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The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism in The Heartland
The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism in The Heartland
Santa Barbara
in Anthropology
by
Committee in Charge:
June 2007
The dissertation of Valerie Anne Andrushko is approved.
_____________________________________________
Katharina Schreiber
_____________________________________________
Michael Jochim
_____________________________________________
June 2007
The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism in the Heartland:
Copyright © 2007
by
Valerie A. Andrushko
iii
Dedication
and
iv
Acknowledgments
This thesis represents the culmination of a journey I began many years ago as
excellence. For his guidance and support, I am forever grateful. Yohannes Haile-
Selassie also deserves accolades for his unending patience in the Human Osteology
class—a class notorious for driving students to unexplored heights of stress, but one
Hastorf played a crucial role in launching my career in Andean archaeology and was
always available for advice and encouragement. Kent Lightfoot, my professor for
studiously provided a foundation in archaeological method and theory. Barb Voss and
Laura Scheiber have remained friends long after leaving Berkeley, as has Walter
undergraduate, and I heartily thank him for his wisdom and generosity. At UC
Berkeley’s Hearst Museum, Leslie Freund, Ann Olney, and Joan Knudson have my
sincerest gratitude for all their help. I am also indebted to Robert Jurmain for
v
“adopting” me as a student and selflessly assisting me throughout the job search
process.
the contributions of Steve Silliman and his crew: Julie Bernard, Jon Goodrich, and
Linda Ziegenbein, among many others. Working on Steve’s dissertation project at the
impressive bucket brigade, heard far too many bad puns, and made life-long friends.
support: Viviana Bellifemine, Anna Engberg, Cara Stimpson, Kate Latham, and Julie
Kirkenslager, and a special thank you to Allen Pastron for offering me a life-changing
opportunity. I would also like to recognize Randy Wiberg, Alisa Reynolds, and Eric
Bartelink for their keen interest in advancing the field of California bioarchaeology
of people during my first field season in 1998, including Brian Billman, Carol
Mackey, Alana Cordy-Collins, John Verano, Kathy Forgey, Lisa Trever, Kit Nelson,
Carie Moreno, Tiffiny Tung, Bonnie Yoshida, and Jason Toohey. Since that time,
I’ve made a number of great friends in Andean archaeology, and to my colleagues far
and wide, I thank you for the stimulating conversations and always enjoyable
Turner, Nicole Slovak, Melissa Murphy, Kelly Knudson, Carrie Anne Berryman,
vi
Maria Bruno, Alexei Vranich, John Janusek, Larry Coben, Brian Bauer, Alan Covey,
This thesis would not be possible without the support of Gordon McEwan,
Hearty thanks also go to the many individuals I have worked with at Chokepukio over
the years: Melissa Chatfield, Kenny Maes, Sheldon Baker, Liliana Zarabia, Froilan
Iturriaga, Paul Steele, Sara Block, Beth Turner, and the people of Huacarpay. At the
Arredondo, Louis Tesar, Silvana Rosenfeld, and Julie-Anne White, and I have greatly
enjoyed their fascinating project. Thanks to the Velasco family for their hospitality
over several years in Cuzco and for our stays at Rumichaca, a small piece of heaven
on earth in Urubamba.
This project was made possible through funds from the National Science
(Individual Research Grant #7283), and the Graduate Division at UC Santa Barbara. I
would like to recognize Mark Weiss at NSF and Mary Beth Moss at Wenner-Gren for
their time and patience. Jenny Sheffield and the incredible people at ISBER provided
collaborator than Elva Torres at the INC-Cuzco. Elva selflessly worked to assist me
in my dissertation data collection and quickly became a friend, mentor, and family
vii
member. I cannot express in words my gratitude to her and my happiness that she and
her family are a part of my life. Pat Lyon also deserves special recognition for
and Mike Jochim, I would also like to acknowledge those who selflessly gave their
time in reading chapters of this dissertation: Gordon McEwan, John Verano, Christina
Torres-Rouff, Deb Blom, Larry Coben, Brian Bauer, Alan Covey, Michele Buzon,
committee, Katharina Schreiber provided unending support and sage advice on a wide
theory and grant writing. Brian Fagan served as unofficial mentor during many
courtyard coffees, and Barbara Voorhies graciously offered guidance during the job
thanks: Sarah Abraham, Christina Conlee, Dave Crawford, Hillary Haldane, Rebecca
Hartman, Nicole Hess, Justin Jennings, Elizabeth Klarich, Karin Klemic, Scott Lacy,
Ian Lindsay, Susan McArver, Dustin McKenzie, Mark Schuller, Elizabeth Sutton,
James Tate, Jason Toohey, David Torres-Rouff, Nicholas Tripcevich, and Hendrik
Van Gijseghem. UC Santa Barbara staff members who have been essential in helping
me through the university bureaucracy include Larisa Traga, Susan Cochran, Louisa
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At UC Santa Barbara, Phillip Walker has created a comprehensive and
thanks to Phil for his tireless support as my committee chair and to Christina Torres-
Rouff and Michele Buzon, who have served as editors, sounding boards, and great
friends. To Jacqueline Eng, I am so glad to have gone through this program together.
And a hearty thank you to Walkerlab members past and present, I’m proud to be a
part of this group: Pat Lambert, Susan Kerr, Ed Hagen, Corina Kellner, Bonnie
through good times and bad, and I thank them from the bottom of my heart: Andrea
Rane, Hillary Haldane, Sarah Abraham, Nicole Hess, Julie Afflerbaugh, Barbara
Richmond, Jillian Wehner, Andrew Mikail, the Gabus family, Francine Mendlin,
Joyce Mendlin, Marc and Robin Errichetti, Deborah Andrushko, and my mother,
Joann Andrushko. And lastly, I’d like to acknowledge my father, Donald Andrushko,
who taught his daughters independence and a deep commitment to both work and
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Vita
Valerie Anne Andrushko
June 2007
EDUCATION
Ph.D. 2007 (expected) Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara
CCUT 2007 Certificate in College and University Teaching, UCSB
M.A. 2003 Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara
B.A. 1998 Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley
AREAS OF SPECIALIZATION
Osteology, paleopathology, prehistoric trauma and trophy taking, the
bioarchaeology of imperialism, Central California, Peru
PUBLICATIONS
2006 Andrushko, Valerie A., Elva C. Torres Pino, and Viviana Bellifemine.
The Burials at Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio: A Bioarchaeological
Case Study of Imperialism from the Capital of the Inca Empire. Ñawpa
Pacha 28:63-92.
x
CONFERENCE PRESENTATIONS
2007 Andrushko, Valerie A., and Viviana Bellifemine
“Osteological Analysis at Cotocotuyoc, Peru: A Study of Health and
Trauma from the Middle Horizon – Late Intermediate Period
Transition in the Cuzco Region.” Invited symposium participant at
the 72st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology,
Austin, Texas.
xi
2002 Bellifemine, Viviana, Valerie A. Andrushko, and Allen G. Pastron
“Inter-Disciplinary Analysis of Differential Funerary Treatment at a
Bay Miwok Burial Site, CA-CCO-235.” Paper presented at the 32nd
Annual Meeting of the Society for California Archaeology, San
Diego.
2000 Andrushko, Valerie A., Diane L. Grady, Kate A. Latham, and Allen
G. Pastron
“Trophy-Taking of Postcranial Skeletal Elements from the Rubino
Site in Central California.” Poster presented at the 69th Annual
Meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists,
San Antonio, Texas. Abstracted in American Journal of Physical
Anthropology, Supplement 30:97.
TEACHING
UCSB Instructor of Record
Summer 2006 Teaching Associate, Introduction to Physical Anthropology
Lead Teaching Assistant
2006-07 UCSB Anthropology Department
Teaching Assistant
Spring 2006 Introduction to Physical Anthropology, UCSB
Winter 2006 Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, UCSB
Fall 2005 Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, UCSB
ARCHAEOLOGICAL FIELDWORK
1999-2006 Chokepukio Burial Excavations, Cuzco, Peru
1998 CA-SCl-674 Rubino Site Burial Excavations, San Jose
1998 CISA Advanced Field School, Moche Valley, Peru
1997-98 Petaluma Adobe Archaeological Project, Petaluma, CA
1997 UC Berkeley Tel Dor Archaeological Expedition, Israel
1996 Belize Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance Field School
PROFESSIONAL MEMBERSHIPS
American Association of Physical Anthropologists
Society for American Archaeology
Society for California Archaeology
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Abstract
Though much is known about the Inca Empire from Spanish colonial
documents, few studies have used skeletal data to examine the biological effects of
the empire in its capital region. This dissertation addresses the impact of Inca
imperialism on local Cuzco populations through the analysis of 855 skeletons from 11
sites. These sites span a temporal range from the Early Intermediate Period (200 BC-
AD 700) through the Late Horizon (AD 1476-1532), allowing an investigation into
modification, and strontium isotope values. Regarding health, both joint disease and
conditions differed by location: while joint disease was more common in inner-
data from non-specific stress markers indicate that both core and inner-peripheral
populations were relatively “unstressed”; these results also reveal that core
xiii
Trauma patterns suggest that violent conflict rose during the period of Inca
predominated in the inner-peripheral regions outside the capital city. Cranial trauma
also appears to have prompted the use of trepanation as a medical treatment, a finding
that corroborates other studies pointing to cranial trauma as a primary cause for the
surgical procedure.
of group affiliation—is seen more frequently in the inner periphery than in the core,
suggesting the migration of different ethnic groups into the areas around the capital
city. Strontium isotope analysis confirms the presence of migrants in the Cuzco
Valley during the time of Inca imperialism, based on the identification of a number of
non-local individuals at the site of Chokepukio. These studies accord with evidence
xiv
Table of Contents
Acknowledgments ___________________________________________________ v
xv
Inca Imperial Period/Late Horizon (AD 1400-1532) ____________________ 18
Trauma _______________________________________________________ 38
Sampling Strategy_______________________________________________ 51
xvi
Methods of Data Collection ________________________________________ 76
Trauma _______________________________________________________ 86
Discussion_______________________________________________________ 99
Conclusions___________________________________________________ 105
xvii
Chapter 6. Health, Occupational Stress, and Trauma ___________________ 107
Trauma__________________________________________________________ 131
Introduction____________________________________________________ 153
xviii
Results ________________________________________________________ 156
Discussion______________________________________________________ 167
Discussion______________________________________________________ 184
xix
Chapter 9. Cranial Vault Modification________________________________ 192
Discussion______________________________________________________ 203
xx
List of Tables
Table 6.2. Femur length descriptive statistics- entire sample (in mm)......................117
xxi
Table 7.5. Survival rates of trepanation over time.....................................................167
Table A.8. Individuals analyzed for strontium study with samples in ascending order
Table A.9. Chokepukio dental enamel strontium samples by time period ................232
xxii
List of Figures
xxiii
Figure 8.3. Distribution of Chokepukio Late Horizon human enamel
87
Sr/86Sr values by sex ...................................................................................182
Figure 9.1. Superior view of the tabular and annular forms ......................................194
xxiv
Chapter 1. Introduction
In this dissertation, skeletal data are used to investigate the biological impacts
of the Inca Empire in the capital region of Cuzco, Peru. The Inca Empire rose to
unparalleled heights in the New World during the 15th century: in less than 100 years,
the Inca conquered a wide territory of Andean South America, instituting a system of
governing policies to control populations under their realm. This study reveals the
biological effects of these policies on local populations living in and around the
imperial capital.
To investigate these effects, human skeletal remains have been analyzed for
on health. In addition, analysis of traumatic injuries provides a basis for assessing the
role of warfare in the rise of the Inca Empire. Cranial vault modification—an
indication of affiliation among ancient Andean groups—is examined for spatial and
temporal patterns, while strontium isotope results are presented to document state-
1
A unique aspect of this research, which distinguishes it from other Andean
Recent studies have explored imperial influence in provincial regions (e.g., Murphy
2004; Nystrom 2005; Torres-Rouff 2003), yet until now the Cuzco area has not been
the subject of a regional bioarchaeological analysis. The current project addresses this
void with a study of skeletal collections from 11 sites distributed throughout the
Cuzco region.
materials, is the ideal approach for the present research. In this type of study, relevant
data are derived directly from skeletal remains of the people themselves, and
understand diet, health and disease, warfare, social status, and population movements
(Buzon et al. 2005; Larsen 1997). Additionally, the interaction of culture and biology
2
individual—level; this approach is appropriate for understanding large-scale, regional
its greatest strengths; much of our current information on Inca Cuzco comes from
Spanish chronicles, yet many of these accounts are suspected of inaccuracy and
cultural biases (Covey 2003:334; Urton 1990). Skeletal studies can be used to identify
and correct some of these inconsistencies in the ethnohistoric record. For example,
while many accounts highlight Inca warfare as a main component of imperial control,
expansion based on their own ethnocentric notions of conquest and thus overstated
the importance of Inca warfare. Skeletal analysis provides the means to address this
analyzed burials from 11 sites in the Cuzco region of Peru. These sites are distributed
Plaza de Armas in the city of Cuzco (Figure 4.1). For analysis, the sites were divided
into two groups: a “core” group, consisting of four sites in and immediately around
the city of Cuzco, and a “periphery” group, consisting of seven sites greater than 30
km from Cuzco. This “core”/ “periphery” distinction loosely follows the inner Inca
3
heartland/outer Inca heartland division illustrated by Farrington (1992), though the
sites of Aqnapampa in the Quiquijana Valley and Kanamarca in Espinar province lie
outside of the defined Inca heartland (within c. 70 km of the city of Cuzco [Farrington
1992:368]). The sites are only separated into two groups—rather than further dividing
the periphery group—to allow robust sample sizes yielding statistically significant
results. This bipartite division facilitates comparisons based on distance from the
imperial capital, and reduces the likelihood of overlooking nuances that could occur
From these 11 sites, 855 burials were examined for data on age, sex, dental
modification. In addition, 59 human teeth from the site of Chokepukio were analyzed
for strontium isotopic ratios at the University of Alberta, the results of which are
presented in Chapter 8. When considered together, the conclusions from this research
broaden our knowledge of the impact of governing strategies, warfare, and migration
and data expectations of the present study. In Chapter 4, the study sample is described
with archaeological information on the 11 sites in the sample, along with the methods
4
of data collection used in analysis. The demographic data and interpretations for Inca
explores the relationship between increasing sociopolitical complexity and health and
disease, analyzing the impact that the Inca Empire had on health in local populations.
