, between 1969 and 2002.
In 1969, slightly more than 2000 children were selected, representing Swedish chil-
dren between 8 and 14 years of age. Thereafter, lesser numbers have been selected,
usually a few hundred children, qualitative selections without claims of representing
the whole population. A certain stratified selection has been attempted, whereby
different parts of the country and different localities have been included. Stockholm,
large town, medium-sized town and countryside have thus been included in different
combinations. The selection in 2001–02 consisted of eight classes in four schools.
Two schools were located in different Stockholm suburbs. The other two were
located in a large town and in the countryside, the same schools as in 1989–90. One
hundred and sixty-eight children wrote texts and 161 children answered question-
naires, 80 girls and 81 boys. Selection in this study also tried to capture the multicul-
tural society that has developed. Two multi-ethnic schools were included, one in
Stockholm and one in a large town. According to their own statements, 83% of the
children there lived in apartments, while 83% of the children in the ethnically Swed-
ish areas lived in one-family houses.
One of the methods used involved children’s free writing and drawing on different
themes, for example ‘About justice’ or ‘What is a human being?’ The same method was
used in earlier studies. The themes have varied but the one that has been focused on
in this article, ‘Once when I was thinking about God’, has been current throughout the
period. The contributions on God were written in March 2002. The class teacher was
given an introductory text which was presented in writing or orally or both. It empha-
sised that it is important to write exactly what one thinks and to accept different stances.
The writing resulted in texts from a few words up to over two pages in length. They
were analysed by perusing, evaluating the whole, and registering which themes the
children wrote about, as well as how the themes were divided into different contexts.
The material from 1987–1990 was also treated in this manner.
The children were also presented with two questionnaires, one about background
facts and one about their stances on the issues of the different themes. A couple of
questions allowed the children to rank different issues by choosing the most impor-
tant ones. ‘Having a faith of one’s own’ was one issue; others were about peace,
justice and a happy family life. The children were also supposed to say which ques-
tions they found most interesting to think about. ‘If there is a God who did create
universe and all life’ was one alternative, as well as ‘feeling lonely’, ‘why one has to
die’, etc. All the studies have had a question about God but in different versions. In
2002, the following statements were used: ‘I am sure that I believe in God’ and ‘I am
sure that I do not believe in God’. In 1979 and 1990 they were ‘I am sure that God
exists’ and ‘does not exist’ respectively. ‘I do not know what to think about God’ has
been used the whole time. In this way, children have had to take a standpoint on their
belief in God and his existence, in different ways at different times, which requires
care when making comparisons. The questionnaires were coded and typed into an
Excel spreadsheet. Simple calculation of frequencies and percentages as well as rank-
ing orders was done.
38 T. Torstenson-Ed

All the material is based on children’s own experiences and statements. The
children’s religious home background and the religious education received in the
schools were not investigated in any study. When the children wrote on
the themes, they were asked about their attitudes to them in a questionnaire,
showing the distribution of attitudes in a more systematic way. Texts and ques-
tionnaires are thus integrated and become different aspects of a whole. The selec-
tions after 1969–1970 are small and qualitative, and they do not allow statements
about statistically significant differences but make it possible to observe qualities
and how they vary in different sub-groups and then say something about tenden-
cies over time.
The presentation of the results of the material gathered in 2001–2002 is done in
comparison with results that were presented earlier. It starts with overall images in the
questionnaires, then proceeds to expressions about God and religion in texts and ends
by looking at tendencies in different contexts by combining results from texts and
surveys.

