ANALYSIS OF PARTICIPATION OF TURKISH AND IRAQI WOMEN IN

LABOR MARKET & ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF TURKISH AND IRAQI WOMEN

Corrections
1. prepare summery of what you update in the proposal
2. add section where you explain (why we make comparison between Iraq and Turkish
3. explain where are you gona collect the date (listen to the recording)
4. you forgot to write the source of the figures you use
5. the comparison should be from 2010 to 2021 female labor market participation in turkey
and Iraq (for example what are the effect of Syrian immigration in it )
6. how we make recreation analysis
 Chapter I

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACK GROUND OF THE STUDY

Women empowerment and gender equality are fundamental dimensions of human development.
It is reported by the studies of UNDP that gender equality has a positive influence on the
reduction of poverty, economic growth, and human development, but it is also reported in the
same report that the reverse of it is not necessarily true. Economic development has also been
indicated by the incorporation of female in the labour market. Consequently, it befalls
government to ensure gender equality. The full integration of women into the economy leads to
relative improvement in their economic position, overall positive effect on economic efficiency,
and improvement in the potential of the country's development. It is indicated in the report of
Human Development 2016 that globally men are globally more represented in paid employment
than women (Bulut, 2016). Moreover, women have a significant contribution to domestic work
which is unpaid. In 2011, a survey was conducted that concluded that the women spent more
time i.e 50 minutes on average on paid & unpaid work than men. However, Turkey has taken
essential steps for integrating with the global economy by shifting to a growth strategy that is
oriented on export from an import-substituting industrialization model, participation of female
labor force. The important regional changes in these rates represent that integration of women
into the labor market still has several ways to acquire the level of OECD & European Union
countries. In 2016, Turkey represented 30.4% participation of female labor force in 1.16% of
global economy with a Gross domestic product of US $856.8 billion. It is discussed in several
studies that economic growth has an influence on the participation of female employment but
these studies only analyse their interdependent relationship and also restrict the relationship of
sectorial GDP growth and participation of the women labour.

Just 17% of Arab ladies take part in market exercises in the authority area. They are frequently
energetic, accomplished, and unmarried. Female workforce inclusion falls drastically after
marriage and afterward increments again among bereaved, separated, or isolated more seasoned
ladies. Ladies' workforce cooperation in Arab countries was the least among the world's six

1
arising areas during the 1990s. As per near territorial measurements, Arab ladies' movement rate
is 21% of men. This is discernibly lower than the East Asian locale's 80% female-to-male
movement rate. The rate is less than the Sub-Saharan pace that is 56 and less than the rate of
Latin America, 37 and South Asia (Sattinger, 1995). If we analysis the overall rules of labor
force, we will get to know that Arab countries are focusing on women empowerment since
1970s. women’s labor force is dominating with the passage of time. This trend is especially have
seen in Syria, Tunisia, Sudan, and Kuwait where women are working side by side of men.

If we take a look into Arab women labor force, we can see the degree of word related isolation is
somewhat high, with females establishing only a small minority in most of occupations. Close to
half of all ladies working in the proper area are consigned to bring down-level middle-class
positions like typists or agents. Ladies, then again, are under-addressed in expert and the board
jobs. A few ladies fill in as untalented cleaners or couriers in the manual classifications, yet
generally barely any work as gifted or even semi-talented regular representatives. The power of
word related disconnection, as shown in Egypt, Kuwait, Jordan, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, and
Bahrain, among various spots, is perceived by the reported tendency of the two laborers and
organizations for explicit kinds of work held by men or women. These tendencies are an eventual
outcome of social shows.It is muddled how these inclinations are shaped for sure causes impact
their turn of events. Financial experts don't have a hypothesis of inclination advancement or
worldly varieties (Psacharopoulos & Tzannatos, 1989).

Bedouin women are moved in the help region; they address 67% of the entire female work power
in Egypt, half in Iraq, and 45% in the Syrian Arab Republic. This rate expansions in the Gulf
nations and Jordan, showing up at 92% in Bahrain and 89% in Jordan. 99.9% in Kuwait, 98.9%
in Qatar, and 94% in the United Arab Emirates. The piece of female work in the organization’s
region is greatest in cordial and individual organizations; during the 1980s, it showed up at 60%
in Bahrain, 56% in Egypt, 78% in Jordan, 92% in Kuwait, 98% in Qatar, and 91% in the United
Arab Emirates (O'Neill, 1992). A few Arab women work in association and the board. Women
hold 5.2 and 1.6 percent of all pioneer and administrative positions, independently, in the Gulf
nations of Kuwait and the UAE. Women hold 6% and 7% of all administrative circumstances in
Algeria and Tunisia, independently. In Syria and Iraq, the rates are 8 and 10, separately. Egypt
has a speed of 10%, Sudan has a speed of 2.4 percent, and Jordan has a speed of 5%. These

2
numbers are a lot of lower than the 40% limit in industrialized countries and the 15-20% figure
in helpless nations. Ladies who work in expert and specialized fields, like nursing, instructing,
social and administrative work, have a bigger rate. Their degree of outright master and
concentrated delegates changes from 18% in Tunisia to 26-28% in Syria and Egypt,
independently, and more than 33% in Jordan and Iraq (Ribar, 1995).

More than 1,000,000 Arab women work in the collecting business. They are moved in Egypt,
Morocco, Syria, and Tunisia, by and large in materials, weaving, and moment pieces of clothing,
yet furthermore in manufactured organizations, food taking care of, and metallurgy to a lesser
level (Tienda et al., 1992). In Egypt, for example, materials, dress, and calfskin rank first, with
females addressing 58% of outright gathering laborers and a big part of the advanced female
labor force; in Jordan, 70% and 62%, and in the Syrian Arab Republic, 74% and 64%,
independently. The extra female work power is spread out all through the substance, mining, and
food regions.Ladies are allotted positions in the modern area that request either conventional
ladylike capacities or an undeniable degree of precision and tolerance, the two of which are
regularly connected with ladies (Moghadam, 1993).