Trauma is also included as a research focus to study evidence of warfare in the Inca
wrought changes in head-shaping patterns. I summarize the results of the entire study
5
Chapter 2. Ecological and Archaeological Background of the Cuzco
Region
Empire as a foundation for the present study. First, the Cuzco highland environment
is described with data on important resources for the Inca. Second, archaeological and
Finally, previous osteological studies in the Cuzco region are detailed to provide a
region is situated in a highland ecozone well-suited for plant cultivation. The Cuzco
Valley stretches 40 km in length and is divided into three basins: Cuzco, Oropesa, and
Lucre, from northwest to southeast, respectively. The city of Cuzco sits in the
northwest corner of the Cuzco Basin at an elevation of 3,360 meters, flanked by the
Huatanay River and separated from the Yucay Valley by a series of hills to the east.
October through March (86% of the annual precipitation), and a drier period from
April to September (Wright et al. 2001). Inca agricultural schedules paralleled this
precipitation pattern, with planting in August and September and harvesting during
the months of April, May, and June (Rowe 1944:3). This climatic pattern has varied
6
somewhat since the earliest human occupation of the Cuzco region, with climatic
perturbations evident in the Quelccaya and Marcacocha ice cores and sediment cores
from Lake Titicaca (Abbott et al. 1997; Bauer 2004; Chepstow-Lusty et al. 2003;
For the Inca, lands at lower elevations within the Cuzco and Urubamba
valleys proved ideal for maize agriculture, whereas the higher grasslands provided
space for potato cultivation and grazing areas for camelids. Besides land for
agriculture and grazing, the Cuzco area provided a number of important natural
resources for the Inca. High quality andesite, quarried from Rumicolca 35 km east of
Cuzco, was used to build the most important buildings in Cuzco (Ogburn 2004:104).
Salt came primarily from the nearby springs of Cachimayu outside of the village of
San Sebastián (Bauer 2004:7), but gold and silver had to be imported from areas to
the north and west (Vilcabamba and Chumbivilcas) (Rowe 1944).Resources from
other regions were brought into Cuzco through a well-defined network of roads
(Hyslop 1984).
Andean Chronology
times of regional variation (Rowe 1960). The Early, Middle, and Late Horizons
correspond to the broad stylistic influences of the Chavin, Wari and Tiwanaku, and
7
similarities in material culture. For the intervening periods, cultural diversification
Early Intermediate Period, while the collapse of the Wari and Tiwanaku polities was
AD 1476 with the appearance of imperial Inca ceramics in the Ica region of southern
coastal Peru (Rowe 1962; Rowe and Menzel 1967) (Table 2.1).
Period Dates
Late Horizon AD 1476-1532
Late Intermediate Period AD 1000-1476
Middle Horizon AD 700-1000
Early Intermediate Period 200 BC-AD 700
Early Horizon 900-200 BC
Initial Period 1800-900 BC
Pre-Ceramic Period To 1800 BC
prehistory, yet there are recognized challenges in its application (Conlee and Ogburn
2004:5; D’Altroy 2002:45-47; Rice 1993; Silverman 2004:11). While the reign of the
Inca Empire is generally considered synonymous with the Late Horizon, in Cuzco the
Inca imperial period actually began in the late stages of the Late Intermediate Period.
Accruing archaeological and radiocarbon data suggest an early 15th century date for
the beginning of Inca expansion in Cuzco (Adamska and Michczynski 1996; Bauer
2004:12; Covey 2006a, 2006b:234; Gyarmati and Varga 1999:3), and so an initial
8
The Inca Empire
At its height, the Inca Empire (AD 1400-1532) covered an area from Ecuador
through Peru and into Chile, northwest Argentina, and Bolivia. This region was
known as Tawantinsuyu, “the four parts together,” referring to the regional divisions
Cuntisuyu (southwest).
incorporate nearby Cuzco Valley groups but encountered resistance to their overt
occupation efforts (Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey 2003:346; Covey 2006b). Their
attempts to conquer neighboring groups eventually proved successful, and the Inca
rule.
Each successive Inca ruler sought to further the reaches of the empire during
his reign: Viracocha (deposed in 1438), Pachacuti (1438-1471), Topa Inca (1471-
1533) (Rowe 1946:203). Viracocha first attempted to organize the areas around
Cuzco and led campaigns into the Lake Titicaca region (Rowe 1946:203-4). His son,
Pachacuti, is largely credited with constructing the capital city and consolidating
nearby regions, while his heir Topa Inca led conquests to the east of Cuzco, south into
Titicaca, and beyond to Bolivia, Chile, and northwest Argentina. Huayna Capac
furthered the Inca domain by integrating the southern region of Cochabamba and the
9
northern areas of Chachapoya and Ecuador, eventually ruling from Tomebamba in
misfortune: Huayna Capac died suddenly from disease in his royal estate in Quito,
Ecuador, and his son succumbed as well (Cook 1998:76; Rowe 1946:208). The
subsequent period, marred by civil war between brothers Huascar and Atahuallpa,
ended with conquest by the Spanish and disease beginning in AD 1532 (Cook 1998;
the locus of political power, from which the Inca wielded their authority through a
analogy to Pax Romana, the Inca established a period of “Pax Incaica,” a time of
unification and security with concomitant regional exploitation of labor and resources
Though the comparison to Pax Romana aptly illustrates the extent of Inca
power, it overlooks the nuances in their governing tactics. In actuality, the Inca
and ideological means (D’Altroy 1992). These flexible tactics cover a continuum
from military force with large-scale investment to subtler methods of control using
10
power dynamics, and ideological interplay all contributed to how the policies of
As a means of control through ideology, the Inca built upon the pan-Andean
principle of ancestor worship (Cieza de León 1985 [1553]; Cobo 1990 [1653];
Betanzos 1996 [1557]; Urton 1999:9). Ancestor worship was practiced in the Andes
for centuries before Inca expansion (Conrad and Demarest 1984:90; Cook 1992),
elaborate mummies of children and adults (Arriaza 1995; Rivera 1995:63). In the
Nasca culture, tombs were reopened to collect bones for ancestor worship ceremonies
(Carmichael 1995:177), while evidence for ancestor worship in the Wari Empire
includes turquoise stone figurines (Cook 1992) and secondary burials in niched halls
The Inca co-opted many of these religious tenets and rituals in their state
religion, which included an elite ancestor cult, temples for worship of the Sun, and
creation of a spatially distributed ceque system of shrines (Bauer 1998; Cobo 1990
[1653]; Conrad 1992; Conrad and Demarest 1984; Zuidema 1964). These shrines
included natural features such as caves, rocks, springs, and mountains, along with
places associated with deities and ancestors. To perpetuate the ancestor cult, Inca
rulers were embalmed, cared for as living entities, and displayed during ceremonial
events (Cobo 1990:40 [1653]; Betanzos 1996 [1557]:131; Niles 1999:47). Ancestors
11
were imbued with significant power; to appease these ancestors, each ayllu (kin-based
corporate group) attended to their own mortuary shrines, providing offerings of coca,
chicha (maize beer), and llama fat (Salomon 1995:324). Inca ideology was thus
constructed an intricate road system, facilitating the movement of exotic goods such
as precious metals, birds from the Amazon region, coca, and Spondylus shell from
storage facilities, and tambos (Inca state lodging) for transport of soldiers, colonists,
state administrators, and agricultural products, using llamas as pack animals (Hyslop
1984). Chasqui runners served at posts located at one quarter to one-half league
intervals along the Inca roads, carrying and relaying verbal messages between Cuzco
The Inca tribute system provided human labor for construction of the royal
estates, many located in the Urubamba River region near Cuzco (Gasparini and
Margolies 1980; Kendall 1985:56; Niles 1987, 1999; Protzen 1993; Rostworowski
structures (canchas), trapezoidal door openings, and trapezoidal wall niches (Niles
1987; Rowe 1944). The early Inca royal architectural style of Pachacuti, represented
by the sites of Pisac, Machu Picchu, and Ollantaytambo, was later revised by Huayna
12
Capac, who emphasized great halls, oversized doorways, and doubled-jammed niches
(Niles 1999).
Tiwanaku, seen as an exemplar of artistic and technical quality. As legend has it, the
emperor Pachacuti sent engineers to the Lake Titicaca region to study and emulate
Tiwanaku design (Gasparini and Margolies 1980:7). Many aspects of Inca urban
planning were thought to come from other cultures contacted during expansion: “The
Chanchan, and the fine stonework of Tiwanaku probably contributed to the formation
comparison of Tiwanaku and Inca architecture concluded that Inca stonemasonry did
not derive from Tiwanaku, but rather was an autochthonous creation (Protzen and
Nair 1997).
The following section outlines the culture history of the Cuzco region, the
focus of study for the present analysis. Here, research from archaeological
investigations is presented to chart human occupation in the region from its earliest
typologies, and architectural trends are detailed to explore the corpus of knowledge
13
Pre-Ceramic Period (9000 to 1800 BC)
Recent survey and excavations have greatly increased the available
information on the Pre-ceramic Period in the Cuzco Valley, beginning around 9000
BC. Systematic surveys have revealed several sites that supported hunter-gatherer
habitation for thousands of years prior to permanent settlement in the Cuzco region
(Bauer 2004, 2007). Excavations at the site of Kasapata produced artifacts in the form
of obsidian and other lithics, faunal remains, and human burials of the earliest
BC [Bauer 2004:39]). One well-known early settlement is the Marcavalle site, located
4 km southeast of the city of Cuzco (Chavez 1980). The site, though now nearly
destroyed (Bauer 2004:40), contained the remains of adobe structures along with
evidence of subsistence practices focused on herding, bean and corn cultivation, and
camelid and guinea pig domestication. Cuzco’s early settlements, such as Marcavalle,
involving trade in camelid meat, salt, ceramics, and obsidian, appear to have
succeeding Chanapata ceramic style from the type site of the same name, a style also
found at Minaspata, Chokepukio, and Mama Qolla (Dwyer 1971; McEwan 1989).
This style is associated with the earliest known architecture in the area, with low
14
platforms, retaining walls, and straight-walled structures (as contrasted with the later
style follows in the ceramic seriation around AD 100 (Bauer and Jones 2003:14;
Rowe 1944), during the time that a distinct settlement hierarchy emerged suggestive
into the Cuzco region and established large settlements in the Lucre and Huaro
valleys (Glowacki 1996; McEwan 1987, 2005). Pikillacta, an enormous site laid out
in a rigid grid pattern, served as the Wari provincial capital in the empire’s
status cemetery along with several habitation sites provides an indication of the
intensive Wari occupation in the Huaro Basin (Glowacki 2002:269; Rowe 1956). The
Wari occupied the southeastern Cuzco area until approximately AD 1000, when
McEwan et al. 2002:292). Wari influence is also evident in the large number of sites
found west of the Lucre Basin with Wari-affiliated ceramics (Bauer 2004:64),
indicating a shift in time from the earlier local Qotakalli ceramics to the later Wari-
influenced styles, such as Arahuay (Bauer 2004:68, see also Barreda 1973, 1995;
Bauer 1999; Bauer and Jones 2003:14; Lyon 1978; McEwan 1989:55).
competition (Bauer and Covey 2002). Rowe (1944) determined that Killke, a ceramic
15
style derived from the earlier Qotakalli, was the prevailing LIP pottery type (Bauer
and Stanish 1990; Lyon 1978). Dwyer (1971) further asserted that Killke style
represented the proto-Inca material culture, with survey data indicating that Killke
sites were generally situated on slopes along the Cuzco Valley rather than on higher,
Bauer (1999, 2004) follows Rowe (1944) and Dwyer’s (1971) seriation of
Killke pottery as the antecedent to Inca pottery. Killke pottery is found throughout the
Cuzco Valley and is present in a clinal distribution, with the city of Cuzco as the
approximate epicenter (Bauer 1992:75, 2004:78). From these ceramic data, Bauer
extrapolates that the Killke material culture can be tied to the ancestors of the original
uncovered Killke and Killke-related ceramic wares along with LIP architecture in the
architecture forms (Kendall 1996:124, 131, 133). Killke ceramics have also been
found beneath the Coricancha and Sacsahuaman, two of the most important sites for
In contrast to this view, McEwan and co-workers (2002) refute Bauer’s notion
of Killke as the sole antecedent of the Inca. Ceramic evidence from the site of
Chokepukio points to two precursors for the Inca style: Killke and Lucre, a ceramic
style first identified by Chávez Ballón at Batan Urco. Analysis of Cuzco ceramic
types shows continuity between Qotakalli and Killke ceramics, and between Wari and
16
Lucre ceramics, most notably in the presence of face-neck vessels (Chatfield 1999).
Chatfield (1999) suggests that Inca ceramics reflect a combination of Killke styles
and Lucre technology, possibly indicating a merger of these two ethnic groups into
buildings, with features such as niches, wall tombs, monumental walls, and similar
Period Huamachuco structures, through Wari niched hall buildings, to the niched
halls of Lucre edifices, and finally resulting in the Inca kallanka. Though similar to
the Wari niched hall buildings of Pikillacta, the architectural layout of Chokepukio is
less rigid than the regular grid pattern typical of Wari sites (Kendall 1985:282). This
that LIP polities retained some knowledge of state infrastructure from the Wari.