Children’s faith in God and his existence in a time perspective

When the children in the survey of 2002 responded to whether they believed in God
or not (see Appendix, Table 1), most of them did not know what to believe and the
number of children who said that they were sure that they believed in God was greater
than those who were sure that they did not believe. In the earlier studies in 1969, 1979
and 1990, the number of children who believed in God’s existence went down from
roughly 30% to 17%, while those who did not believe in God’s existence increased to
44% in 1990. Those who do not know have consistently been the largest group. In
1979, 1990 and 2002, the girls were consistently in the majority among those who did
not know. While the boys were in the majority among the non-believers, the consti-
tution of the group of believers has varied. Hallgren (2003) found more non-believing
boys and a diminishing tendency of more believers among girls. A common feature,
however, is that the number of believers increased in 2002 and that applies to both
boys and girls.
Something seems to have happened to children’s faith in God. Most of them still
do not know what to believe, but those who say that they believe in God are now a
considerably larger group than those who say they are certain they do not believe.
That God arouses more interest is shown by the fact that the question of whether
there is a God who did create universe and all life in 2002 was ranked third after bully-
ing and death (see Appendix, Table 3) while it was ranked ninth in 1990. No other
question has moved as many ranking positions. ‘A faith of one’s own’ was ranked
sixth both in 1990 and 2002. The sentences about peace, family and justice are
ranked higher all the time (see Appendix, Table 2).
Is it possible to make such comparisons over time? The ways of interpreting faith
and religion can change over time but questions and selection have varied. Despite
the time differences, the earlier material has appeared to be coherent (Hartman,
1986, 2003). This coherence is broken in the twenty-first century. The difference is
 Children and God in the multicultural society 39

so great and the main tendency so clear that even a conservative interpretation indi-
cates that a change has taken place. However, several issues need to be discussed.
What do children mean by believing in God? Can it be expressed by ticking a box
in a questionnaire? Hartman (1986) has shown that children who say they do not
believe in God can still wonder what he looks like or pray to him. He suggests that
children develop a nuanced conception of faith. He also sees it as a sign of a private
religion (Hartman, 2003). The same contradictory and nuanced conception of faith
can be found in the texts from 2002. God’s existence is vividly discussed. There are
those who have a ‘childhood faith’ who say: ‘God helps people’. There is the problem
of theodicy: ‘I do not believe in God for if there had been a God then there would not
have been any wars in the world. In that case God is not nice’. One girl says: ‘I believe
in God when I need him’. Another girl asks: ‘Is it possible to believe in God even
though I don’t believe in him. I wonder’. She finds it difficult to believe that God
exists and that he created the world, ‘but I want to believe in God and that he exists
and can help me’. She wavers between believing, wanting to believe and wanting
proof; she does not know, and that is the answer she gives in the questionnaire. There
is openness and limitlessness in the positions children take in their interpretations of
faith at all points in time.
How do the different ways of asking questions influence the outcome? Believing
that God exists and believing in him are not the same phenomena, although closely
linked. In the texts it is possible to find children who can accept that God exists with-
out believing in him themselves, but not the opposite. Believing in God seems to
require a belief in his existence and the two phenomena usually coincide. When Hart-
man (1986) discusses the faith of Swedish children and draws conclusions about chil-
dren’s doubts and secularism, he does it on the basis of survey statistics where
children have been asked whether God exists; he equates belief and existence.
What influence does selection have? The tendency for the non-believers to be a
larger group than the believers was strengthened up until 1990, but was broken in
2002 when the believers became more numerous. An ambition in the selection in
2002 was to include multi-ethnic schools, two out of four, one of which was the same
as in 1990. A larger proportion of children have foreign backgrounds, due to both
selection and societal changes, such as increased immigration to Sweden. Is it possi-
ble to understand the numbers better by looking at different school contexts?

Children and God in a multicultural and segregated society

In the residential areas that are predominantly Swedish, the tendency is the same as
in earlier years; most children do not know, a tendency that is even strengthened, and
there are more non-believers than believers. The multi-ethnic areas show a
completely different image. Most children believe in God, followed by the group that
does not know and there are few non-believers (see Appendix, Table 1). The ranking
of questions shows similar tendencies. ‘To have a faith of one’s own’ is ranked fifth
in multi-ethnic areas but ninth in ethnically Swedish areas. ‘If there is a God who did
create universe and all life’ is ranked seventh in ethnically Swedish areas but second
40 T. Torstenson-Ed