With a minuscule work piece of the pie and moderate instructive and professional fulfillments,
they procure a little extent of generally speaking acquired pay. Ladies' level of acquired pay in
most Arab countries is essentially beneath 20%. Bahrain's and Saudi Arabia's stakes are 12 and
7%, separately. Ladies acquire 17.7 percent of complete procured pay in Iraq, Morocco 16%,
Kuwait and Sudan 18%, and Lebanon 22%. Those unobtrusive offers likewise show that ladies'
work in market exercises is downgraded; that is, ladies' useful components are not compensated
similarly that men's identical useful attributes are. This thought is upheld by experimental proof
dependent on miniature level information (Miller, 1993).

Existing numbers don't address the genuine measure of female commitment since just ladies'
work in the conventional area is recorded. Their inclusion in the casual modern area, for
example, pay creating at-home creation (sewing conventional handiworks, food readiness, etc),
isn't tended to. Ladies who work in the casual area will in general come from oppressed
foundations, with low instructive accomplishment and terrible financial circumstances. They are
generally youngsters whose families have quite recently moved from country to metropolitan

3
settings. An Escwa-supported study in Egypt showed that an extensive yet unidentified number
of ladies work in the casual economy (ESCWA, 1989). By far most, 80%, are from low-pay
families with practically no tutoring and are between the ages of 14 and 34. The greater part of
casual area female workers are at first from provincial locales and are from families who have as
of late migrated to urban areas. Farming utilizes an enormous number of individuals in the casual
economy. Indeed, even in regions where farming is a critical monetary area, official figures show
that Arab ladies have a low support rate. This is generally because of mechanical issues brought
about by information gathering thoughts, strategies, and instruments.

The activities of ladies who work for the family without being paid are excluded from the
measurements, notwithstanding the way that they make a huge commitment to family income. In
Egypt, for instance, where ladies made up 11% of the work power in 1990, investigations of
country homes in Lower Egypt tracked down that portion of the spouses furrowed and evened
out the ground, and somewhere in the range of 55 and 70% were dynamic in farming yield. In
Upper Egypt, somewhere in the range of 34% and 41% were occupied with rural creation, while
75% were occupied with creature cultivation (Nelissen, 1990). Most of ladies who work in
agribusiness are not redressed. As per an exploration led in an Egyptian people group, ladies
chipping away at family cultivates without pay represent around 60% of the space's female
workforce. They regularly participate in horticultural delivering errands that are associated with
their family. Neglected ladies’ workers represent around 84% of all provincial female
representatives in Morocco. The comparative number in Tunisia is 74% (Borjas & DeFreitas,
1993). Neglected specialists represent more than 40% of all dynamic ladies in Syria's provincial
and metropolitan areas consolidated (Zabel, 1993). Ladies do an expansive assortment of
financial errands in rustic Yemen inside the standard division of work. Ladies care for hens and
cows.

They let the chickens out toward the beginning of the day, feed them, watch them from burglary
or infection, and proposition areas for the eggs to create prior to gathering the eggs. A few ladies
keep calfs and cows. They keep them on sheds and take good care of them. Timely medical
checkup has been done. They collect milk and sell. Also, they make products from milk like
cottage cheese, paneer, butter, and desi ghee. Ladies additionally work in grain creating fields,
setting up the land, planting seeds, adding compost, and gathering. Ladies' farming work in

4
Saudi Arabia keeps on being significant in harvests like wheat, horse feed cutting, and certain
palm tree work. Each of their exercises are focused on the family. Some Saudi ladies work in the
assembling of specialties available to be purchased in the souk-control market-where ladies
merchants will in general be more than 40, ruined, uninformed, and either wedded, separated, or
bereaved since local area principles forbid unmarried young ladies from selling on the lookout
(Engerman, 1992). 11.2 Employment Constraints Arab ladies' business is hampered by request
and supply issues. Request side boundaries to female work add to the Arab economy's low
degrees of work ingestion, harming both male and female workforce members.

This reflects, to some degree, the full-scale level issue of expanded capital-power in the
economy, and to a limited extent, shortcoming in asset use. For example, during the 1980s, the
consistent capital-yield extent in Arab economies was around 6, however the same extent in as of
late industrialized nations (e.g., Korea, Singapore) was near (KEITHLY and DESERAN, 1995).
A couple of Arab nations' slow capital-yield extents fell some place in the scope of 1970 and
1987. Jordan's ICOR was 4.5 in 1971, yet it has climbed to 7.15 by 1987. Egypt's ICOR move
from 2.38 to 5.5, while Tunisia's ICOR extended from 4.1 to 8.22 (Fosu, 1995). All through the
latest twenty years, premium for work has failed behind strong work supply advancement, and
sectoral improvement has fail to remain mindful of the growing number of new work market
hopefuls.

Populace development in metropolitan work markets arrived at the midpoint of around 3.5
percent, though development in the modern and administration areas found the middle value of
short of what one percent (Karshenas, 1994). The lethargic development of the modern and
administrations areas is owing to some degree to the way that numerous Arab nations kept up
with import-replacement approaches, which protected both effective and inefficient endeavours
from unfamiliar contest and hampered imports of new innovation. These exchange approaches
might have brought about lower manageable paces of usefulness development than would have
been reachable if more prominent rivalry and commodity drove arrangements had been taken on.
As well as straightforwardly affecting work interest, quick populace increment has come down
on the educational system's ability to convey fitting instruction. High populace extension in
different Arab countries brought about congestion of study halls and overburdening of educators,
while dropping genuine income debilitated instructors' spirit, driving truancy and the mission for

5
supplemental wellsprings of procuring and backing. Since schooling is a vital road for female
work in the conventional area, populace increment can possibly quickly influence the powerful
(size and quality) interest in female training, bringing down ladies' financial contribution. A third
powerful restriction is the association of the public area, where work rules might have hampered
efficiency advancement and eased back worldly work request expansion in Arab nations. In
many countries, the public area has briefly extended its level of complete business by means of
ensured business programs, the security of long-lasting work, and an engaging bundle of
advantages that incorporates hearty government backed retirement plans. This might have
influenced work usefulness in two ways: the first is connected with public assistance estimation
issues, and the second with expanding organization and guideline, which inconveniently affects
private area efficiency.