Rather than “devolving” in the midst of Wari collapse, the LIP polities in the Lucre
Basin appeared to maintain sociopolitical complexity and continued with many Wari-
17
functioned in consolidating and maintaining hierarchy through the Andean notions of
reciprocity and communal obligations (McEwan 1997). The Lucre-based polity used
Chokepukio, where evidence for ritual feasting includes artifacts such as luxury items
of metal, precious stones, and bone, along with polychrome vessels (McEwan et al.
1995).
McEwan and co-workers (2002) suggest that the consolidation of the Killke and
Lucre resulted in the genesis of the Inca polity. In contrast, Bauer and Covey (Bauer
1992, 2004; Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey 2003, 2006a,b) believe that the Lucre
polity was an important rival to the proto-Inca Killke polity, but eventually fell under
Inca domination. Despite the differences in these two interpretations, both emphasize
dynamic processes that led to the emergence of the Inca Empire. Far from being seen
as a “dark age,” the Late Intermediate Period was a time of creative innovation, from
ethnohistoric documents, rather than archaeological data, for three main reasons.
First, modern urban construction has expanded to cover much of Cuzco city proper.
Second, the city suffered waves of destruction during Spanish conquest: the Spanish
dismantled sectors of Sacsahuaman and built a church over the Temple of the Sun
after stripping its walls of gold (MacCormack 2001a:342), while the Inca themselves
18
burned the city when it was under Spanish siege in 1535 (Rowe 1967:59). Third, the
written records left by several chroniclers provide a detailed history of the daily life,
administrative workings, and imperial conquests of the Inca. They also detail the
dynastic succession of Inca kings, compiled by Rowe (1946) in “Inca Culture at the
Six Spanish chroniclers penned the most widely-read documents on the Inca
Empire. One of the earliest, a Spanish soldier named Cieza de León, traveled
throughout the region and recorded his observations in travel journals that became the
Crónica del Peru (1985 [1553]). Beginning explorations in 1547, Cieza’s work stands
as one of the most valuable sources on the Inca Empire. Though his devotion to
Catholicism may have biased his accounts of Inca religion, he praised the government
and administrative system. Cieza’s work is not chronologically oriented but rather
1
Accruing data suggest the twelve-ruler king list is an incomplete record of Inca sovereignty, based on
archaeological research and studies of Inca succession (Covey 2006a).
19
organized as a detailed travelogue, describing each region and the pre-Inca
characteristics that endured into the Late Horizon. His informants were often older
men who created songs to record Inca history and important events—from these
accounts Cieza wrote three volumes focusing on the land and its people, Inca
by the Viceroy of Peru, benefits from an intimate knowledge of Inca life due to his
marriage into the family of Atahuallpa in 1541. Betanzos had the unique distinction
testimony of Inca nobles for oral history and traditions. He became fluent in Quechua
result, his account contains detailed knowledge of the Inca from the nobility’s
He insisted that the first eight Inca rulers achieved little, while Pachacuti acted as the
catalyst for Inca success, a line of reasoning that legitimized Atahuallpa’s reign.
Vega spent the first 21 years of his life in Cuzco. His life in the capital city provided
material for Comentarios Reales de los Incas (1986 [1609]), a history of the Inca
Empire which he composed after traveling to Spain, his father’s homeland. Garcilaso
described two types of keepers of oral tradition, the amautas who transformed
historical events into short stories, and the harauicus who recorded these events in
20
poems and songs (Niles 1999:7). With the use of these informants, Garcilaso
composed a thorough account of Inca history, with translations of songs and poems,
Temple of the Sun (Rowe 1944:34). Despite its value as a detailed reference,
Inca civil war, stating that his brother Atahuallpa was a blood-thirsty aggressor.
Notably, more than forty years passed between the time he left Peru and the
Guaman Poma de Ayala’s main contribution is the roughly 400 drawings from
the Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno (1936 [1615]), along with descriptions of daily
Guaman Poma was born in the province of Huamanga, Peru and trained by
ecclesiastical priests, which led him to join the ‘extirpation’ (literally, “to pull up by
its roots”) of indigenous idolatry. His chronicle includes a history of the dynastic
reign of Inca kings and queens, and their captains and noble ladies. Guaman Poma’s
account, addressed as a letter to the king of Spain, intended to show that the Inca had
a sophisticated system of government before the arrival of the Spanish, and illustrated
the extent of mistreatment the Inca suffered at the hands of the Spanish.
Sarmiento called together all members to authenticate his text (Julien 2000:57).
21
Sarmiento noted that, in lieu of writing, historical events were recorded on quipus
(knotted cords) and passed down from father to son (Niles 1999:14). In contrast to
Betanzos’ text supporting Pachacuti as the legitimate ruler, Sarmiento asserts that
Pachacuti took the “fringe” (Inca crown) without consent from his father Viracocha.
supplemented with information from travels throughout Peru during twenty years of
missionary work, to create Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Cobo 1979 [1653], 1990
[1653]). The account synthesizes earlier chronicles including those from Garcilaso de
la Vega, José de Acosta, Cristobal de Molina, Pedro Pizarro, and Juan Polo de
mummies. Cobo’s work is considered one of the most reliable of the Spanish
and ceremonies (Urton 1999:31). Though admittedly impressed with Inca architecture
and craftsmanship, he also viewed Inca nobles as cruel and tyrannical, their subjects
victimized by an oppressive regime. Along with the six main chroniclers mentioned
here, other important Spanish chroniclers include Bartolome de las Casas, Miguel
Murúa.
22
Though historic accounts provide a wealth of information, they must be read
example, with regard to the role of warfare in the rise of the Inca Empire. Betanzos
and Sarmiento assert that Pachacuti led the Incas to victory over the Chanca (Julien
2000:222), a triumph that catapulted the Inca to the status of “the most powerful
people in the Andes” (Rowe 1946:204). In contrast, Cobo and Garcilaso place the
Chanca war one generation before at the end of Yahuar Huacac’s reign, a shift that
Rowe (1946:194) believed “distorted” the central history of the Incas. Julien
with Cobo drawing from the ‘genealogical’ genre and Betanzos relying on the ‘life
history genre’.
interpreted with regard to warfare and Pachacuti’s role in Inca emergence? Scholars
have noted that Spanish narratives often closely parallel European historical accounts,
and may have been inaccurately biased by Spanish historical tropes and a linear
chronological perspective that conflicts with the Inca worldview of cyclical time
osteological data provide an important line of evidence. Information from burials can
23
Osteological Studies in the Cuzco Region
review of the few available studies from the Cuzco/Urubamba region sets the stage
for the present bioarchaeological analysis. One of the earliest reports is Rowe’s
seated and flexed without grave goods. There is only a brief mention of skeletal
anomalies: “There were two bone lesions on the head, and the teeth are both badly
decayed (caries) and excessively worn, as is common in ancient skulls from the
published in 1916. The human remains were collected from cave deposits around the
mountain slope above which Machu Picchu sits, with a few remains recovered from
within the site near the Sacred Plaza (Eaton 1916:84). Eaton believed the skeletal
collection exhibited a skewed sex ratio, with nearly 4 females to every male, and
concluded that the site housed Virgins of the Sun and priestesses serving the temple.
In analyzing head shaping practices, Eaton documented both occipital flattening and
original assertions. Restudy of sex ratios showed a more normal distribution of sexes,
24
Women.” Age determinations were similarly reconfigured using new methods based
of Eaton’s were substantiated by Verano, such as the ethnically diverse nature of the
Machu Picchu sample, which apparently included migrants from the Peruvian coast
overall rarity of joint disease indicators. In addition, the diagnosis of two cases of
MacCurdy (1923) analyzed 341 skeletons in the Urubamba river drainage area
mummies recovered in a tightly flexed position, wrapped in cloth and secured with
coarse grass rope. Like Eaton’s (1916) cave burials from Machu Picchu, individuals
pathological conditions, including fused vertebrae, long bone fractures (some healed
with non-union), osteomyelitis, osteosarcoma, spinal joint disease, and dental disease.
Nine percent of the adult skulls retained the metopic suture of the frontal bone,
normally fused by one to two years of age, and several crania exhibited the Inca bone
25
trepanation served to treat cases of cranial injury in the Late Horizon (MacCurdy
1923:259).
from the site of Kinsarumiyoc in the Calca region, 20 miles north of Cuzco, and
Eleven skulls showed evidence of trepanation, and 83% of the trepanned individuals
survived the surgery, with little evidence of infection (Quevedo 1942:55). Quevedo
concluded that trepanation was mainly performed in response to cranial trauma, and
was carried out by trained practitioners with skill and knowledge of cerebral anatomy.
the Cuzco region, such studies have yet to be synthesized into a regional perspective.
The present study addresses this void by drawing together data from 11 sites
throughout the Cuzco region. This regional study provides the means to identify
geographical and temporal patterns in relation to Inca expansion. In this chapter, the
review of pre-Inca and Inca civilizations, along with Cuzco archaeological and
osteological investigations, has set the foundation for the study of Inca imperial
26
Chapter 3. The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism: Theoretical
imperial effects on local populations. Second, the four main datasets used to measure
literature for each dataset. Finally, hypotheses are formulated that serve as the
and Johnson (1975:267) as having a hierarchy of control and specialized activities for
making for lower levels of the hierarchy, which enable the centralized polity to
control a large populace. Marcus and Feinman (1998:5) augment this definition by
emphasizing the state’s power in areas of warfare, labor requisition, and state
27
Empires possess the same characteristics as states, but differ in terms of scale
and manner of expansion (Morrison 2001a). In general, empires grow larger than
ecologically diverse areas, and use a variety of political strategies for expansion
(Barfield 2001; D’Altroy 1992; Schreiber 1992; Smith and Schreiber 2006:3;
Sinopoli 1994). Smith and Montiel (2001) use these characteristics to delineate three
main features of empires: (1) an imperial capital, (2) domination of a territory, and (3)
With diverse examples such as the Roman, Chinese, Egyptian, Inca, and Wari
(Alcock et al. 2001). In this endeavor, the world systems model has emerged as a
central framework (Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991; Hall and Chase-Dunn 1993;
Wallerstein (1974) originally developed this model to describe the rise of the modern
interactions (e.g., Algaze 1989; Blanton and Feinman 1984; Frank 1993; Kohl 1987;
Santley and Alexander 1992; see Hall and Chase-Dunn 1993 for overview).
asymmetrical relationship, extracting resources and labor that further enhances the
core’s power and wealth (Wallerstein 1974, 1980, 1989). Between the core and
28
periphery lies the semi-periphery, composed of core regions in decline, peripheries on
the rise, and buffer regions that are simultaneously exploiting others while being
exploited. By modeling relationships among these three regions, the world systems
(Smith 2001:132).
(Wallerstein 1974; Schneider 1977; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991). Members of core
populations are expected to benefit the most, controlling trade networks and
extracting surplus from the periphery. In contrast, the peripheral populations find
themselves ensnared in unequal trade relations involving coercive labor practices and
intermediate position and often functions to stabilize and perpetuate the system (Stein
1998:224). These regions may also play an important role in sociopolitical change:
with the inevitable fall of an empire, the semi-periphery may fill the resulting power
The world systems perspective aptly describes the Inca Empire, which
funneled resources from periphery to core (Kuznar 1996; La Lone 1994). With
conquer new territories with substantial military power (Earle 1997; Schreiber
1992:6).
29
Though the world systems model provides an important framework for
Martinez 1995:476; Schreiber 2005; Stein 1998:226, 1999:16). While the core
homogenous (Schortman and Urban 1994:402). Class struggles within each region
social dynamics, agency, and resistance (Carroll 1999; Deagan 2001; Elson and
Covey 2006; Goldstein 2000:337; Stein 2005). Within this broader perspective,
ideology is recognized as an important tool for both imperial hegemony and local
negotiation (Brumfiel 1996; Demarrais et al. 1996). This nuanced understanding also
and processes of resistance (Hall 1996; Morrison 2001b; Patterson 1990; Stein
1999:9). In addition, frontiers along imperial borders are seen as loci of dynamic
30
This core/periphery perspective thus eschews simplistic depictions of
monolithic core versus passive periphery, and instead highlights regional differences
that appear within each empire. Several variables contribute to these regional
resistance or allegiance (D’Altroy 1992; Kuznar 1996; Schreiber 1992; Stein 2005:8-
9). Another important variable is time: populations incorporated during the rise of an
empire may experience different conditions than those consolidated near the end of an
empire’s reign (Dietler 1998:298; Stanish 1997). Based on these different variables,
the political structure and domestic economy of a local people may be radically
periphery. However, conditions in each region will not be uniform or static, but rather
will vary depending on several variables. This is particularly true in the Andes, where
each region responded differently to Inca conquest and consolidation (D’Altroy 1994;
Kuznar 1996; La Lone 1994; Morris 1998:295). While some areas were completely
transformed, with existing groups moved off their lands for purposes of imperial
restructuring, in other regions the Inca forged alliances and allowed local elites to rule
(Schreiber 1992:53-62).
31
Biological Consequences of Empires
Given the vast regional differences apparent within the Inca Empire, it is
important to explore how these varied experiences might have affected local
(Tung 2003). This burgeoning sub-field uses skeletal data to investigate aspects of
Particularly in the Andean region, where superior preservation conditions have aided
in the accumulation of human remains for such studies, skeletal analyses have the
groups subsumed under an empire’s control (e.g., Andrushko et al. 2006; Buzon
2004, 2006; Tung 2003). These factors include a reduction in dietary diversity and
violent conflict, altered ritual practices, and enforced relocation (Tung 2003:60-61).