in multi-ethnic areas (see Appendix, Tables 2 and 3). It seems to be the children with
foreign backgrounds who represent the increase in faith, something which may
strengthen von Brömssen’s conclusion regarding strong borderlines in religion.
However, the high proportion of believers in the multi-ethnic areas cannot solely
be explained by stating that children with foreign backgrounds are religious. The
classes also contain a fairly large number of Swedish and other Nordic children.
Based on names and the help of teachers, their numbers can be estimated at roughly
half. Looking at the group with foreign backgrounds, 76% believe in God, 20% do
not know and 2% do not believe. Turning to Swedish/Nordic children, 50% say that
they believe, 40% that they do not know and 14% that they do not believe. Thus,
believers are in the majority also among Nordic children in the multi-ethnic areas.
These tendencies can also be found where the ranking of questions is concerned. ‘To
have a faith of one’s own’ is ranked fourth by immigrant children and sixth by Swed-
ish children in multi-ethnic areas but only ninth by children in Swedish areas. The
question of God as a creator is seen as the second most interesting question to think
about by all children in multicultural areas, while children in Swedish residential
areas rank it seventh.
This shows that the borderline is not absolute and that there seems to be a certain
influence in the context so that having a high proportion of believers influences all
children and their thoughts on God and religion. Regarding ethnicity as the only basis
of explanation becomes one-dimensional; many factors in a context exert an influ-
ence. Different priorities about money (Appendix, Table 2) and family relations
(Appendix, Table 3) also say something about varying socioeconomic conditions and
family circumstances. What do the texts say about children’s relations to God and
how they vary?

Conceptions of God
What thoughts about God do children express in their texts? Does this change over
time? The conception of a bearded man in heaven or among the clouds is an image
that many believers as well as non-believers share. A ten-year-old girl writes: ‘I believe
that God looks like a transparent old man with a beard but it is difficult to describe
exactly. God is with me all the time although he cannot be seen.’
The children have a number of concrete questions about God at all points of time:
Does he exist, where does he live, what does he do, what does he look like, what is his
name, does he have a family, does he save people, has he really created the earth, can
he do magic, is he an invention? The children talk about God as kind and large. God
is everywhere, without being visible; to think of him as transparent is one way of solv-
ing this. There are examples of a pantheistic conception of God (‘I believe he is every-
where in heaven, animals, water, plants, well … almost everything’), but it is difficult
to identify an increase as Hallgren (2003) does. As Hartman (1986) says, conceptions
of God are difficult to deal with. He has shown that Jesus does not hold that much
ground in children’s conceptions of God. Even in 2002 he is mentioned by only a few
children.
 Children and God in the multicultural society 41

That the conception of God is based on another religion than Christianity is an

occurrence that has increased in the children’s texts. To be Muslim, and therefore not
believe in God or Jesus, but Allah, is a clear conception of God in the material from
2002. It is expressed by a number of children.
I am an 11-year old boy. I am a Muslim so I do not believe in Jesus but in Allah. Allah is
fair most of the time. I do not believe all that much in God. But somebody has to have
created earth and all this. Some Muslims say that Jesus is the son of Allah, but I do not
know anything about that.

This boy relates the religions to each other, maintains a certain distance and does not
believe ‘all that much’. Whether it is a Christian God or a Muslim Allah that the chil-
dren believe in, sometimes has to be read between the lines.
There are a great number of texts about God as a creator at all points of time. It
goes against the natural science theory of evolution and view of the world which is
conveyed by schools. ‘Researchers have the explanation for almost everything so we
do not need God as an explanation any more’, writes one boy. ‘He has not created
us, we have developed’, says one child. The children want evidence; they cannot
believe in something they have not seen:
I do not believe God exists. It is impossible that he should have created earth, there is no
evidence of that but there is evidence that Big Bang created the earth. For example, God
created the first people, Adam and Eve who in turn had children. One of the children trav-
elled to another country and married somebody, where did that people come from? Seeing
as God only created two people. (Boy, 12 years old)

Children from all over the world ponder these questions. An Iraqi girl in Year 6
writes:
I believe in God. But one day I thought: how did God create everything, human beings,
trees, brains etc. I thought how does God do it, how long has he existed. He did not have
a mother or father, did he? How long will he exist?