Overabundance work interest in the GCC countries influenced sending nations' inner
requirement for female work all through the 1970s and mid 1980s. Transitory propensities
produced work deficiencies in the sending countries' work markets, driving in specific cases in
the horticulture area being overwhelmed due to women laborers. On the other hand, men are
looking for other options. Female are dominating in labor force. In a few countries, ladies
overwhelmed the working-age populace in provincial locales. The provincial oil blast changed
farming work markets in Egypt. Prior to voyaging abroad, around 64% of all rustic travellers
worked in horticulture, and almost close to 100% of provincial transients were men. During the
1980s, around 30% of the general male rural work power occupied with abroad relocation sooner
or later (Peracchi & Welch, 1994).

Global relocation has expanded capital force nearby while diminishing work ingestion prospects.
Compensation expansions in the GCC countries drew the absolute most prominent vintages of
human resources to Jordan, Egypt, and Sudan, making compensation in trading nations develop
also. With more versatile work and higher pay capital expenditures proportions, manufactures
responded by consuming excess money contrasted with work. That respond was supported to the
accessibility of minimal expense acquiring because of controlled loan fees. Besides, the
displacement cycle brought about the supplanting of leavers with less qualified staff, restricting
their capacity to develop their useful areas (Riddell, 1995). On the inventory side, helpless
inclusion in the cutting-edge area is connected to an absence of schooling and abilities, just as

6
high richness rates, social limitations, and home obligations. The continuation of sex holes in
tutoring is a basic hindrance to upgrading ladies' workforce support.

Training, as per neoclassical hypothesis, is a basic factor of ladies' workforce support. The higher
the level of training, the bigger the association of ladies in the work market (Mincer & Polachek,
1974). As indicated by latest information, Middle east ladies' instructive accomplishment slacks
underneath that of men: In 1990, more than 62% of grown-up Arab ladies were ignorant.
Nonetheless, low instructive accomplishment ought not dark the truth that youthful Arab ladies
have made huge instructive additions. In the course of the most recent twenty years, the Arab
countries' total grown-up proficiency rate practically multiplied, going from 30% in 1970 to 54%
in 1992. Somewhere in the range of 1960 and 1991, the joined essential and auxiliary enrolment
extended roughly sixfold, from 8 million to 46 million. More than four-fifths of all school-
matured females presently go to grade school, up from a normal of 55% just twenty years sooner.

Auxiliary training is still behind, in spite of the fact that progress has been made in the past 25
years. In 1992, the female/male enlistment proportion at the essential level was 92, 77 at the
optional level, and 65 at the tertiary level. Notwithstanding, we should remember that enlistment
rates may not precisely mirror the sex dissimilarity since dropout rates are enormous and more
prominent for females. For instance, Cornell (1989) claims that the drop-out rate for Egyptian
elementary school females is more than 30%. Drop-out rates in the Gulf countries are lower for
fundamental tutoring however may reach as high as 20% for female secondary school
understudies (Khinchuk, 1987). A few young ladies keep on being rejected from the instructive
framework. In Bahrain, for instance, Fakhro claims that more than 20% of young ladies matured
5 to 19 don't go to class.

1.1.1 women participation at income level

Will the relationship of women be normal using a complete monetary pointer like per-capita
pay? According to specific investigation, there is a U-shaped or conceivably boomerang-framed
connection between level of headway and female incorporation. Consequently, female affiliation
rates will in everyday reduction from a high of 30-50 percent in low-pay nations to 10-30 percent
at the low completion of what the World Bank insinuates as the middle compensation pack. At
extending pay levels, the participation rate improves (Clark and Anker, 1993). The outline

7
depicts the association between the logarithm of per capita pay and female participation in an
illustration of eleven Arab nations. The sensible depicts a faltering illustration of female
incorporation, and the ran line depicts the example created from an essential backslide condition
that gets the association among interest and the logarithm of per capita pay in the eleven Arab
nations. The rate is around 10% for nations with per capita pay rates going from $600-2000; it
decreases for higher per capita pay countries like Saudi Arabia and Oman ($5500-7500). It
moves for more significant compensation nations like Kuwait ($14000), just to capitulate to the
UAE, which has a widely more critical per capita pay ($22000). Regardless having lower per
capita profit than the Mashreq and Gulf nations, Tunisia and Morocco have much more
unmistakable female commitment rate.

Figure 1.1: Arab women participation at income level (Tumham, 1993)

1.1.2 Relationship between women’s participation and Fertility

The Arab area's single most imperative segment include is its basically generally high
fruitfulness rate—the normal degree of labor is 6 youngsters for each lady. Does female work
investment endure because of fruitfulness? At the large-scale level, information shows that Arab
high ripeness impacts ladies' work support. Graph (2) plots contrasts in general ripeness rates
versus varieties in female work supply in twelve Arab nations utilizing World Bank information
(1995). While the fitted line recommends that work supply will in general develop as ladies'

8
ripeness drops, the chart shows a deviation from the pattern in two of the twelve country
information focuses. Sudan, for instance, has a high fruitfulness pace of 5.7 in 1993 and a female
work interest pace of 23%, the two of which are higher than the locale's normal rates. Syria's
fruitfulness pace of 5.8 is comparatively high, and ladies' work investment rate (practically 20%)
is more prominent than the locale's normal of around 17%.