In addition, empires may control and alter ethnic identity, evident through analyses of
mortuary practices and cranial vault modification (Torres-Rouff 2003; Blom 2005a).
carries significant health consequences. In the Andes, this took the form of increased
dependence on maize agriculture, which produced a major food staple throughout the
32
lower elevations of the highlands (Burger et al. 2003:135; Finucane et al. 2006;
Hastorf and Johannessen 1993). The Inca deified maize as part of the state worship of
the Sun and used it extensively in their rituals, primarily in the form of chicha (maize
beer) (Niles 1993). Chicha, more than any other foodstuff, symbolized the connection
of the Inca to the Sun deity and was used to mediate all social, ideological, and
some Andean populations (Allison 1984; Armelagos 1990; Ubelaker 1992; Verano
1992). Health deterioration from a restricted maize diet may ensue from dietary
insufficiency of essential vitamins and nutrients such as Vitamin B12, folate, and iron,
leading to anemia and other conditions (Wapler et al. 2004; Ortner et al. 1999).
status, social rank, and group affiliation. In these cases, lower status individuals
commonly suffer from malnutrition, while the few elites indulge in over-consumption
(Powell 1988; Storey 1992; Verano 1992). Malnourished individuals are more
33
especially if human waste disposal spaces abut habitation areas. Relevant to this
study, human feces were used as manure to fertilize crops during Inca times (Kendall
1985:152); use of human waste could have promoted bacterial infections and
Furthermore, bacterial exposure can ensue from increased contact with outside
groups (Larsen 1997:86). This exposure is more likely to occur in capitals, which
Immigrants may carry diseases endemic to their homeland, thereby increasing the
Along with dietary deficiencies and bacterial infection, enforced labor can
detrimentally affect health. The Inca Empire imposed tribute obligations through
several labor programs such as mita (rotational) labor, examples of which include
public work construction, army service, and agricultural work in state fields (Murra
impacted their domestic economy (Hastorf and D’Altroy 2001:22), and from a
34
mechanisms—focus on resources and infrastructure provided through the state’s
stable food sources, translate into better health for all citizens. For instance, during
disasters or poor harvests, the state may offer subsidies through stored surpluses,
while disabled individuals or others in need receive welfare provisions from the state
(Kendall 1985:142).
[L]and was communally held and redistributed according to need, taxes and
labor were reallocated for the common good, and the state through its
beneficent aristocracy and clergy was the ultimate creator and purveyor of
peace, prosperity, and happiness. (van den Berghe and Flores Ochoa
2000:11)
Though this view seems simplistic, other researchers confirm the redistributive efforts
of the Inca Empire (Kuznar 1996:13; MacCormack 2001b:421; Murra (1980 [1955]),
maintaining that government storehouses held food supplies for state laborers
(Kendall 1985:142). In his classic text of Inca society, Rowe (1946:273) described
several socialistic aspects of Inca governance, asserting that the empire “insured the
expansion benefits individuals in both the core and periphery: lower status
individuals in the capital profit from increased resources extracted from conquered
regions, while redistributed goods from the core provide additional resources to
35
newly conquered populations (Costin and Earle 1989). The increased flow of goods
previously unattainable level, with individuals at all status levels showing improved
health (Earle et al. 1987). Elites may prosper to an even greater degree, through
access to sumptuous goods, low levels of repetitive physical stress, and fewer
The previous sections outlined both positive and negative health consequences
factors, yet how can these variations be measured? Here, human skeletal analyses
provide the means to assess health, warfare, group affiliation, and migration in
imperial contexts (Larsen 1997; Tung 2003). The following sections describe skeletal
conditions related to these four topics, and their implications for the present study.
based on their link to disease, poor nutrition, and unsanitary living conditions 2
(Larsen 1997; Storey 1985, 1992; Tung 2003; Verano and Ubelaker 1992; Walker
1986). Two of the most commonly-cited stress indicators are cribra orbitalia and
porotic hyperostosis, expansion of the orbital roofs and parietal and occipital diploë,
2
Each condition is detailed, with information on etiology and related factors, in Chapter 6.
36
These conditions—visible as small circular lesions in the upper orbits and posterior
deficiencies, parasitic infection, and bacterial infection (El-Najjar et al. 1976; Lallo et
al. 1977; Reinhard 1992; Stuart-Macadam and Kent 1992; Walker 1985, 1986). Since
these conditions ensue from malnutrition and disease, their prevalence can reveal
evidence of stress in past populations (Blom et al. 2005; Cohen and Armelagos 1984;
Hill and Armelagos 1990; Kent 1986; Larsen 1997:30; Mensforth et al. 1978; Stuart-
(Larsen 1997:44; Rose et al. 1985). Inadequate nutrition will restrict growth, since the
Furthermore, growth is restricted in diseased individuals because the body must divert
resources to the costly demands of fighting disease. The resultant “stunted” growth,
with long bones that are significantly shorter than those of healthy individuals,
and are visible as grooves in the labial dental surface. Cessations in growth leading to
37
stress: while femur length usually reflects chronic stress incurred during an
stress that affected an individual during a short period of time (Goodman and Martin
2002:27).
cortical bone), ensues from bacterial infection and is easily visible in skeletal
other groups from different regions or temporal periods (Steckel and Rose 2002b).
The present study compares pathological conditions before and after the rise of the
Trauma
Bioarchaeologists record traumatic injuries as a means to understand patterns
38
1991a, 2001; Lambert 1994, 2002; Walker 1989; Walker and Lambert 1989). War-
related conflict may result in injuries such as blunt force trauma from clubs and
stones, cutting wounds from metal weapons (Novak 2000; Walker and Steckel 2002),
and “parry” fractures of the midshaft forearm bones, often attributed to self-defense
stances in which an individual raises their arm to ward off a blow and receives blunt
force trauma to the ulna (Judd 2002, 2004). To distinguish accidental injuries from
those related to violent conflict, location of injury, pattern of targeted body regions,
and sex of afflicted individuals are used to discern the social context of observed
Empire. Though the Spanish documents extensively describe Inca warfare (Arkush
and Stanish 2005; Niles 1999:61-62; Rowe 1946:274), some researchers believe the
lethal conflict.
from cranial trauma (Verano 1997a, 2003b). The analysis of trauma and associated
39
trepanations can therefore test hypotheses of the role of warfare in Inca imperial
analysis, are used to identify Inca imperial influence on ethnic identity and migration.
In the Andes, migration played a key role in shaping the pre-Columbian social
altitudes, maintaining a base population in one location and sending off smaller
groups to exploit other “vertical islands” (Masuda et al. 1985; Murra 1968, 1972,
Middle Horizon state of Tiwanaku (AD 500-1000), where colonists migrated to the
Moquegua Valley, Peru from the capital near the Bolivian shore of Lake Titicaca
(Blom et al. 1998; Goldstein 1993, 2000; Knudson et al. 2004; Kolata 1993; Owen
both biologically and culturally affiliated with the Tiwanaku core (Blom 1999; Blom
and coca—that were either unavailable or limited in the capital region (Goldstein
2005:237).
In the Late Horizon, the Inca adopted this pattern of ecological migration as a
tool of state control (Goldstein 2005:48; Wachtel 1982:200). This tactic proved
40
populations for strategic and economic purposes is perhaps the most intrusive,
migration detailed in colonial documents, the Inca established mitima colonies in the
opportunity, the Inca removed local ethnic groups and shifted all arable land to the
state, while foreign groups were resettled to work the fields and build administrative
centers, roads, and storehouses to support production (Gyarmati and Varga 1999). An
material culture to distinguish groups, based on the premise that groups retain unique
symbols of their ethnic unity (Blom 2005a:2). However, many variables complicate
the differentiation of ethnic groups based on material culture (Jones 1997; Smith and
Schreiber 2005:208). While ceramic style has been used to distinguish Andean ethnic
groups, differences in style may relate to region, time period, or status (Conkey and
Hastorf 1990; Odess 1998; Plog 1983; Shennan 1994:13). In addition, symbols of
ethnic identity such as apparel may not preserve in the archaeological record
(Brothwell and Pollard 2001; Cronyn 1990; Good 2001:217)—for example, only in
41
Further complicating the matter, ethnic identity is not static, but rather fluid
and varied, such that material assemblages may not properly reflect its multi-
influenced by external circumstances and internal agency (Barth 1998; Nagel 1994).
Rapid shifts in ethnic identity can result from changes in the physical or social
personal gain, such as Nubian individuals co-opting foreign Egyptian styles for status
elevation (Buzon 2006:692; Smith 2003). Due to the active, responsive nature of
ethnic identity, the use of bounded cultural assemblages to identify past groups and
problems. By focusing on skeletal remains and their associated artifacts, these studies
can reveal group affiliations through cultural practices and mortuary treatment
include analyses of ethnically distinctive ceramic grave goods (Cornejo 2000), ethnic
Hoshower et al. 1995; Torres-Rouff 2002), dental and skeletal morphology (Sutter
2000; Verano 2003a), and ancient DNA (Forgey 2006; Williams 2005).
42
One particularly promising approach, strontium isotope analysis, has been
(Burton et al. 2003). Combining more than one of these lines of evidence provides a
powerful means to recognize past migration events in a region—in the present study,
cranial vault modification and bone chemistry are analyzed to understand migration
practice begun before the Inca rose to power (Cobo 1990 [1653]; de las Casas 1892
used differences in head shape to classify different groups within the empire, and
temporal variations in cranial vault modification are first used to construct a regional
43
Bone Chemistry
Migration studies based on strontium isotopes rely on the principle that
87
Sr/86Sr values in dental enamel reflect the local geological composition (Price et al.
1994). Geological 87Sr/86Sr values are a function of varying strontium (Sr) and
rubidium (Rb) concentrations (i.e., Rb/Sr values) and age of the bedrock within a
given region. The only radiogenic isotope of Sr, 87Sr, is produced by the slow
radioactive decay of the rubidium isotope 87Rb (Faure 1986). Because the 87Rb decay
rate remains constant, the relative amount of 87Sr to 86Sr will reflect the composition
of subsurface bedrock (i.e., its Rb/Sr value) and the time elapsed since formation or
deposition. Thus, regions containing older rocks with very high 87Rb/87Sr values (e.g.,
granite) are characterized by higher 87Sr/86Sr values than areas containing younger
basaltic rocks (Faure 1986). Consequently, the geological composition influences the
ratios of strontium isotopes in groundwater and soil, which are taken up by local
plant and animal products and water; following consumption, strontium substitutes
for calcium in the hydroxyapatite of teeth and bone (Bentley 2006; Ericson 1985;
Nelson et al. 1986; Schroeder et al. 1972:496; Sealy et al. 1991). During the processes
prerequisite for migration studies. In some elements this is not the case: isotope
amounts may change when moving from plants to animals to humans. Changes in
isotope abundance result from their differences in mass, a process known as isotopic
44
fractionation. While this process can affect isotopic analyses, it does not apply to
strontium: with regard to the four strontium isotopes (84Sr, 86Sr, 87Sr, 88Sr), the
relative mass difference is small, so isotopic fractionation does not occur through the
food chain (Faure and Powell 1972). Because strontium isotope ratios are not altered
ratios present in the soil and groundwater of his or her local area, assuming local food
was eaten.
12 years of life. After this phase of dental enamel formation, strontium isotope ratios
do not change with additional intake; minerals may be taken up by the surface of the
tooth during life or after burial, yet these materials seldom penetrate deep into the
enamel (Budd et al. 2000; Price et al. 2002; Wright 2005). As such, an individual’s
dental strontium isotope ratio reflects their childhood environment, given that they
consumed local foods (Burton et al. 2003:91). Strontium isotope analysis can
therefore be used to detect migration, as a migrant’s strontium value may differ from
that of the local populace (if he or she lived in a geologically different region) (Price
et al. 1994:327; Price et al. 2004). By comparing individual values to the local isotope
For the present study, 59 dental enamel samples from individuals buried at the
Cuzco Valley site of Chokepukio were analyzed (at the University of Alberta’s
45
Research Questions and Hypotheses
This chapter focuses on the biological impacts of empires and the skeletal
indicators used to identify these effects. In this section, the theoretical considerations
and research questions are formulated into specific hypotheses, which will be tested
using data from Cuzco region skeletal collections. The hypotheses derive from one
main research question: How did the rise of the Inca Empire impact populations in the
Cuzco region? This influence is explored through the avenues of health, trauma, and
migration.
Regarding the first dataset, the Inca Empire radically altered living conditions
resource access for all individuals, evidence of malnutrition should decrease in the
46
Table 3.1. Hypotheses regarding health impacts of Inca consolidation
This study also investigates the role of warfare in Inca state formation and
function. If warfare played a significant role in the rise of the Inca Empire, evidence
of violent trauma should increase in the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon.
“draft-age” cohort, and evidence of trepanation resulting from cranial trauma should
47
The influence of the Inca Empire on population movements can be assessed
follow a pattern similar to the state capital at Tiwanaku (Blom 1999), we would
expect homogeneity in head shapes at provincial sites, while core populations would
exhibit a heterogeneous mixture of head shapes, indicating migration into the Inca
capital city. In contrast, if imperial control in the Inca capital led to standardization in
head shape, we would expect to see the greatest homogeneity in head shape in Cuzco
information on migration into the Cuzco region. Several samples from the site of
Chokepukio were analyzed for their strontium (87Sr/86Sr) ratios to reveal the
possibility of migration into the site (Table 3.4). If migrations did occur, some
isotopic values would vary significantly from the local value. Furthermore, if the
Chokepukio migrants came from the Tiwanaku region, some Chokepukio samples
48
should resemble Tiwanaku strontium values (Knudson et al. 2004). In contrast, if no
Through the present study, the Cuzco region becomes a testing ground for
line of evidence from skeletal analyses to address Inca imperialism and assess the
questions, a large sample size was accumulated from 11 sites throughout the Cuzco
region; this sample is described in the next chapter, along with methods of analysis.