She is a searcher who weighs the pros and cons but lets herself be convinced by
the vastness of space and creation. A boy from the same country is certain:
‘There is only one God. He has created the entire universe so there is nothing to
discuss’.
Other children have come up with a solution of their own, a private God. A ten-
year-old girl writes: ‘I believe in God, but I do not believe in any god that anybody
else believes in, I believe in my own’. She does not think that God is omnipotent or
the creator of all beings. She writes that she also believes in guardian angels and
guardian animals—her own is an owl. Such New Age conceptions as believing in
fate, weather gods or a lucky star appear. ‘My god is a Pokemon. They protect me
when I am sad, afraid or angry. And the weirdest thing is that I become powerful
when I think about them’, writes a 12-year-old boy. These personal gods are possi-
bly a new aspect, and there is also a feminist view of God. Some girls claim that God
is a neutral being: ‘I do not think it exists but if it does it is an “it” and neither a He
or a She’.
42 T. Torstenson-Ed

Faith as a personal relationship or religious tradition

All studies have shown that when it comes to thinking about God the most important
existential questions are the creation of the world, but also death, disease and acci-
dents, as well as war, famine and catastrophes. They recur in 2002. These are
contexts in which children of all cultures turn to God; instances when they need him.
Many children turn to God in prayer, and doubters and non-believers can pray and
have their prayers answered or denied. Hartman (2003) writes that the children in
earlier studies seldom associated their everyday life questions—the ones about lone-
liness, fear, friendship and conflicts with conceptions of God. Many children main-
tain a continuous conversation with God about these particular questions in 2002.
One girl, ten years old, writes:
In the evening, if someone has been mean to me (which does not happen very often), I
want to tell someone without anyone else listening in or telling and that is why God is good
because he does not tell.

Having someone who listens without diminishing, changing the subject or moving on,
somebody to trust when feeling lonely, afraid or sad, but also happy, are important
themes. These seem to be the children’s own views, they speak to God in solitude, a
personal everyday god, a private religion. Children of both genders and children with
both Swedish and foreign backgrounds are represented here. This tendency is
increasing, which concurs with the fact that more children say that they have faith.
The children can also describe themselves as part of a religious tradition, as well as
a family tradition, where faith becomes a part of both their everyday and festive lives.
‘Every Sunday I go to church. It is fun’, one girl writes, while another boy writes that
he does not think much about God but that he is a Christian and goes to church.
Belonging to a religion does not have to mean that one follows all the rules but that
one knows them and reflects on them. One girl, who refers to family and Muslim
faith, enumerates rules concerning not eating pork, not wearing sweaters that reveal
the abdomen, not cursing, praying, while one boy says:
I believe in Allah, the God of the Moslems. I and my family are not terribly particular
about the rules, we do not even follow the rules. We only believe in God, or Allah rather,
my relatives in Kurdistan and Turkey pray and fast but they are not that particular either.
Sometimes I say to myself: What is the meaning of life???? And one day I will receive an
answer to the question, from God, I know I will.

Children with foreign backgrounds often describe a family tradition, religion prac-
tised together with others in a religious communion with a social function, the oppo-
site of secularism. The quotes show that the traditions can be questioned. Even
children who do not believe in God refer to secularised family traditions, such as this
girl in Grade 4: ‘Hi! I never think about God! Neither does anybody else in my family,
at least I do not think so!!!’ You can also find texts combining a personal relation to
God and a family tradition of social importance.
In the texts from 1987–1990 it is possible to find traces of religious teaching in
short references, such as ‘I think of God when my teacher reads the Bible aloud’, or
 Children and God in the multicultural society 43

‘as we have religion in school you give him a thought now and then’. These references
have almost disappeared in 2002. This may be a sign that religious studies do not
leave an impression or that it has in practice almost disappeared. Von Brömssen
(2003) found that discussions were held between pupils and not as a part of the teach-
ing. Hartman’s impression of earlier material was rather that it is not possible to talk
to one’s peers about God. In this material there are occasional statements that imply
something about the conversational contexts in different schools and classes.