Figure 1.2: Relationship of fertility rate and women’s labor (World Bank, 1995)

At the full-scale level, the puzzling fruitfulness work supply causal relationship is halfway a
recognizable proof trouble and incompletely an information issue. Varieties in the construction
of creation, like the conspicuousness of fundamental monetary exercises, may bring about
between country contrasts in ladies' work support. The pattern investigation may likewise be
hampered by joint-assurance: Human capital factors that drive fruitfulness drop, like training,
may likewise build female commitment in the conventional area. Fluctuations in richness might
happen from geological disparities in living conditions (e.g., rustic destitution and instructive
holes) or between class varieties in asset circulation inside a similar country. In Algeria, for
instance, ladies actually brought forth in excess of six kids in the south however less than four in
the north. In spite of its little size, Lebanon has unmistakable geological contrasts, from Beirut
(2.3 youngsters per lady) toward the north (4.3 kids per lady). In Egypt, the average family has
3.6 youngsters in Port Said however 8.2 kids in Fayoum (Facione, 1994). Declining ripeness may
likewise be brought about by "improvement" and institutional impacts. Advancement and

9
upgrades in everyday wellbeing principles, for instance, lower youngster mortality, and given the
joined assurance of richness and kid mortality (Leppel, 2005), the craving for high ripeness
might decrease. Richness variances might be made by contrasts in between country
responsibility family programs pointed toward diminishing fruitfulness. The Tunisian
government's amassed endeavors in this regard are one model. That country's overall set of laws
takes into consideration the utilization of contraceptives, which are almost free. Richness rates
have been sliced down the middle over the most recent 20 years as a result of public promotion
of contraception and an ideal climate (Sattinger, 1995). On the opposite side, the states of
Bahrain and Kuwait have pushed to expand the work supply of neighbourhood ladies to diminish
dependence on traveller work. It ought to be perceived, in any case, that family arranging
projects might have potentially negative side-effects that limit female work cooperation. As per
Zuraik and associates (1994), family arranging programs that focus just on ripeness decrease
without considering the potential consequences for moms and youngsters may unintentionally
hurt moms' wellbeing and consequently weaken ladies' capacity to connect effectively in the
work market.

In the present research study, researcher aims to fill this gap by analysing the participation of
women in the labour market and its relationship with economic development measured by
GDP/capita for the 2000-2020 periods in Turkey and Iraq. Researcher is going to compare
Turkey and Iraqi women.

1.2 OVERVIEW OF WOMEN LABOR FORCE IN TURKEY

In 2009, the whole female workforce was 6.9 million representatives, of which 2 million were
neglected family laborers, with horticulture representing 91% (1.86 million) (Grzywacz et al.,
2009).

Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Yemen, Palestine, and Iraq immediately
followed Turkey's 24% monetary movement rate in 2009. (UN 2010).

The regulation of the male centric agreement, which adversely affects ladies' work, isn't
extraordinary to the MENA region. Dante Contreras and Gonzalo Plaza (2010), for instance,

10
exhibit how the standardization of a "machismo culture" in light of the sexual division of work
produces a weakening institutional climate for ladies' work in Chile.

Agribusiness' level of in general business tumbled from 59% in 1980 to 47 percent in 1990 to
24.6 percent in 2009 (Le & Diop, 2010).

"Ossification" is gotten from Bennholdt-unique Thomsen's German expression hausfrauisierung

(1987).

The year 1980 was picked as a pattern for correlation on the grounds that, despite the fact that
Turkey was the remainder of these countries to execute the ELI approach, the others were as yet
in the beginning phases of their different progression ventures.

Thus, ladies' work in the help area moved from 12% in 1980 to 24% in 2009, while their work in
assembling expanded from 15% to 22% throughout a similar time. Ladies' support in power, gas
and water, mining and quarrying, and building has additionally expanded, however to a lesser
sum.

It is significant that two examinations on trade direction and feminization in Turkey uncover
clashing outcomes during the mid-1980s. Le & Diop (2010) inspect total Turkish assembling
insights from the main portion of the 1980s and find that product center didn't bring about
obvious feminization. Fosu (2000) inspects plant-level information for the very time span and
views as that in spite of the fact that trade direction supports female business, higher capital
power brings down female work. Checking out the subject throughout a more extended
timeframe, I see a developing extent of ladies in assembling.

Dissimilar to most of MENA countries that don't send out oil, Turkey doesn't approach oil-
related benefits through traveler settlements since the two nations don't share the normal
language of Arabic. In any case, the enormous work development of Turkish guys to EU
countries somewhere in the range of 1950 and 1970 brought about a progression of settlements
from Europe, which might have served to the supporting of the male-provider family. (I'd prefer
to thank a mysterious ref for bringing this up.)

11
As per the Ministry of Labor, unionization was 54% in 1980, and 29 percent as indicated by the
OECD, contingent upon whether the rate is expressed as an extent of government managed
retirement enlisted laborers or all pay workers (James‐Burdumy, 2005). In the 1976–80 time,
these projections were over 15% for South Korea, 19% for Mexico, and 20% for Brazil (David
G. Blanchflower 2006). Later gauges for Turkey recommend a critical fall in unionization rates
during the 2000s, to around 8–10 percent (James‐Burdumy, 2005).

The level of genuine wages in esteem added tumbled from 40% in 1980 to 15% in 1990.

For additional data on the shift of Turkish commodity creation from work concentrated, low-
esteem added businesses to capital-escalated, high-esteem added areas, see Ahmet Faruk Aysan
and Yavuz Selim Hachasanolu (2007) and Lerzan zkale and zgur Kayalca (2008).

Hitched ladies' investment rate expanded by around 2 rate focuses during every one of the three
monetary emergencies: in 1994, from 11.7 to 13.6 percent (relating to an extraordinary 20
percent increment in the quantity of wedded ladies members from 1993 to 1994); in 2001, from
13.3 to 14.9 percent; and in 2008, from 15.1 to 16.9 percent.

The two unreasonable things were taken out from the Civil Code in 2003 because of the women's
improvement's strong and steadfast help and strain for congruity with EU guidelines, just as the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), to
which Turkey has been a get-together since around 1985. Because of the ladies' development's
solid and tenacious support and strain for consistence with EU standards, just as the Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), to which Turkey
hosts been a get-together starting around 1985, the two unfair things were taken out from the
Civil Code in 2003.

Past research has investigated the impact of the spouse's joblessness status, with inconsistent
discoveries on whether ladies assume a part as extra or debilitate representatives, and the overall
force of these two impacts (Tansel 2001; Cem Başlevent and zlem Onaran, 2003). The debilitate
specialist impact alludes to people who have stopped looking for a paid occupation since they
have lost any expectation of viewing as one; therefore, they are presently not named jobless and
are delegated nonparticipants. The additional laborer sway alludes to the affirmation of family

12
individuals into the work market to make up for the primary provider's deficiency of pay.
Accordingly, more representatives change from nonparticipant to member status (either utilized
or jobless).