49
Chapter 4. Materials and Methods
The Sample
excavations of burials at Chokepukio, a stratified site near Cuzco that bridges the Late
Intermediate Period (LIP) during which time the Inca Empire arose. Though the site
lacks a distinct cemetery section, certain spaces within the site revealed a higher
seasons from 1994 to 2005; beginning in 1999, I supervised burial excavations as the
trauma, trepanation, and cranial vault modification. This phase built upon pre-
dissertation analysis of the Chokepukio skeletons during the 1999-2002 field seasons,
trepanations, and at least two types of cranial vault modification. The second phase of
the dissertation project was completed during the summers of 2003, 2004, and 2005
in Cuzco.
collections housed at the Cuzco National Institute of Culture (INC). This data
50
collection occurred from August to December, 2004, August to September 2005, and
August 2006, and provided a sample of 618 burials. The final phase of the research
project took place at the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology at the University of
California, Berkeley in March 2005, with the analysis of 61 skulls from the Cuzco-
region site of Colmay. The third and fourth phases brought the sample size to 855
Sampling Strategy
The sites were chosen to encompass a broad geographic span that included
“core” and “periphery” populations. The core sites were those located within and
adjacent to the city of Cuzco, whereas the peripheral sites were those beyond Cuzco
51
city’s outer edges. This classification diverges from other studies in which the entire
Cuzco region is seen as the core, while provincial sites throughout the empire are
regarded as the periphery. In contrast, this study looks at microvariation between the
immediate core of the Inca capital and the sites surrounding the capital, what might
four sites in and immediately adjacent to Cuzco city that comprise the Inca “core”
The remaining seven sites make up the “inner-periphery” part of the sample, derived
52
Figure 4.1. Map of Cuzco sites
53
The inclusion of core and periphery sites was necessary to compare urban and
an imperial system. These conditions, which vary based on numerous factors, can
have a profound impact on health. For the core populations, such variables include
enforced labor, demographic changes from state-directed migration, and the influence
Sites were also chosen to include several different time periods, so that
comparisons could be drawn between pre-Inca and Inca populations (Table 4.2).
Samples from the Early Intermediate Period (200 BC-AD 700) and Middle Horizon
(AD 700-1000) provide a baseline for health profiles in the Cuzco region prior to the
rise of the Inca Empire. The sites from the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400)
and the Inca Imperial Period/Late Horizon (1400-1532) present the means to
investigate biological impacts of the rise of the Inca Empire. Several of the sites
analyzed were occupied during more than one period; these stratified sites prove
54
Table 4.2. Skeletal material by time period and sample size
burials were divided into three groups: pre-Inca, early Inca, and Inca. The pre-Inca
group was composed of burials from six sites that spanned the Early Intermediate
Period, Middle Horizon, and Late Intermediate Period—this pre-Inca group totaled
147 burials. The Late LIP/Early Inca group consisted of 344 burials from one site,
55
Qotakalli, radiocarbon-dated to AD 1290-1420. Finally, the Inca group comprised
groups obscures differences among these populations; however, each pre-Inca group
could not be analyzed separately because of the small sample sizes. Therefore, the
pre-Inca groups were analyzed together as a baseline for comparison to the later Inca
group. In the future, continued excavations will increase the sample size of pre-Inca
populations.
Sampling Challenges
Several issues emerged in analyzing the large skeletal sample, including
at archaeological sites has changed throughout the 20th century: in many early
excavations, skeletal elements were either ignored entirely or only partially collected,
with archaeologists saving the skull and disregarding postcranial elements (Heizer
samples excavated from the first half of the 20th century may often be lacking in
postcranial material.
Only one site in the present sample, Colmay, was excavated during this
56
1901, Max Uhle collected 61 skulls from the site of Colmay for curation in UC
Berkeley’s Hearst Museum, yet he did not save the associated post-cranial material or
mandibles (Uhle 1909, vol. 9:20-23). Despite the lack of postcranial material, the
modification, trepanation, and pathological conditions. The other ten sites in the
sample were excavated from 1994 to 2006 with an emphasis on complete collection
Burials listed as “poor” condition were soft, friable, and likely to disintegrate upon
excellent preservation, the Aqnapampa and Machu Picchu skeletal remains were
preservation resulted from looting that led to exposure on the ground surface. Though
these bones were situated inside chullpas (burial structures) and thus spared from
elements affected overall condition. The poor preservation can also be attributed to
the location of the site on an alluvial fan with overall humid conditions (Melissa
showed cracking and exfoliation of the periosteal layer of bone. At Machu Picchu, the
human bones from caves were damaged by carnivore disturbance, root action, acidic
soil, and humidity (Miller 2003:9; Verano 2003a:72). When recovered, the long
57
bones were missing epiphyses with extensive damage, and the cranial fragments
showed flaking and pitting. Though taphonomic processes hampered data collection
of a small number of burials from Aqnapampa and Machu Picchu, certain conditions
such as dental stress markers and cranial modification could be observed at these
sites.
Qotakalli, because the site produced the single largest number of burials (360) within
the sample. As a core site dated to the Early Inca period, the Qotakalli burials are
central for understanding changes in health during the rise of the Inca Empire. While
non-commingled sites.
A discussion of the site with commingled remains, Qotakalli, and the ten other
sites follows in the section on site description. For each site, presented in order of
distance from the core, the location, excavation details, and contextual information
are presented. The information for each site varies based on availability and
accounts with details and interpretations from excavations, while in other cases scant
58
Site Description- Core Sites
Kusicancha
Kusicancha is a sacred site located adjacent to the Temple of the Sun
(Coricancha), 200 meters from Cuzco’s Plaza de Armas. Covering an area of 6,048
square meters, the site was designed using the Inca architectural plan of the cancha, a
Underlying the Inca buildings, a Late Intermediate Period Killke occupation level
contains remnants of walls, canals, and burials with associated cultural material.
(Tomayconsa 2002). Two burials from Kusicancha dated to the Late Intermediate
Period with Killke artifacts, while the rest were Late Horizon. Both stratigraphic and
contextual criteria assisted in separating the two interment periods: Killke burials
remained beneath the Inca contexts associated with Killke structures and ceramics,
while the Inca burials were found in the interior of rectangular buildings and in open
areas near the Inca canchas. Inca burial pits consisted of oval-shaped shallow
depressions of prepared earth, and all included grave goods. The shallow nature of the
personal ornaments such as metal tupu pins, tweezers, small metal plates, necklace
The site’s significance lies in its location in the heart of Cuzco, next to the
main Temple of the Sun (Coricancha). In the ceque system, an arrangement of shrines
59
symbolically located on a grid radiating from the epicenter of Cuzco, the site
represents the first shrine (huaca) on the fifth ceque of Chinchaysuyu. Adjacent to
Coricancha, the site housed priests and others serving the Temple of the Sun, and also
functioned as a storage space for offerings and idols brought from all parts of the Inca
Empire for annual festivals. Further underscoring the importance of the Kusicancha,
the site served as the birthplace of the Inca ruler Topa Inca Yupanqui (Bauer
2004:135).
Sacsahuaman
The site of Sacsahuaman is located in Cuzco province at an altitude of 3,569
meters above sea level. Positioned on an open hillside immediately above the city of
the emperor Pachacuti constructed the city of Cuzco in the shape of a puma, with
Sacsahuaman at the “head” and the Coricancha as part of the body (Rowe 1967).
Other chronicles assert that Pachacuti’s son Topa Inca built the “fortress” of
Sacsahuaman in six years, beginning construction four years after his return to the
site’s inception, with construction continuing under Topa Inca (Julien 2004:34; Niles
1999:260).
elaborately prepared tombs from the Suchuna sector in the northwest corner of
60
Sacsahuaman (Solis 1999). The Suchuna cemetery sector contained a well-finished
structures. The forty tombs appeared as ovoid-shaped clay structures with dimensions
situ primary inhumations, positioned in a sitting posture and tightly flexed (Solis
1999). The majority were single interments, while three tombs contained two burials
each. The tombs had been sealed following interment, and most contained burned
chunks of carbon; in some instances similar burned material was collected from
excavations, of metal (127), ceramic (49), shell (15), bone (6), stone (3), and wood
(1). In analyzing the distribution of "classic" tupu pins among the burials, no
correlation with size or number of tupus was found, and tupu pins were included with
both sexes in this burial sample (Andrushko et al. 2006). The presence of tupu pins in
the majority of cases together with some textile remains indicates that the bodies were
wrapped in garments prior to interment. Although gold was not recovered, the
miniature pottery vessels, presence of silver and spondylus shells, and structured
tombs indicate a cemetery of a highly regarded sector of society. The burned deposits
around the tombs appear to represent offerings made after the tombs were sealed,
during ceremonies conducted when revisiting the grave. Site archaeologists surmise
61
that these burned offerings included aromatic plants and coca that served to sustain
and on the presumed defensive function of the the vast polygonal ramparts that
compose the most visible Inca structures (Betanzos 1996:155-158 [1577]). However,
more recent site interpretations point to additional functions as a Temple of the Sun
and public arena for state rituals (Espinoza 1987). Guaman Poma de Ayala refers to
the religious significance of the site in three sections of his “El Primer Nueva
chroniclers such as Cieza de León (1985 [1533]) and Garcilaso de la Vega (1986
[1609]:bk.7, ch. XI) describe Sacsahuaman as a Royal House of the Sun with a vital
(shrine) of Calispuquio (Solis 1999), a huaca that belonged to the royal clan (panaca)
of Topa Inca. In Rowe’s (1946:203) chronology, Topa Inca was the tenth king and
reigned from AD 1470 to 1490, during which the Calispuqio huaca was likely
constructed. The proximity of the burials to this huaca indicates that this was an area
Empire.
62
Qotakalli
The site of Qotakalli is located 4.5 km southeast Cuzco’s Plaza de Armas
(district San Sebastián), along the banks of the Huatanay River at an altitude of 3,344
meters above sea level. The site covers an area of 1,380 meters and contains the
remains of 78 rectangular buildings along with ceramic scatters of Inca and Qotakalli
(local Middle Horizon style) pottery. Luis Barrera Murillo conducted surface survey
and artifact collection from the site in the 1970s, where he identified Qotakalli as the
type site for the local Middle Horizon pottery, chronologically following Chanapata
in the ceramic typology of the region (Barreda 1995:41). Analyses by Lyon (1978)
and Dwyer (1971:136) place Qotakalli ceramics as the antecedent of the Killke type,
2003). The INC continued their excavations in 2003 and 2004 and found a domestic
Inca occupation along with storage facilities and funerary contexts (Bustinza 2004).
contexts. Sixteen burials were found as primary interments outside of the Inca
buildings, interred as single, flexed and articulated burials. In contrast, 344 secondary
burials, disarticulated and commingled, were uncovered within one Inca building
(Recinto #75). Radiocarbon dates from the primary and secondary burials reveal a
63
temporal difference: three of the primary single burials date to the Middle Horizon
(AD 690-960, 2 Sigma calibrated date), while the secondary burials from Building 75
date to the late LIP/Early Inca period (AD 1290-1420, 2 Sigma calibrated date). The
earlier dates substantiate Barreda’s (1973) assertion that the site was occupied in the
hundreds of individuals were removed from their original interment place and
relocated into one structure (Benavides 2003). The skeletal remains were hastily
grave, the general lack of artifacts, and the loss of many small bones. The skeletons
were not buried at a great depth, but rather were placed on the floor and covered with
Those people reburied in Recinto 75 died long before the reburial event,
which occurred during the latest occupation of Qotakalli. Radiocarbon dates from two
burials within Building 75 indicate that the individuals died as long as a century or
two before the reburial event occurred. While the main site occupation is placed from
AD 1400-1450, the secondary burials were likely transported and reinterred during
Late Inca times, possibly during abandonment of the site (Benavides 2003). Once the
burials had been placed inside and covered with sediment, the door was sealed to
prevent further disturbance. The intentional sealing of the building led to excellent
64
The site’s significance is clear—Qotakalli was a sacred site located on the
Collasuyo line of the ceque system. This shrine was positioned as the second huaca
of the seventh ceque that follows a linear direction from Qotakalli towards
domestic use, based on the remains of Inca ceramics, stone tools, instruments for
weaving and food production, faunal remains including camelids, guinea pigs, and
birds, and hearth contexts of carbon and ash (Bustinza 2004). Along with residences,
the site also contained workshops and storage areas, and internal sub-divisions within
several buildings indicated spatial partitions for cooking, storage, and other activities.
The archaeological evidence reveals a diverse diet of meat from camelids, birds, and
guinea pigs (cuy), supplemented by potatoes, maize, and other cereal grains.
Qhataqasapatallacta
The site of Qhataqasapatallacta is located 15 km southwest of Cuzco city in
the district of Santiago, adjacent to the hillside of Qompo Wanakauri. At 3,500 meters
above sea level, the site covers 29.82 hectares within an urban environment, where
modern construction and agriculture pose a constant threat to the site’s preservation.
The site was initially surveyed by Barreda (1973), who described the Inca buildings
of worked stone, alleyways, and plazas, along with surface ceramic fragments of
each in 2002. The recovered artifacts, along with architecture and type of
65
consisted mostly of large vessels (80-90 centimeters in height) used to store grain and
chicha, while the small rectangular buildings functioned as storage units and living
stone and vestiges of adobe buildings, arranged in a typical architectural pattern with
area with a stone ushnu (elevated ceremonial platform) where ritual and funerary rites
were performed. Most burials were found within the perimeter of several Inca
buildings, often in the corners, and the Inca practice of burying individuals in large
grains and other tribute materials coming into Cuzco from peripheral regions.
Evidence of domestic activities included textile tools, discarded faunal bones, hearths,
ceramic plates and bowls. Specifically prepared structures with ventilation shafts
served as warehouses for storage of maize, potatoes, and other harvested foods. The
site also had a religious purpose based on evidence of ceremonial ceramic fragments
and ushnu constructions, where ceremonies focused on ancestor veneration and the
sacred aspects of maize (Pilares 2002). Significant discoveries at the site included the
presence of peanuts indicating trade from the eastern Amazonian regions, and
camelid and dog burial offerings that point to a ritual purpose for certain animals
(Bustinza 2003).