Conceptions of God in different contexts

This material represents four school contexts and eight class contexts. When the
replies to the questionnaires are combined with the children’s texts and talk about
God they show a qualitative variation between school contexts and even between
classes in the same school.
The two ethnically Swedish school contexts have a majority of children who do not
know what to believe. One class in each context has a great proportion of non-believ-
ers and the secularised position von Brömssen (2003) speaks of. The other two classes
have a vast majority who do not know, a few believers and even fewer non-believers.
The tendency in the earlier studies of more believers in the countryside (Hartman,
1986) seems to have disappeared.
The sixth grade in the Swedish countryside has a clear and a somewhat aggressive
secular position. Here we find rational reasoning on a scientific basis, requiring
evidence. God is described as a ‘fraud’, but also with wonder. Many emphasise that
they have never thought about God, refer to families who do not, and do not now
want to be forced to think about God either through teaching or project assign-
ments. Half of the non-believers also tick ‘do not know’; it seems as if they want to
cover themselves, as one boy writes: ‘I do not believe in God now but I might later
on’. In fourth grade in the same school there are no requirements for evidence; the
children still seem to struggle with a childhood faith. One girl makes an interesting
statement when she says: ‘I believe in God but the worst thing is that I do not have
anyone to tell as my friends keep talking about God in lots of different [ways?] but
not as if they believe in him’. This indicates that God is something that the children
talk about.
In the city’s ethnically Swedish suburb, the fourth grade has many non-believers
and a secularised position. They bring up the problem of theodicy and talk about
evidence and science. The sixth grade has a great majority who do not know. They
seem to be searchers; the texts show a variety of views of God. There are New Age
conceptions of believing in fate, weather gods or Pokemon characters. There is talk
about transmigration and a feministic God. Many children express a private religion,
turning to God in prayer when they are lonely or afraid. There is a tolerant view; noth-
ing is right or wrong.
What image do the multi-ethnic contexts project? In the suburb of a large town,
there are children from around ten different countries. The believers are a majority
among all children in both classes. An ethnically Swedish girl in fourth grade says:
44 T. Torstenson-Ed

There are really many who believe in God in my class, I might be the only one who does
not believe that much in God?!?! Everybody (almost) wears a cross, but not me. I do not
believe in God, do I?

This girl seems to be influenced by her friends and does not know what to believe,
judging by the question and exclamation marks. Many (including those in the sixth
grade in the same school) have a faith in a kind and forgiving God. Here is the boy
who describes himself as a proud Muslim, but also the Swedish girl who believes, goes
to church and wears a silver cross. Here we find Swedish children who seem to have
had reasons to think more and more about God: ‘I believe he exists. I did not use to
think about him that much’ or ‘Now I think about God a little more often’. This
school environment seems to be characterised by openness.
In the city suburb multi-ethnic school there seems to be a mixed context. One class
has an even distribution of believers and those who are unsure. Another class has a
majority among the Swedish children who do not know. One girl says: ‘In our class-
room I think we believe roughly the same things about God’, which might indicate
that the matter is discussed. You can find sceptical children with both Swedish and
foreign backgrounds who are detached from different religions and think that you are
entitled to believe what you want.