The declining draw of advanced education may likewise be identified with the exit from any 9 to
5 work strategy that was carried out in the mid 1990s. To represent this effect, I rehashed the
investigation with prime-age (25–44) working ladies, yet found practically identical drops in the
chances proportion for college and secondary school graduates, from 42 and multiple times in
1988 to 36 and multiple times in 2008.

The comparable peculiarities has been found in the MENA region, where expanded sexual
orientation equity in schooling has not really converted into a decrease in the sex hole in
workforce cooperation rates, as it has somewhere else (World Bank 2004; Stephan Klasen and
Francesca Lamanna 2009).

Günseli Berik (1997) alerts against the unquestioning utilization of overview produced
information in women's activist examination, guaranteeing that it denies scholastics of a chance
to investigate the subtleties of financial reality. She advances the assortment and usage of
subjective information, just as the utilization of subjective ways to deal with make more reliable
quantitative information. Marlene Kim (1997) underscores the additional experiences managed
by women's activist participatory field research, particularly one that incorporates interest from
ladies' gatherings and study subjects.

Considering that Turkey has had an enormous ascent of moderate strict legislative issues starting
around 1997, the rates recommending traditionalism might have developed over the long run.
Simultaneously, Turkey's EU promotion trusts, just as a prospering ladies' development, have
considered moderate enactment changes, just as critical accomplishments in ladies' schooling.

Given the Prime Minister of Turkey's public statements encouraging ladies to have three
youngsters in 2010, the connection between "at least three kids" and ladies' workforce
investment is worth focusing on.

It is quite important that official figures from 2008 for Turkey uncover that most of grown-up
ladies (close to half) have recently a rudimentary schooling.

13
1.3 OVERVIEW OF IRAQ'S WOMEN LABOR FORCE

Sex relations in Iraq are controlled by complex social, strict, social, and political circumstances
that change as indicated by factors like topography, metropolitan rustic divisions, class,
nationality, clan connection, age, and religion. Sexual orientation plays a huge effect in weakness
levels and openness hazard in Iraq, which is deteriorated by previous imbalances in people's
admittance to privileges and qualifications, instruction, and financial freedoms. Existing sex
standards and force elements present significant obstacles to ladies' admittance to occupations
and monetary potential outcomes, lessening the monetary dependability they need to remake
their lives and return society. Ladies affected by struggle stand up to different hindrances to
work, including confined monetary choices, individual and local area level boundaries, lawful
imperatives, and elevated weakness, particularly for uprooted people and female-headed
families. Legitimate imperatives, an absence of social help, elevated weakness, and expanding
measures of neglected work may all give additional difficulties to struggle influenced ladies,
particularly the people who are dislodged or lead female-headed homes.

Ladies' workforce interest in Iraq is low: simply 10.6 percent of Iraq's utilized populace is female
in 2020.

19 Years of savagery and IS occupation in places like Diyala and Salah al Din have impacted
ladies, young ladies, men, and young men, just as on sex standards. As indicated by research,
pervasive sexual orientation standards in struggle influenced bunches are based on a division of
work that appoints to guys errands as watchmen and suppliers and to ladies homegrown jobs and
obligations focused on home prosperity. 20 The inconvenience of radicalized sexual orientation
standards during the IS takeover built up this gendered division of work significantly further by
requiring the thorough detachment of ladies from irrelevant guys in open settings. As a result,
guys accepted whole accountability for home arrangement and confronted significant difficulties
in satisfying these hopes. 21,22 Women in KRI face comparable issues. As per the latest
enumeration, 86.8 percent of ladies in KRI are jobless, while 37.4 percent of guys are. Around
75% of ladies in the workforce work in the public area, yet men's word related status is more
assorted: 44% of dynamic men work in the public area, 12% in the private area (8% are private
area representatives and 4 percent are bosses), 21% are independently employed, 21% are every

14
day laborers, and 2% are (neglected) family laborers. Advanced education is frequently an
assurance of work in the public area: 92% of ladies with an optional or advanced education work
in the public area, contrasted with 57% of ladies with an essential, halfway, or fundamental
instruction and 25 percent of ladies with no degree. 23 Furthermore, a 2018 study uncovered that
only 4% of Syrian outcast ladies respondents in the KR-I were working, in spite of a craving to
work communicated by 24%.

A World Bank research on ladies' work in KRI found that recruiting separation assumes a part in
ladies' admittance to private area occupations, with bosses choosing male competitors with
equivalent qualifications over female candidates.

25 Furthermore, ladies working in the private area advantage from feeble authoritative assurance
for ladies and families in the work environment, for example, more limited maternity leave than
worldwide principles (72 days contrasted with 18 weeks), an absence of youngster care support
(Childcare endowments or administrations to representatives in the private area are not ordered
by law), and legitimately commanded work limitations. The Labor Law in KRI limits ladies'
work in fields considered "challenging" and "hazardous," with the Minister of Labor having the
power to characterize these areas. At last, one of the main issues to address is working
environment inappropriate behavior anticipation. Ladies said that lewd behavior is profoundly
broad and occurs in all settings, including public areas, and that there are no administrative
principles or norms set up to boycott or indict working environment inappropriate behavior
occurrences.

1.4 IMPACT OF SYRIAN IMMIGRATION IN TURKEY AND IRAQ LABORE FORCE

The Syrian common conflict, which started in March 2011, brought about a significant flood of
constrained relocation from Northern Syria to Turkey's south-eastern regions, which has genuine
financial and political consequences for the MENA area and quite a bit of Europe. This
examination exploits this regular test to measure the effect of Syrian displaced people on Turkish
nationals' work market results. Utilizing a distinction in-contrasts procedure, we observe that
movement essentially affects locals' business results while small affecting compensation results.
Because of evacuee inflows, we see critical employment misfortunes among casual workers. As
a result of the extended social administrations in the area, formal work expanded marginally. The

15
majority of the people who lost their casual occupations have either stopped the labour force or
are as yet searching for work. Formal business and joblessness rates have increased, however
locals' inclusion in the workforce, casual business, and pursuit of employment rates have
diminished. Ladies, more youthful specialists, and laborers with less instruction have been
excessively impacted. Due to the predominance of casual work in Turkish work advertises, the
adverse consequence of Syrian evacuee inundation on locals' work market execution has been
emphasized. Generally, the effect of Syrian evacuee appearances on Turkish work markets has
been insignificant, inferring that expected expenses for European and other impacted work
markets will be negligible also (Ceritoglu et al., 2017).