66
Site Description- Peripheral Sites
Chokepukio
The site of Chokepukio, covering approximately one square kilometer, is
meters above sea level. First occupied around 400 BC, Chokepukio was continuously
inhabited over two millennia. Data from excavations suggest that a small farming
community occupied the site from at least 400 BC until the intrusion of the Wari
Empire (McEwan et al. 1995). The Middle Horizon featured a local Qotakalli
occupation with simultaneous use by the Wari indicated by ceramics and shrines.
architecture was constructed in the form of niched hall buildings, whereas in the
subsequent Inca occupation, a series of small houses formed a small village around
the abandoned LIP buildings (McEwan et al. 1995). The domestic architecture
followed the typical Inca cancha pattern, with rectangular buildings composed around
A total of 176 burials were recovered from Chokepukio during field seasons
from 1994 to 2005. Burials were most frequently found in tightly-flexed and flexed
positions, and were rarely interred in prepared tombs, but rather tucked into corners
of older buildings, placed into small rooms, and positioned in superficial graves.
Grave associations were generally uncommon, and when present, usually consisted of
small personal items like tupu pins or refuse items such as small ceramic sherds and
67
The Inca practice of interring individuals in ceramic vessels was encountered
in a few instances. Two large vessels containing four individuals (three adults and one
juvenile) and two adults, respectively, were buried side by side; the bones were found
mixed and disarticulated, indicative of secondary burials. In two other cases, very
young children were found buried in ceramic vessels. In contrast to the secondary
burials in the large vessels, these juvenile interments represented primary burials with
One distinctive group of burials from the 2004 field season is an assemblage
year range. These children were buried together, tightly wrapped with textiles and
rope and interred with a large number of artifacts. These burials may represent an
event of ritual child sacrifice, and are currently undergoing further study, including
This multi-component site was used in various times for domestic, political,
and ceremonial purposes (McEwan et al. 2002). During the LIP, the large niched
temples hosted groups for feasting and political alliance formation. Later on, though
mortuary practices shows that individuals were not given high status burial
(Andrushko et al. 2006). Most of the Late Horizon activities centered on agricultural
production for subsistence and labor tribute, and craft manufacture with a ceramic
68
Wata
Wata is located in the district of Warocondo, Anta Province, 45 km northwest
of the city of Cuzco at an altitude of 3900-4040 meters above sea level. Bordered by
the Warocondo River and the Pomatales Valley, the site is positioned high upon a hill
1944:53).
George MacCurdy and Hiram Bingham visited Wata and described several skeletal
remains visible on the ground surface: “on top of the point 200 yards west of the
saddle, lay a lot of bones including the broken skull of a youth with Aymara
deformation… [we] discovered an open cave in which were two skulls; one of these
had three artificial apertures and one deep indentation” (MacCurdy 1923:225). The
investigators also report finding two trepanned skulls and a cranium with “Aymara”
spanning the Early Intermediate Period, Late Intermediate Period, and Late Horizon,
based on the presence of Chanapata, Lucre and Killke, and Inca ceramics,
buildings, terraces, and funerary contexts, with 12 burials recovered from Early
group engaged primarily in agricultural and pastoral activities, leaving the remains of
69
rustic residential adobe buildings, hearth features, and fragments of domestic pottery.
During this time the adjacent hill of Willkapata was used as a sacred space for
ceremonial rites. Following a hiatus in the Middle Horizon, Wata was reoccupied in
the LIP as an administrative center with political and religious functions, with
Willkapata again serving as a shrine for the site (Peña 2004). The Inca subsequently
maintain control over the local populace (ibid). Wata’s strategic location—
equidistance from the Cuzco Valley, the salt mines of Maras, and the more temperate
respect to essential resources including coca, maize, and salt. Wata thus functioned
within a vast trade network of valuable natural resources for the Inca.
Cotocotuyoc
The site of Cotocotuyoc is located 46 km southeast of Cuzco at an elevation of
3,200 meters. Established south of the mountain Viracochan in the eastern part of the
Huaro Valley, the site covers an area of 45 hectares and is surrounding by a large
fortification wall, within which lies groups of buildings with small rooms and long
parallel corridors. Surface survey conducted in 2000 (Glowacki and Roman 2000)
Seventy-three burials were encountered within the Middle Horizon and Late
Intermediate Period components at Cotocotuyoc during the 2005 and 2006 field
seasons. This burial assemblage consists of 45 Wari burials along with 28 burials
70
associated with Lucre material culture. One Wari structure revealed evidence of floor
tombs covered by stone lids, though the contexts had been looted (Glowacki
2002:271).
Founded during the early part of the Wari occupation of Cuzco, the site
occupation continued through the last phase of the Middle Horizon (circa 1000 AD),
during a time of supposed violent conflict that required active defense of the Wari
artifacts, and the site location above the valley floor, situated with strategic views of
the valley. The stone tools recovered may have served as defensive weapons, or
alternatively could have been used in activities such as hunting (Glowacki 2002:272).
collapse in the Cuzco region. Investigations into the terminal phase of Wari
and artifacts due to limited material resources (Glowacki 2005). Material evidence of
violent conflict supports the notion that warfare and political instability contributed to
Colmay
The site of Colmay is located 35 kilometers west of Cuzco (four kilometers
Several large Inca rectangular buildings and surrounding platforms at the site exhibit
71
the imperial Inca architectural style of Pachacuti, with interiorly-inclining walls, a
trapezoidal door, and high-quality worked stone. The site’s main building displays an
angular rock that resembles the well-known 12-sided rock in the city of Cuzco.
During initial site survey, Uhle described the edifices as “one-roomed Incaic
buildings of huge blocks, and at the side of them, 20 meters away, a cave tomb
opened about 70 years ago with all the bones mixed” (Uhle 1909 [vol. 9]:20-23).
Uhle collected 61 skulls from the site in 1909, mostly from the cave tombs
mentioned in his field notes, though no postcranial elements were collected and no
sub-surface excavations were carried out. Surface artifacts recovered from the site
included two wooden llama vessels, fragments of basketry, a comb, a wooden textile
needle, and some selected fragments of “Incaic” pottery (Uhle 1909 [vol. 8]:69-73).
into the natural walls, and surface ceramic sherds. The 2006 site survey found no
As Uhle did not complete any actual excavations, very little is known about
site chronology or function. Colmay may have served as an Inca tambo, a resting
station along the Inca transportation system, based on its proximity to an Inca road
architecture, impressive views high above the Anta Valley, and presence of modified
caves for funerary use suggest that the site may have functioned as an imperial estate
72
Aqnapampa
The site of Aqnapampa is located southeast of the Cuzco and Huaro valleys in
found adjacent to the town of Moqoraise and 5 km from the town of Quiquijana, in
including rectangular buildings, along with patio spaces and associated terraces and
cultivated fields. Architecture at the site includes large 5 x 5 meter structures, local
chullpas from the LIP measuring 1.5 x 2.2 meters, and undisturbed colonial chullpas
which were found in disturbed and commingled contexts with overall poor
attributes the poor preservation to the site’s location on an alluvial fan amidst humid
conditions, with exposure on the ground surface adding to the weathering and poor
preservation.
Machu Picchu
The site of Machu Picchu is located 80 km northwest of Cuzco in the district
The site covers an area of 32,592 hectares and is surrounded by the hills of Huayna
Picchu, Machu Picchu, and Putucusi, and the valley of Collpani. Hiram Bingham
“discovered” the site in 1911 and referred to it as the “Lost City of the Incas.” In
1912, George Eaton conducted an analysis of 164 burials from an area near the
73
Sacred Plaza and from cave deposits around Machu Picchu peak (Eaton 1916). In the
succeeding decades, the INC carried out several studies with the support of
assemblage of 15 individuals from Caves 1-9 (unavailable for study due to reburial)
and seven individuals from Cave 10 (included in this study). Cave 10, located
southwest of the trail to the Inca Bridge, contained skeletal material and associated
artifacts of ceramic vessels, copper tupu pins and needles, and one turquoise bead.
estate for the emperor Pachacuti and as a locus of religious activity (Burger and
Salazar-Burger 1993, Hyslop 1990). These data, along with architectural evidence of
shrines, ritual caves, temples and ceremonial fountains, position Machu Picchu as a
residential and ceremonial estate rather than a military settlement (Miller 2003:45).
Specific structures at Machu Picchu also served as observatories for solar alignment
and other phenomena (Dearborn and Schreiber 1986; Dearborn et al. 1987; Reinhard
2002).
Kanamarca
Kanamarca is located 147.5 km southeast of the city of Cuzco in the district of
Alto Pichigua, Espinar Province, at an elevation of 3900 meters. The site was
that the Inca peacefully incorporated the Kanamarca region through strategic alliance,
74
in contrast to the militaristic force necessary to suppress strong resistance by the
Inca occupation with residential and storage buildings and a variety of domestic and
instruments and stone-working tools, along with mixed ceramic assemblages of both
occupation of the site. Elaborate stone tombs were recovered, one of which contained
a single mummy bundle with associated spondylus necklace and polychrome Inca
vessels. This older adult female exhibited a perimortem trepanation, with the excised
section of bone reinserted into the surgically-created cavity and an organic poultice
placed over the wound site, indicating medical treatment at the time of death (see
Chapter 7).
functioned for both residential and ceremonial purposes. Mixture of the local and
imperial Inca ceramics in the same contexts indicates that the local style persisted
adjacent fields included quinoa and potatoes, supplementing a diet of cuy and camelid
meat and bone marrow (Benavides 2004:143). The spondylus shell grave goods
associated with several burials provides evidence of an active trade route from the
75
Methods of Data Collection
conditions that reflect environmental stress and disease were chosen for analysis.
Evidence for traumatic injury and trepanation was documented to reveal the role of
warfare in the emergence of the Inca Empire. In addition, cranial modification and
region.
and Ubelaker (1994) and the Global History of Health Project Codebook
cultural practices of cranial vault modification and trepanation are also detailed.
of Alberta, are presented for the study of migration in the Cuzco region.
Age Assessment
In this study, subadult age determination followed Moorrees and colleagues
(1963) for dental crown and root development and Ubelaker (1999) for dental
newborns from infants of later post-partum developmental phases (> 1 year). Long
bones provided age estimates based on epiphyseal fusion rates to the metaphyseal
portions of the shafts, while measurements of long bones with unfused epiphyses
76
were also used to determine age based on standardized rates of growth (Ubelaker
1999).
All subadults in this study were thus classified in one-year increments, from 0-1 year
old infants to 17-18 year old adolescents. When only a few elements of a subadult
individual were available, the category of “Subadult Other” was used based on
overall size of elements or width of the cranial vault (e.g., Subadult Other [2-4
years]).
Adult aging methods followed Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), with some
criteria weighted more heavily than others. The aging technique deemed most
accurate, and therefore preferred when the pubic bones were preserved, was the
Suchey-Brooks method (Brooks and Suchey 1990; Pasquier et al. 1999; Telmon et al.
2005; Tocheri et al. 2002:4). In the absence of the pubic symphyses, the pelvic
auricular surface was used (Lovejoy et al. 1985). These two pelvic aging techniques
produced mean ages that were grouped into four categories: young adult (18-25
years), young middle adult (26-35 years), old middle adult (36-45 years), and old
When only the cranium was available for study, cranial vault sutures provided
sutures were used to assess suture closure (from zero closure to complete
obliteration). The cumulative scores for each cranium was given a S-value from the
Standards tables corresponding to a mean age (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994:38), and
77
classified into three broad age categories: young adult (S0-S1, 18-25 years), middle
adult (S2-S4, 26-45 years), and old adult (S5-6, 46+ years). Though these categories
are broader than the age categories from pelvic techniques, they are somewhat
commensurate: the young and old adult categories are similar for both aging systems,
while the Middle Adult category (from suture closure) subsumes the Young Middle
An age category of Adult-Other was necessary when the cranium and pelvis
were missing from a burial. When present, vertebral and clavicular rates of fusion
provided lower age limits, such as the fusion of the vertebral epiphyseal rings to the
centra (> 26 years) and the fusion of the sternal end of the clavicle (> 26-30 years).