Does a secularised school in a multicultural environment result in children

who are interested in religion?
There are clear elements of both continuity and change when looking at children’s
relation to God over a long time span. Those who do not know what to believe consti-
tute the largest group throughout the period, but the number of believers has
increased noticeably. This happens in multi-ethnic environments; other environ-
ments retain the tendency of earlier years with more non-believers than believers.
Thereby, the study shows that conceptions of God and religion in children are not
created in a way that is bound by nature during the course of a life or a long period
of time. They are socially rooted as Birkedal (2000) has shown, in a school or envi-
ronmental context. The conceptions of God vary, and Allah and Pokemon have been
added, but the uncertainty is stable and God’s creation is pitted against the natural
sciences’ view of the world by children with different religious backgrounds. The situ-
ations in which people consider themselves to need God and think about him, such
as illness and death, seem to be the same throughout the ages and in all cultures.
That everything is possible, even to believe and not to believe at the same time, is
a strong impression one gets from reading the children’s texts at all points in time. ‘I
believe in God when I need him’ is one way of expressing this. The concept of faith
receives an open definition, an expression of private religion and a nuanced concept
of faith. Believing can also be a stage in trying a moral outlook as a young person,
which is then abandoned in new contexts. Not only family and church but also school
contexts seem to contribute to children’s attitudes to questions of faith. A multicul-
tural school context has more believers, more religions and possibly more discussions.
Secularised family traditions are mixed with non-secularised ones. The children in
 Children and God in the multicultural society 45

the multi-ethnic classes seem to be influenced by each other; there is curiosity and
openness. Von Brömssen reached the opposite conclusion with a clear borderline and
silence between children with Swedish and foreign backgrounds when it comes to
religion. Both aspects may be correct. In the environment she studied, the Swedish
pupils held a noticeably secularised position. This study shows that the Swedish chil-
dren’s position varies. The children’s declared faith, together with other interest rank-
ing orders and reflections, implies that borders are crossed in multi-ethnic
environments. Religious interest arises, both concerning the pupils’ own religion and
those of others. It seems to be an expression of multiculturalism in an ideological
sense, the opposite of fundamentalism.
In that case, this multiculturalism is created by the children themselves, it does not
take place during the teaching, which von Brömssen’s (2003) study also shows. Does
the secularised environment contribute to this openness? Nordic children come from
homes that in religious terms are described as favourably disposed, neutral or secu-
larised (Munksgaard, 1980). The Swedish school is secularised. Religious studies do
not seem to leave such a large impression. There is therefore nothing to react against.
This absence of religious contexts, both at home and in school, as far as the Swedish
children are concerned, may create a vacuum which makes it possible for the children
to mould each other in the school as a social environment. This can result in openness
and tolerance but can also be a foundation for conflicts and the establishment of
borders. The children need to seek more knowledge and discuss their experiences
with adults.
This diversity and openness puts a great responsibility on teachers if the aim is to
achieve a multicultural school in the ideological sense. Religious studies is a subject
with great multicultural potential. When different religious experiences are mixed it
becomes important to acquire sufficient knowledge of all the religions and speak
about them with equal respect. Ethical discussions may also require all teachers to
know something about the different religions’ teachings and prescriptions and that
which is universally human about them. Values cannot be described as only safe-
guarded by Christian tradition. Schools and classes with cultural diversity become
important meeting grounds where this could be discussed in order to counteract
conflicts and fundamentalism. In this study there are signs that indicate that this is
something which the children themselves discuss and are open to. Let them lead the
way.

Notes
1. This study is a part of a research project called ‘Young Peoples’ Philosophy of Life and the
School’s Value Foundation’, led by Professor Sven G. Hartman at the Stockholm Institute of
Education.

Notes on contributor
Tullie Torstenson-Ed is a senior lecturer at a Teacher Training Program at
Linköpings University. Her research interest is children’s values and view of life.
46 T. Torstenson-Ed

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 Children and God in the multicultural society 47

Appendix 1.Tables

Table 1. Pupils’ belief in God and his existence 1990 and 2002, and divided in schools in
different areas 2002. Proportions of children that support the following statements about ‘What do
you believe about God?’ Results from interest investigations 1990 and 2002.