While the Syrian emergency has generally centred local outcast reactions around Jordan,
Lebanon, and Turkey, little is known with regards to the predicament of Syrian evacuees in Iraq.
Iraq is home to more than 250,184 Syrian displaced people out of an aggregate of 5.6 million
(4.4 percent) across the Middle East. Most of them are of Kurdish beginning and shown up in
Iraq in 2012 and 2013 because of battling. Around 98.8% of Syrian displaced people in Iraq are
enrolled in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), which incorporates the governorates of Erbil,
Dahuk, and Sulaymaniyah. The leftover Syrian outcasts are enlisted in Iraq's focal and western
territories. Given the way that conditions in Syria are not helpful for wilful return in security and
pride, it is important to acquire a more profound comprehension of the chance of Syrian exiles
tracking down a drawn-out arrangement in Iraq. Accordingly, this review analyses the
opportunities for nearby joining in Iraq by assessing:

 Syrian outcasts' advancement toward neighborhood incorporation utilizing the Inter-

Agency Standing Committee (IASC) standards for long haul arrangements, just as Iraqi
local people's turn of events.
 The empowering and confining components that influence Syrian exiles' ability to adjust
into their new networks.
 Syrian displaced people's ideal long haul enduring arrangement and independent
direction.

16
1.5 PROBLEM STATEMENT

According to World’s population women are more than men. They are more concerned to feed
their families. The participation of women in labor market were low in the past but now it
increases day by day. Turkey is a labor country and it continues efforts for women
empowerment. Iraq had gone through war and they lost men labor mostly. Now women are
encouraging to work for their families. The objective of the study to analyses relation between
IRAQI and Turkish women participation in labor market and economic development. Whose
women are more empowered the result will proposed after the survey.

1.6 HYPOTHESIS

There are four hypotheses of this study depending upon the above research question; there are
four hypotheses of the present research study which are written with support from the literature
review of the previous research studies on factors affecting the purchase decision of customers.
These four proposed hypotheses are as follows:

H1. There is a significant ratio of women labour force in agriculture and industry sector in turkey
and Iraq.

H0. There is no significant ratio of women labour force in agriculture and industry sector in
turkey and Iraq.

Following quite a while of war and social distress, Iraq is gone up against with various
difficulties that influence all areas of the economy: decay of social and financial framework,
disturbance of the social structure holding the system together, and expanded dependence on oil,
which represents around 66% of GDP and virtually all commodities and monetary incomes. Iraq
is gaining ground in settling its economy, yet much work must be done to expand its creation
base and increase the living expectations of its kin. The rural area has fallen farther behind in the
after war time, attributable to huge harm to water system and waste foundation, rustic
correspondences, robbery of various offices, and a huge debilitating of the institutional structure.
Agribusiness is a critical type of revenue for poor people and food uncertain, just as the essential
wellspring of rustic work. Agribusiness' commitment to GDP (the second biggest after oil
income) tumbled from around 9% in 2002 to 3.3 percent in 2008 and 3.6 percent in 20091, in
spite of the fact that it actually utilizes 20% of the labor force. The populace is around 32
17
million, with 33% dwelling in country locales and depending on farming professionally. At the
public level, the populace development rate is at 3%. Ladies are intensely engaged with
horticulture to take care of their family.

In Turkey, where the workforce is portrayed by an impressive sex hole with low female
cooperation and occupation possibilities for ladies, accomplishing the point of improving ladies'
business has turned into a need. Ladies make up over portion of Turkey's populace (40 million),
yet their work interest rate is 34.5 percent, while men's work support rate is 71.8 percent, as
indicated by measurements given by the Turkish Statistical Institute (TUK) in July 2019.

While most of ladies avoid the workforce, many take part in the casual area. From the ILO's
angle, admittance to business openings, just as occupation quality and working conditions, are
basic to the association's overall point of nice work for everybody.

H2. Women have significant contribution in economic development of the Turkey and Iraq.

H0. Women have not significant contribution in economic development of the Turkey and Iraq.

The World Bank Group, the Government of Iraq, and the Government of Canada reported a
$1.95 million award today to help Iraq's endeavors to upgrade frameworks and execute projects
to monetarily and politically engage ladies.

The program "Sexual orientation and Social Protection in Iraq: Towards Economic
Empowerment" has two reciprocal parts: the principal will build up long haul administrative and
institutional limit with regards to sex mainstreaming, while the subsequent will acquaint
programs with help the monetary and political strengthening of ladies in Iraq, including
enterprising projects for poor and weak ladies.

"We are excited to team up with the Government of Canada to support ladies' strengthening in
Iraq," said Saroj Kumar Jha, World Bank Mashreq Regional Director. "We are committed to
helping ladies in Iraq, and we will work steadily to ensure that Iraqi ladies can completely
participate in all parts of life and add to the financial development of Iraq."

18
Turkey's female workforce support has logically expanded lately, in spite of the fact that from
moderately low levels. Schooling gains have driven more ladies into the work field, affirming
what we've seen in different countries.

Ladies who spend more in their schooling are bound to find business when places that match
their capacities become accessible. Many have found work in Turkey's thriving help area.
Developing longings for a complex working class way of life have made an additional a driving
force for ladies to join and remain in paid business.

Nonetheless, another issue has arisen in the homegrown conversation over ladies' monetary
strengthening: Could the development of work choices for ladies lead to a drop in richness?

Preservationists guarantee that ensuring the family and keeping Turkey's ripeness from falling
beneath substitution ought to be first concern. Sex correspondence advocates see a danger that
supportive of natalist talk would frustrate the negligible advances ladies have accomplished in
Turkey's work market.