Dental wear proved unreliable as an age criterion, as attrition rates were inconsistent
Sex Determination
Sex determination incorporated multiple criteria from the pelvis, cranium, and
mandible (outlined in Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994). The most heavily weighted
characteristics were those comprising the Phenice Method of the pubic bone: ventral
arc, subpubic concavity, and ischiopubic ramus ridge (Phenice 1969). Other sexually
dimorphic characteristics of the pelvis examined included the greater sciatic notch,
preauricular sulcus, and auricular surface elevation. For the skull, the areas of the
nuchal crest, mastoid process, supra-orbital ridge, mental eminence, and mental shape
at gonial angle were examined for sexual dimorphism. Overall body size and
78
All adults and subadults of post-pubescent age were designated as male,
of age were not assessed for sex, as sexually dimorphic characteristics are not
osteoperisostitis, and stunted growth (from femur length) were documented as part of
the overall “health index” of an individual (Steckel et al. 2002). This comprehensive
evaluation of health, when analyzed for the aggregated sample, provides a broad
Osteological Paradox
The use of skeletal lesions to assess health is complicated by the “Osteological
Paradox” (Wood et al. 1992). Wood and colleagues’ (1992) seminal work confronts a
lesions reflects poorer health than one without lesions. The inherent contradiction is
that an individual with more lesions may actually have been healthier than an
individual without lesions. While the individual with lesions survived the stress
events that resulted in pathological markers, the individual with no lesions possibly
died quickly, before stress markers could develop. However, it is equally possible that
79
an individual with no lesions simply never experienced the stress event. As the
paradox illustrates, two vastly different scenarios—one involving rapid death from a
stress event, the other reflecting complete absence of a stress event—result in a single
may reflect increased fertility rates, rather than increased mortality due to elevated
stress and disease. Though seemingly counter-intuitive, age distributions more often
reflect fertility patterns than mortality levels. A second factor, selective mortality,
addresses the issue that skeletal collections, by their very structure, contain only those
individuals who died at a specific age. As such, skeletal samples are innately
unrepresentative of the living population from which they are derived. This biased
80
rates from varying types of stress events all combine to complicate the direct link
poorhouse population of 1826-1863 (Higgins et al. 2002). The study, which combined
osteological analysis with historical records and census data, found that newly
admitted individuals to the Monroe County Almshouse died so quickly that their
skeletons often did not develop observable lesions. Though the Rochester skeletal
collection overall did not exhibit many skeletal pathological indicators, the longevity
and death rates from historical records show a population ravaged by disease amid
that the paradox is not a general phenomenon, but rather reflects events of large and
sudden environmental upheavals (Steckel and Rose 2002b). These exceptional events
81
such as stunted growth, dental disruptions, infections, and anemia-related skeletal
individuals from 65 sites (Steckel and Rose 2002a). In most cases analyzed by the
Western Hemisphere Project, comparison of the health index with life expectancy
showed an overall link between skeletal lesions, low health indices, and short life
against the “Osteological Paradox.” Use of the health index can also help to account
for diseases that are not recognizable from osteological analysis alone. For example,
although several acute conditions such as smallpox, measles, or yellow fever will not
leave their mark on skeletal elements, these diseases can contribute to stunted growth
or other measurable skeletal conditions included in the health index (Steckel et al.
2002:65).
consider the specific conditions and data collection methods. The conditions studied
here are dental enamel hypoplasias, cranial porosities, osteoperiostitis, and stunted
populations (Goodman and Rose 1991; Hillson 2000). In this study, linear enamel
82
hypoplasias were examined visually and recorded by presence and quantity per tooth
crown. The standard for documenting hypoplasias followed the Walker method
is present only if the indentation can be felt with your fingernail.” Only defects
observed on the incisors and canines were scored, as these are the teeth most often
Codebook, only linear defects were documented, excluding pit type lesions.
enlarged diploë and thinned cortical bone with small scattered foramina. Cribra
orbitalia presents in the orbital area, while porotic hyperostosis is found on the
posterior parietals and occipital. Data collection standards for cribra orbitalia and
location, degree, and amount of healing. Degree scores range from 1 (indistinct
1994:121). The lesion margins are used to evaluate healing: sharp edges with woven
bone indicate an active condition, while rounded, sclerotic edges indicate significant
healing.
osteoperiostitis in this study was based on appearance and degree of new bone
deposition, location and pattern of affected elements, and amount of healing. Healing
rates were classified in a tripartite scheme: 1 denoted active infection with a woven
83
bone appearance, 2 reflected a healed condition with sclerotic bone deposition, and 3
encompassed both active and healed states of osteoperiostitis. The differing patterns
of element involvement and lesion distribution were used to distinguish traumatic vs.
form of bone infection. In this study, these conditions facilitated the investigation into
bacterial infections.
height (Lambert 1993). The femur was chosen as a means to assess stunted growth in
this study, as it represents the most reliable bone for estimates of stature (Krogman
and Iscan 1986). Femur length was assessed through use of an osteometric board, and
the maximum length of the femur was recorded for all adult individuals exhibiting
fused epiphyses.
There are varying standards for identifying stunted growth using femur
lengths. Some researchers designate stunting for any individual whose maximum
femur length is greater than one standard deviation below the mean (Hinkes 1983). A
more conservative estimate, which better accords with evidence from clinical data
(Khan et al. 1996), assesses stunted growth using a maximum length two standard
deviations or more below the mean (Bradley 1998). The latter formula is used in the
84
Joint Disease
Joint disease is one of the most frequently encountered skeletal pathological
synovial joints (Bridges 1992:68). In this study, six appendicular joint locations were
recorded for presence of joint disease: shoulder, elbow, wrist/hand, hip, knee, and
ankle/foot. Since degenerative changes rarely occur before the epiphyseal plates have
fused (Jurmain 1990:84), only adult individuals aged greater than 18 years were
assessed for joint disease. Because degenerative joint disease generally increases with
The vertebral column also exhibits degeneration over time, leading to the
skeletal manifestations of vertebral osteophytosis and osteoarthritis. For this study, all
vertebral elements—cervical, thoracic, and lumbar, along with the superior sacrum—
1987).
85
A two-tiered designation was created to describe vertebral joint degeneration.
termed “slight.” The second stage of the process, termed “pronounced,” incorporated
Trauma
In this study, traumatic injuries were recorded by location, size and shape,
evidence of healing and infection, and patterning of trauma in the skeleton. Long
bone fractures were assessed for location (proximal, middle, or distal joint), severity
trauma. Fractures were documented in one of three stages of healing: none, partial
(on-going at the time of death), and complete (scored in the database as 2, 3, and 1,
respectively). An injury with no signs of healing will exhibit sharp margins without
surfaces, and an absence of flaking (White 1992); these characteristics indicate that
trauma occurred around the time of death. Partial healing is demonstrated by the
presence of woven bone in a callus formation (Roberts and Manchester 1995). During
this process, bone is continually laid down to repair the fracture site, and the
orientation of the new bone fibers is more haphazard than that of remodeled bone
(Ortner and Putschar 1985:62). With complete healing, the injured area may exhibit
86
an altered morphology, yet the bone surface will be smooth, indicating that the injury
patterns based on age and sex, and compared among sites using the chi-square and
Fisher’s exact statistics; comparisons made between earlier and later burial
within one Inca building. Each grouping, denoted as a funerary context (“CF”,
contexto funerario), was catalogued and collected separately for transport to the
assessment of age categories. The MNI for each CF was then summed to produce a
from one discrete area within the Inca building. The skeletal elements were first
separated into adult and subadult categories. Within the subadult elements, it was
determined that three individuals were present: one infant (0-1 year), one subadult (2-
4 years), and one adolescent (16-17 years) with unfused epiphyses at the long bones.
87
Turning to the adult commingled assemblage in CF 22, the bones were sorted by
element and side, with the greatest number being nine adult right humeri. The right
humeri thus became the basis for establishing the adult MNI at nine individuals.
Adding this number to the three subadults, we arrived at a total of 12 individuals for
the assemblage from CF 22. This practice was repeated for all CFs, numbered 1
through 58, to achieve a total MNI for the site of 344 individuals. An additional 16
single primary burials excavated the following year in 2004 increased the site MNI at
quantifications had to be made. First, the quantity of each bone was tabulated and
grouped by age. For certain regions of the body, this calculation is a straightforward
undertaking: for example, each individual has one right and one left femur. This
becomes more difficult in those areas of the body where multiple bones make up a
skeletal region, such as the ribs, hands and feet, and vertebrae. To calculate a “rib
MNI,” the total number of ribs per side of the body was summed and divided by 12,
thus producing the minimum number of individuals possibly represented by the rib
assemblage. The small bones of the hand and foot were similarly added up
collectively, rather than counting each element, which would prove useless in
and lumbar—was summed and divided by the normal number of elements per person
(seven, twelve, and five, respectively) for the “vertebral MNI,” which served as a
88
baseline to deduce frequencies of vertebral elements affected by spinal joint disease
(Tung 2003:223-225).
affected elements for each condition and dividing by the total number of observable
fractures of the distal radius, the number of left radii exhibiting the fracture was
summed and divided by the total number of left radii in the sample. The process was
repeated with all elements, both sides, for indications of trauma and osteoperiostitis.
slight modification. Joint disease analysis, by its very nature, focuses on the
by matching pathological conditions that mirror one another. Yet this endeavor can be
changes that affect only one element of the joint, in which case no “mirroring” would
To circumvent these problems in the present study, only one bone was chosen
to represent each joint. The proximal and distal surfaces of the humerus were selected
to represent the shoulder and elbow, respectively. For the wrist region, the distal
radius was chosen. For the hip and knee, the proximal and distal femoral articular
89
regions were used, respectively, and the distal tibia served to represent the ankle
region. These elements were chosen as they were most likely to resist post-
depositional damage. It is believed that this method preserves the maximum amount
of data available for joint disease, and allows for comparison to other populations,
Cultural Modification
Cultural modification practices in this sample included trepanation, the
surgical removal of part of the skull, and cranial vault modification. Data collection
vs. ectocranial), associated trauma and infection, impact to sutures, inferred impact to
the two main forms of Andean modification identified as annular and tabular,
pressure on the frontal and occipital bones, through the use of boards and pads, leads
90
expansion and results in an elongated, conical morphology. These two forms are
pressure. When pressure is applied to the superior lambda region, the posterior part of
the cranium has an erect vertical slant; pressure applied inferiorly to the occipital
lends a sloping, oblique angle to the occipital. Thus, four types of cranial vault
modification are possible: tabular erect, tabular oblique, annular erect, and annular
oblique.
Anterior modification focused on the slope of the frontal bone, which ranged from the
the most extreme expression. Posterior modification was similarly assessed for degree
of divergence from the normal, rounded morphology of the occipital. These scores
were then collapsed into two categories, slight and pronounced, in order to quantify
the severity of modification: the slight category encompassed scores of 1-2, while
pronounced while the other was slight (i.e., a score of 2 for the anterior portion and 3
for the posterior portion, or vice versa), the cranium was considered pronounced in
obscured by soft tissue and hair (i.e., virtually invisible in a living person) was not
documented.
91
Strontium Isotope Analysis
Strontium isotope analyses of dental and skeletal tissues have emerged as an
Strontium isotope ratios in soils vary markedly, and these values are reflected in the
plants of each region and in the animals consuming those plants. At the end of the
food chain, humans will carry the signature isotopic ratios of their local region. As
such, strontium is particularly useful in residence studies because the 87Sr/86Sr isotope
ratio is directly related to the local geology, depending on the age and composition of
For the strontium analysis, 59 human tooth samples and 10 cuy tooth samples
Edmonton from September 2005 to September 2006 (Appendix Table A.9). The
majority of the human tooth samples were premolars, which contain enamel that
forms between 2 and 6 years of age. If the premolars were missing, another tooth type
was substituted. Laboratory methods for the strontium isotope analysis followed
standardized protocol, with steps taken to ensure that contamination did not affect the
results. These methods are detailed by Buzon and colleagues (in press). Accuracy and
100 ppb solution of the NIST SRM 987 Sr isotope standard during the course of this
study; this yielded an average value of .710242 ± .000041 (2s standard deviation; n =
.710245 (Faure and Mensing 2005:78). To verify that contamination had not occurred
92
from post-depositional strontium sources, we examined the correlation between
87
Sr/86Sr values and strontium concentration (Figure A.3; Budd et al. 2000; Horn and
Müller-Sohnius 1999).
93
Chapter 5. Demography
Paleodemographic Analysis
important aspect of osteological research (Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970; Angel 1969;
Moore et al. 1975). Using the basic variables of age and sex, demographic studies
probability of death, among other statistics; these statistics can help distinguish a
relatively healthy population from one undergoing stress and premature death (Alesan
et al. 1999; Buikstra and Mielke 1985; Drusini et al. 2001). Furthermore, skewed sex
ratios may reveal cultural patterns such as exogamy, warfare-related deaths, and
paleodemographic analysis has numerous limitations, and its accuracy relies upon
assumptions that are often problematic (Bocquet-Appel and Masset 1982; Corruccini
et al. 1989; Jackes 1992; Lampl and Johnston 1996; Wood et al. 1992).
Nevertheless, the sex and age-at-death data are useful for viewing differences among
the Cuzco sites. Consequently, demographic patterns are documented here for the
aggregated sample and for individual sites. The Late Horizon sites are specifically
examined for demographic anomalies that may reveal imperial Inca influence. To
94
further view how imperial influence may have altered demography, the site of
(Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970; Owsley and Bass 1979; Ubelaker 1999; Vallois 1960).
Age and sex determinations must be accurate for correct demographic assessments
(Buikstra and Konigsberg 1985; Meindl et al. 1983; Walker et al. 1988). In addition, a
must be identified and accounted for (Paine and Harpending 1998). As a final
requirement, researchers must confirm that the population was either stationary or
stable, without major influxes or departures (Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970; Weiss
growth rate changes or migration (Johansson and Horowitz 1986; Sattenspiel and
population, resulting in a cemetery that does not represent the original living group. If
any of these conditions are not met, a demographic analysis cannot be conducted.
In the present study, the sample size condition could not be met, negating the
do not represent a single population, varying in space and time. Sample sizes from
3
Though see Paine (2000) and Bonneuil (2005) for alternative approaches without an assumption of
stability.
95
each site are too small to avoid biases of sampling and recovery (Ubelaker 1999). In
not be confirmed. At least one population in the sample was non-stationary: isotope
analysis proves that migration occurred at the site of Chokepukio during the Late
complete assessment of vital characteristics cannot be carried out using the current
samples.
demographic trends warrant consideration. These trends offer some indication of Inca
Sex Distribution
All 855 individuals were analyzed for demographic data. In the aggregated
sample, the sex distribution corresponds to the expected 1:1 ratio, with a male to
female ratio of 1:1.03 (Table 5.1). However, some sites feature a skewed sex ratio.
Five sites have a sex ratio greater than 1:1.3: Kusicancha, Sacsahuaman, Kanamarca,
Chokepukio and Wata. While the first three sites show an overrepresentation of
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Table 5.1. Sex distribution of the Cuzco sites
Age Distribution
Aggregated Sample
The age distribution of the entire sample displays three salient characteristics
(Table 5.2). First, juveniles make up 29% of the entire sample. Second, over one-
quarter (27%) of juveniles fall into the infant category (0-1 year), while the other 73%
are between the ages of one and 18 years. Essentially, infants comprise the largest
portion of the juvenile sample. Third, middle adults make up the majority of the adult
population, with young adults and old adult appearing in approximately equal
frequencies.