2002

1990 2002 Multi-ethnic Ethnically

4th–6th year 4th–6th year schools Swedish schools

Alternatives (n = 115) (n = 161) (n = 76) (n = 85)

Proportions of children
I am convinced that I believe in 39 60 19
God
I am convinced that God exists 17
I don’t know what to believe 57 50 30 67
about God
I am convinced that I don’t 19 7 29
believe in God
I am convinced that God does 44
not exist
No answer 6 5 7

Note: The figures from 1990 are from Hartman (2003, p. 87). Some children mark more than one alternative.
48 T. Torstenson-Ed

Table 2. Pupils’ ranking of important questions in interest investigations 1990 and 2002.
Comparison of multi-ethnic and ethnically Swedish schools 2002. Proportion of pupils that have
marked following alternatives. The instructions were: ‘Here is a list of things that many people find
important. Mark the two (1990) three (2002) alternatives you think are most important to you’.

2002

1990 2002 divided into

4th–6th year 4th–6th year multi-ethnic ethnically

schools Swedish schools

( n = 115 ) ( n = 161 ) ( n = 76 ) ( n = 85)

Alternatives
Ranking order (proportion of pupils)
Justice between rich and 2 (48) 3 (50) 2 (57) 3 (45)
poor countries
A free and democratic 10 (2) 6 (20) 6 (21) 8 (19)
society
Having good health 7 (3) 8 (19) 8 (16) 7 (21)
Having a faith of one’s own 6 (5) 6 (20) 5 (26) 9 (14)
in God
A world at peace 1 (66) 1 (70) 1 (76) 1 (65)
A Sweden with more justice 7 (3) 10 (8) 10 (5) 10 (11)
Making money 7 (3) 9 (17) 9 (9) 6 (24)
Having a good family life 4 (26) 2 (55) 3 (55) 2 (55)
and good friends
A good environment 3 (36) 5 (26) 7 (18) 5 (33)
Personal interests in music, 11 (1) 12 (1) 12 (0) 12 (1)
reading or art
Going in for yourself 11 (1) 11 (7) 11 (4) 10 (11)
Being a considerate and fair 5 (12) 4 (41) 4 (39) 4 (42)
person
No answer (2) (0) (0) (0)

Note: The figures from 1990 are taken from Hartman (2003, p. 79). The ranking order can be compared but
not the proportions of pupils as different numbers of alternatives were marked.
 Children and God in the multicultural society 49

Table 3. Pupils’ ranking of questions interesting to think about in interest investigations 1990 and
2002. Proportions of pupils who have marked different alternatives. The instructions were: ‘Here is
a list of questions that could be interesting [and important—1990] to think about. Mark the three
you think most important [Read it through and choose the two you find most important. Mark the
two things—1990]’.

2002

divided into

1990 2002 multi-ethnic ethnically

4th–6th year 4th–6th year schools Swedish schools

(n=115) (n=161) (n=76) (n=85)

Alternatives
Ranking order (proportion of pupils)
What it is like to be an 3 (19) 4 (30) 5 (29) 4 (32)
immigrant in Sweden
Why one sometimes feels so 10 ( 9) 9 (21) 8 (21) 9 (21)
lonely
How to know what is right and 7 ( 2) 7 (28) 4 (30) 6 (27)
wrong
How children come to be 11 ( 8) 10 (11) 10(10) 10 (12)
How to be towards each other 5 (16) 6 (29) 7 (24) 3 (34)
within a family
If there is a God who did create 9 (10) 3 (35) 2 (46) 7 (26)
universe and all life
Why some people are bullied 2 (27) 1 (54) 1 (60) 1 (48)
How much adults are allowed 7 (12) 8 (23) 9 (20) 7 (26)
to decide over their children
Why do you have to die? 1 (38) 2 (37) 3 (34) 2 (40)
How to become good at sport 5 (16) 11 ( 9) 11 (9) 11 ( 9)
How a good friend should be 4 (17) 4 (30) 5 (29) 4 (32)
Why there is unemployment in 13 ( 4) This alternative was not
Sweden included
If you need somebody to believe 12 ( 5) This alternative was not
in included
Incomplete or no answer (7) (2) (0) ( 4)

Note: The figures from 1990 are taken from Hartman (2003, p. 60). The ranking order is possible to compare
but not the proportion of pupils as they marked fewer alternatives and had more alternatives to choose from in
1990.