H3. Turkey women have more participation in economic development than Iraq.

H0. Turkey women have more participation in economic development than Iraq.

In spite of high development in arising and agricultural countries, the overall female workforce
support rate (age bunch 15+) has dropped over the past twenty years, tumbling from 51.3 percent
in 1998 to 48.5 percent in 2018 (ILO demonstrated assessments, http://www.ilo.org/ilostat). In
spite of the way that more than 307 million ladies have entered the work field over the most
recent 20 years, ladies actually represent simply 39.2 percent of the overall workforce. As the
worldwide pace of tutoring enrolment has expanded, the pace of workforce contribution among
young youths has diminished (a positive pattern for both young fellows and ladies). Thus, in
spite of dropping female workforce support rates, the sexual orientation hole has contracted
barely, from 27.5 rate focuses in 1998 to 26.6 rate focuses in 2018 (ILO demonstrated
assessments, age bunch 15+).

As per projections, female workforce cooperation of Turkey will keep on contracting over the
course of the following decade or something like that, arriving at a low of 45.9 percent in 2030.

19
This fills in as a brutal notice that until patterns are turned around by strategy measures, state run
administrations will battle to further develop workforce results for ladies.

At a more disaggregated level, ladies' commitment differs significantly more than men's support
across immature countries and developing business sector economies. Under 30% of ladies
matured 15 and more seasoned participate in the work power in the Middle East, North Africa,
and South Asia. Notwithstanding, from 1998 to 2018, investment rates in the Middle East and
North Africa climbed, while rates in South Asia fell. Moderate cultural perspectives keep on
restricting ladies' chances to work outside the house in every one of the three regions.

H4: Iraqi women have more participation in economic development than turkey

H0: Iraqi women have more participation in economic development than turkey

Regardless of the public authority of Iraq's most noteworthy endeavours to battle sexual
orientation disparity, the circumstance for Iraqi ladies has progressively decayed beginning
around 2003. Iraqi ladies represent half of the general populace and lead one in each ten Iraqi
families; 80% of these female heads of families are bereft, separated, isolated, or really focusing
on weak spouses. 81 They are one of the weakest gatherings of the populace, and due to bring
down absolute pay levels, they are more inclined to neediness and food frailty. They are likewise
seriously distraught as far as schooling, admittance to work, and adequate lodging. As indicated
by the IOM, only 2% of female-headed families inspected are utilized and get a consistent
compensation, while the other 6% maintain odd sources of income and don't create a normal pay.

1.7 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The research question of this study is given below:

1. What is the ratio of women labor force in turkey and Iraq?

2. Are women having significant contribution in economic development of the Turkey and
Iraq?
3. Whose women have more contribution in per capital GDP, turkey or Iraq?
4. Whose women have more participation in labor force turkey or Iraq?

1.8 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

20
The objective of this study is to investigate whether there is any influence of women
participation in labor force on economic development. This study also evaluates the correlation
between the growth of Gross Domestic Product and the women labor in the industry &
agriculture sectors. It is also conducted to comparatively analyze the Sectorial Distribution of
women Labor force in Turkey, EU, and in OECD Member Countries to evaluate the main
objective. This study also evaluates the correlation of the participation rate of the women labor
and economic development to cover the main objectives of the research study.

1.9 MOTIVATION OF THE STUDY

Women comprises of nearly 1/2 of the total population while their contribution to economic
activity is less than their potential so far. In 2016 the report of Global Gender Gap examined the
gap between women & men and reported that Turkey ranks 130th in the global index, 129th in
economic opportunity & participation, 109th in attainment of education, and 113th in
empowerment of politics among one hundred and forty-four countries. Turkey demonstrated a
splayed gender gap for equality of wage, senior official, managers and female members of
parliament. This gender gap gives me an idea to conduct a study on this topic.

It shows that if we remove all barriers that women face, then the opportunity of work increases in
different sectors as a result economic rate also increases because women' economic
empowerment allow effective utilization of funds of government in education as employed
females are usually involved in decision making associated to the health and education of their
children, making positive externalities in term of the welfare of generation of future.

Ladies' workforce association changes essentially between countries, reflecting inconsistencies in

monetary turn of events, social principles, schooling levels, ripeness rates, and accessibility to
childcare and other supporting administrations. The connection between female workforce
support and these qualities is confounded. The U-formed connection between monetary
development and ladies' workforce cooperation is one part that has gotten a ton of consideration
(Golden. C, 1995).

Zeroing in on these difficulties is essential since female workforce investment is basic to

supporting comprehensive turn of events and achieving the SDGs, quite SDG 5 ("Achieve sexual

21
orientation equity and enable all ladies and young ladies"). Past the sheer numbers, nonetheless,
there is a substantially more squeezing issue about the sort of business that ladies can seek after.

This article inspects the intricacies of female workforce support in agricultural countries and
gives results on the significant patterns and determinants that impact ladies' workforce
investment and admittance to occupations. It dives into interesting examples from arising
countries like Bangladesh, Brazil, India, Indonesia, and Turkey. Most importantly, the paper
underlines the need of inspecting the nature of work and ways of empowering further developed
work market results for ladies.

1.10. METHODOLOGY
The analysis for this study is done by using the database of World Development Indicators. For
comparative analysis between two indicators, the Gross domestic product level of Turkey and
Iraq per capita and rate of women labour participation in the sectorial and combined levels for
agriculture and industry is studied. Gross domestic product per capita is constant US $2010 and
rate of women labour participation (Percentage of population of female above 15 age is equal to
Labour Force that is employed & Unemployed) study from the database of World Development
Indicators of the World Bank. The dataset for Gross domestic product/capita and rate of
participation of women labour force in both sectors (i.e., agricultural & industrial sector)
corresponds to 2000-2020. The data is collected from the Turk Sat website and world bank for
taking statistics of Iraq. The unit of analysis will be individual participations and it will be a
cross sectional research study. It is a qualitative secondary research study.

The data for this purpose is taken from the database of World Development indicators 2020 of
the World Bank. The target population of this research study was Turkey and Iraq.

1.11 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The scholastics (and, progressively, policymakers) have since quite a while ago recognized that
ladies' workforce cooperation is undermeasured and undercounted (Hirway, I., Jose, S, 2011).
Notwithstanding upgrades in information gathering, these remaining parts a critical boundary to
the assessment of true insights obtained by means of workforce and other family studies.
Another requirement comes from study identification. Workforce studies undercount ladies'
contribution since enumerators are inadequately prepared, especially when they work at home or

22
on the homestead. Enumerators can't completely test for the financial exercises of female family
individuals, a trouble exacerbated by the way that guys are frequently the overview respondents
in nations with low female workforce support rates.

Time-use reviews have been upheld as a strategy for gathering more exact and useful
information on the idea of ladies' work all through the home, including resource creation and
casual business (Hirway, I., Jose, S, 2011). The issue is that time-use overviews are costly and
hard to perform consistently.

The Resolution on Labor of the nineteenth International Conference of Labor Statisticians

(ICLS) sets up extended standards for estimating work, which incorporate a smaller meaning of
business. While this presents obstacles for countries as they blend their information gathering
and investigation, the nineteenth ICLS Resolution likewise offers a chance to record a wide
range of action.

REFERENCES

Bulut, E. (2016). The labor force participation of Arab women in the United States. Women’s

Studies International Forum, 55, 10–17.

Sattinger, M. (1995). General Equilibrium Effects of Unemployment Compensation with Labor

Force Participation. Journal of Labor Economics, 13(4), 623–652.

Psacharopoulos, G., & Tzannatos, Z. (1989). FEMALE LABOR FORCE PARTICIPATION:

AN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE. The World Bank Research Observer, 4(2),

187–201.

O’Neill, J. (1992). A flexible work force: Opportunities for women. Journal of Labor Research,

13(1), 67–72.

Ribar, D. C. (1995). A Structural Model of Child Care and the Labor Supply of Married Women.

Journal of Labor Economics, 13(3), 558–597.

23
Tienda, M., Donato, K. M., & Cordero-Guzman, H. (1992). Schooling, Color, and the Labor

Force Activity of Women. Social Forces, 71(2), 365.

Moghadam, R. (1993). Labor Market Issues in Belgium: An International Perspective. IMF

Working Papers, 93(32), 1.

Miller, C. F. (1993). Actual experience, potential experience or age, and labor force participation

by married women. Atlantic Economic Journal, 21(4), 60–66.

Half of All U.S. Women with Newborns Are In the Labor Force. (1989). Family Planning

Perspectives, 21(1), 37.

Nelissen, J. H. M. (1990). The effect of increased labor force participation of married women on

the distribution of family income in the Netherlands. De Economist, 138(1), 47–62.

Borjas, G. J., & DeFreitas, G. (1993). Inequality at Work: Hispanics in the U.S. Labor Force.

Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 46(4), 733.

Zabel, J. E. (1993). The Relationship between Hours of Work and Labor Force Participation in

Four Models of Labor Supply Behavior. Journal of Labor Economics, 11(2), 387–416.

Engerman, S. L. (1992). Coerced and free labor: Property rights and the development of the

labor force. Explorations in Economic History, 29(1), 1–29.

KEITHLY, D. C., & DESERAN, F. A. (1995). Households, Local Labor Markets, and Youth

Labor Force Participation. Youth & Society, 26(4), 463–492.

Fosu, A. K. (1995). Labor Force Participation of Black and White Married Women: Evidence

from Urban Labor Markets. The Review of Black Political Economy, 24(1), 45–64.

Karshenas, M. (1994). Environment, Technology and Employment: Towards a New Definition

of Sustainable Development. Development and Change, 25(4), 723–756.

24
Peracchi, F., & Welch, F. (1994). Trends in Labor Force Transitions of Older Men and Women.

Journal of Labor Economics, 12(2), 210–242.

Riddell, W. C. (1995). The Measurement of Labor Force Dynamics with Longitudinal Data: The

Labour Market Activity Survey Filter. Journal of Labor Economics, 13(2), 351–385.

Mincer, J., & Polachek, S. (1974). Family Investments in Human Capital: Earnings of Women.

Journal of Political Economy, 82(2, Part 2), S76–S108.

Cornell, L. L. (1989). Age at marriage, female labor force participation, and parental interests.

Annales de Démographie Historique, 1989(1), 223–231.

Khinchuk, K. (1987). AGRICULTURAL LABOR FORCE IN THE SOVIET UNION. Soviet

Geography, 28(2), 90–115.

Clark, R. L., & Anker, R. (1993). Cross-National Analysis of Labor Force Participation of Older

Men and Women. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 41(3), 489–512.

Facione, N. C. (1994). Role overload and health: The married mother in the waged labor force.

Health Care for Women International, 15(2), 157–167.

Leppel, K. (2005). Labor force plans and labor force status. Demographic Research, 12, 173–

196.

Sattinger, M. (1995). General Equilibrium Effects of Unemployment Compensation with Labor

Force Participation. Journal of Labor Economics, 13(4), 623–652.

Grzywacz, J. G., Rao, P., Gentry, A., Marín, A., & Arcury, T. A. (2009). Acculturation and

Conflict in Mexican Immigrants’ Intimate Partnerships: The Role of Women’s Labor

Force Participation. Violence Against Women, 15(10), 1194–1212.

Le, K., & Diop, A. (2010). Participation of women in Qatar’s labor force. Qatar Foundation

Annual Research Forum Proceedings, 2010, AHO5.

25
Fosu, A. K. (2000). Labor Force Participation of Married Women: Do Regions Matter? The

American Economist, 44(1), 70–80.

James‐Burdumy, S. (2005). The Effect of Maternal Labor Force Participation on Child

Development. Journal of Labor Economics, 23(1), 177–211.

Ceritoglu, E., Yunculer, H. B. G., Torun, H., & Tumen, S. (2017). The impact of Syrian refugees

on natives’ labor market outcomes in Turkey: evidence from a quasi-experimental design.

IZA Journal of Labor Policy, 6(1).

26