97
Table 5.2. Age distribution of the Cuzco sites
Late Horizon
Among the Late Horizon burials, a contrasting pattern emerges with respect to
dearth of children. At the site of Kanamarca, juveniles make up the majority of the
sample (63%); only slightly less skewed, 40% of the Chokepukio Late Horizon
burials were juveniles (36/89). On the opposite side of the spectrum, the percent of
juveniles at Sacsahuaman is 2%, with only one 4-5 year old among 42 adults.
Likewise, the Kusicancha sample includes only three subadults: a 0-1 year old, a 6-7
year old, and a 15-16 year old—the other 18 burials from Kusicancha are adults.
A similar pattern is evident when infants are considered alone. While the
Kanamarca sample includes eight individuals aged 0-1 year, the Sacsahuaman
98
collection features no infant burials. Infants are also absent from the Late Horizon
Discussion
from other pre-modern populations (Guy et al. 1997:222): almost one-third (29%) of
the combined sample is juveniles, with 25% of these juveniles aged 0-1 year (Figure
5.1). This type of distribution is known as a J-shape pattern, with a high infant
throughout adulthood (Weiss 1973). The J-shape pattern predicts that mortality rates
will drop after the first year of life, and is typical for pre-Columbian New World
30
25
% of Individuals per Age Category
20
15
10
0
Subadults Young Adult Young Middle Old Middle Adult Old Adult
Adult
99
Some of the Cuzco sites deviate from the J-shaped pattern. At Kanamarca,
does not necessarily correlate with higher infant mortality—an increase in infants
may actually reflect a higher fertility rate (Wood et al. 1992:344). With more infants
born, a greater number will die in their first year, though the rate of infant mortality
remains constant.
In the opposite pattern, three Late Horizon sites feature no infants. With the
first two sites, Colmay and Machu Picchu, the samples cannot be considered
representative due to sampling biases. At Colmay, Max Uhle collected adult skulls
along with a small number of juveniles. As a result, the dearth of infants reflects
Picchu, the lack of infants relates to environmental conditions: the burials from
Machu Picchu caves suffered from exposure, root action, acidic soil, and other factors
that degraded the bones. Infant bones, if any were present, were likely destroyed by
taphonomic forces (Guy et al. 1997). Because of these human and environmental
processes, the dearth of infants in the skeletal samples cannot be assumed to reflect a
the 43 burials from Sacsahuaman, only one is a juvenile aged 4-5 years. This age
100
systematically excavated a random sample established through a grid system and all
sampling methods and good condition of the bones, the burials may be considered
case study will be examined at the end of this chapter regarding the influence of the
about Wata, given the small size (12) and unrepresentative nature of the sample.
Archaeologists have excavated many burials at Wata over the years, with only a
fraction available for analysis (MacCurdy 1923:225; Elva Torres Pino, personal
communication, 2004). Due to partial recovery, the skewed sex ratios may not be
culturally significant.
The cultural implications for the sex ratios at Chokepukio and Kanamarca are
similarly unclear. Chokepukio hosted a number of migrants during the Late Horizon
(see Chapter 8), which may have played a role in the overrepresentation of males,
101
site. With continued archaeological investigation, additional data will help resolve the
3
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significance within the Inca realm. Both of these sites served as sacred spaces for
religious ceremonies within the Inca capital of Cuzco: Kusicancha housed attendants
and priestesses working at the Temple of the Sun, the most important temple of the
Inca (Tomayconsa 2002), while Sacsahuaman also functioned as a Temple of the Sun
implication for the skewed demographics. The excess of females may have resulted
102
prescriptions, detailing an individual’s living space and obligations, may explain the
groups through labor rotations and resettlement. This movement of people throughout
the normal distribution. The site of Sacsahuaman may reflect the demographic
influence of Inca imperial policies, with a skewed sex distribution of 70% females. In
addition, there is only one juvenile represented among 43 individuals in the sample.
The demographic profile appears related to cultural factors: rather than reflecting a
large community of all ages and both sexes, the Sacsahuaman cemetery is comprised
Burial attributes were analyzed for the 43 individuals in this sample, which
revealed an elite cemetery with high status individuals interred in prepared tombs.
The burials displayed a diversity of grave goods, including miniature painted ceramic
vessels, silver and copper tupu pins, and metal beads. Given their elaborate mortuary
103
Multiple interpretations for the identity of these females are possible. The
surplus of females may indicate a burial place for the many wives and sisters of the
Inca. The Inca emperor had a principal wife, known as the Qoya (often his full sister),
along with a harem of secondary wives (Rowe 1946:257). While the Inca emperor’s
and principal wife’s mummies were venerated after death and publicly paraded
around during festivals (D’Altroy 2002:97), much less is known about the burial
treatment and location of the emperor’s secondary wives. Each emperor may have
had a place where his other wives were buried, with the Suchuna sector of
Sacsahuaman serving as either the burial place of Topa Inca’s wives or those of a
subsequent ruler. As Cieza de León noted in his chronicle regarding elite burials
(1984:196 [1533]), “in the vicinity of Cuzco they bury their dead seated…dressed and
adorned with much finery.” This description closely matches the burial position and
However, none of the burials had artifacts of gold, a material that Julien
argues would be ubiquitous in the graves of the empire’s highest status individuals
(2004:33, 44). The mummies of the Inca rulers and primary wives were adorned with
gold and silver upon burial, but were stripped of their luxury items when Cuzco was
showed no evidence of looting, the absence of gold would suggest that these females
were not wives of an emperor. Instead, these burials could be the wives of other Inca
elites: polygyny among the Inca nobility was common, and a surplus of wives
reflected a man’s wealth and prestige (Rowe 1946:252). These wives would be
104
expected to have elaborate burials, but possibly without the greatest of luxury items
cemetery may represent a group of mamacona, women employed at the royal estates
of the Inca to assist in training the aclla (“Chosen Women”) (Rowe 1982:107;
priestesses in the state cult of the Sun (Cobo 1990:172 [1653]) and instructed young
usually were kept cloistered to serve the Inca ruler and queen (Betanzos 1996:74
Though the presence of men in the Sacsahuaman cemetery shows that this
area was not exclusively used for female members, it was designated more often for
females at the elite levels of the state than for males. The demographic distribution of
the cemetery deviates from the normal distribution expected of a community burial
ground, which may reflect the segregated arrangement of the mamacona living
Conclusions
Demographic information can be used to assess life expectancies and
assumptions include accurate age and sex determinations, large sample sizes,
105
demographic stationarity/stability, and identification of sample biases. The
requirements of large sample sizes and demographic stationarity could not be met in
the current study, and so demographic analyses of vital statistics were not applied.
patterns that are of biocultural significance. Certain sites revealed a skewed sex
distribution, and at least two exhibited a dearth of subadults. At some sites, these
destructive environmental influences. One the other hand, in at least one site, the
Sacsahuaman, deviations from the norm may reflect, in part, Inca imperial influence
106
Chapter 6. Health, Occupational Stress, and Trauma
In this chapter, dental and skeletal conditions are examined for information on
populations. The chapter explores the causes and consequences of three broad disease
categories: non-specific stress indicators, joint disease, and trauma. Within each of
the three categories, several pathological conditions are available for study. For each
with correlations by sex, age, location, and temporal period. 4 In the discussion
section, the results are contextualized to illuminate biological changes occurring with
orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis), osteoperisostitis, and stunted growth (from femur
length)—were documented to measure health status (Steckel et al. 2002). These four
conditions are often referred to as “non-specific” stress indicators, since they usually
result from some unknown combination of malnutrition and disease (Roberts and
Manchester 1995). Despite the unspecified nature of their underlying causes, these
4
As noted in the Materials and Methods chapter, the frequency for each pathological condition is
determined by the number of affected individuals divided by the number of observable individuals.
Some burials were incomplete and could not be observed for all conditions; therefore, the number of
observable cases varies with each condition.
107
stress indicators provide important information on health, nutritional deficiencies, and
1978). These thinner bands, interspersed with thicker regions of enamel deposited
during normal periods of development, are visible as grooves in the labial dental
surface. The linear grooves indicate childhood growth disruptions, since tooth crown
development occurs between infancy and 7 years of age for permanent incisors,
canines and first molars (Goodman and Martin 2002:22). Growth disruptions may
result from malnutrition or from diseases that deplete the body of resources necessary
Results
Among the Cuzco burials, there are 16 cases of linear enamel hypoplasias out
of 349 individuals (4.6%). Hypoplasias do not correlate with age: subadults and
adults have similarly low frequencies (5.7% and 4.4%, respectively). In the
aggregated sample, males show a higher frequency than females, 7.5% vs. 2.9%, but
frequencies. The frequency is 50%-50% between core and periphery sites, and cases
are evenly distributed throughout the time periods. The earliest time period shows a
108
5.3% prevalence that decreases slightly to 3.0% in the Late Horizon, though this
through the mean values of femur length—is not overrepresented among individuals
correlation between hypoplasias and cranial trauma, long bone trauma, postcranial
joint disease, and trepanation. Moreover, hypoplasias exhibit no evident patterns with
tabulated by tooth. Following the “Global History of Health” codebook, only incisors
and canines were examined, as these are the teeth most likely to be affected (Steckel
et al. 2006:16). Of these teeth, the upper and lower canines show the highest
frequency of hypoplasias in the Cuzco sample (Table 6.1). For most cases (13/16,
81%), the teeth exhibited only one linear defect, while three individuals had two
109
Table 6.1. Hypoplastic lesions by tooth type
Cranial Porosities
hyperostosis. Cribra orbitalia manifests as small circular lesions on the orbital roofs,
while porotic hyperostosis causes similar lesions on the posterior parietals and
occipital (Angel 1966; Larsen 1997:30; Ortner and Putschar 1985; Palkovich 1987;
Porotic hyperostosis has been linked to anemia, a deficiency in red blood cells
extramedullary sites outside the bone marrow. One of these extramedullary sites is
the posterior parietal/occipital area of the cranium. When RBC production occurs in
diploë and thinned cortical bone with small lesions. These small lesions are referred
110
(Blom et al. 2005; Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Hill and Armelagos 1990; Mensforth
One commonly-cited cause for porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia is iron
al. 1976; Holland and O’Brien 1997:184; Larsen 1997:35). Maize intensification has
been linked to iron deficiency because it contains phytates that block iron absorption
(Hurrell 2002; Klepinger 1992; Sandford 1992:85). In addition, the food resource
itself contains little iron, in contrast to iron-rich foods such as animal protein,
legumes, and spinach. As a result, maize-intensive diets with low iron intake have
Though iron deficiency has often been cited as a cause for porotic
hyperostosis (El-Najjar et al. 1975, 1976; Grauer 1993:204; Lallo et al. 1977;
Moseley 1961; Salvadei et al. 2001; Von Endt and Ortner 1982), molecular research
indicates that iron deficiency does not lead to increased red blood cell production and
subsequent marrow expansion (Brugnara 2003; Han et al. 2001). Rather than
resulting from iron deficiency, porotic hyperostosis may be caused, in some cases, by
hemolytic anemias. With hemolytic anemia, red blood cells are destroyed faster than
conditions, the body reverts to RBC production in the posterior cranial regions,
causing marrow expansion (Ross and Logan 1969) that is visually apparent as porotic
(such as Vitamin B12 and folate) (Antony 1995; Martini and Ober 2001:633), from
111
chronic diarrhea due to bacterial infection that leads to insufficient absorption of
required nutrients in the intestines (Walker 1986), and from infestation of the fish
Cribra orbitalia, on the other hand, may have different underlying causes than
osteoporosis (Wapler et al. 2004), and may also reflect Vitamin C deficiency: along
with bleeding gums and fatigue, a main sign of scurvy is bleeding behind the eyeballs
(retrobulbar hemorrhage) that can cause orbital porosity (Ortner et al. 1999). Vitamin
C deficiency provides a fitting explanation for those cribra orbitalia cases that lack
cranial marrow expansion (Ortner et al. 1999). Altogether, cribra orbitalia and porotic
Results
Cribra orbitalia was seen in 18 of 495 individuals (3.6%), expressed in both
the slight and pronounced forms. Porotic hyperostosis in the posterior cranial region
was documented in 14 of 529 observable cases (2.6%). Both conditions were found in
the cribra orbitalia cases six were slight and 12 were pronounced, while the porotic
hyperostosis cases were evenly split with seven slight and seven pronounced
instances.
112
In comparing cribra orbitalia with age and sex, there is a slight
overrepresentation of juveniles and young adults with the condition, compared with
fewer than expected cases in the middle adult category—yet this correlation is not
hyperostosis less frequently than adults. There is no correlation with sex for either
condition.
The two conditions were collapsed into one variable for statistical comparison
by time period and location. By time period, the frequency is highest in the pre-Inca
groups at 7.1%, drops to 4.9% in the Early Inca group, and increases slightly to 5.8%
in the Late Horizon. Statistically speaking these frequency shifts are not significant,
period. When separated by location, the combined sample reveals a higher frequency
in the periphery than in the core (6.9% vs. 4.1%). The contrast in location becomes
more apparent when the Late Horizon cases are isolated, with 2.4% frequency in the
core and 7.7% in the periphery (though not statistically significant: Fisher’s exact,
p=0.139).
porosities does not correlate with osteoperiostitis, long bone fractures, postcranial
porosities.
113
In comparing the stage of healing within cases of cranial porosities, 43.3% of
the combined cases were unhealed and 56.7% were healed. There is a statistically
significant correlation (Fisher’s exact, p= 0.009) between healing and age, with more
unhealed cases in juveniles and more healed cases in adults. There is no difference in
healing when compared to sex, temporal period, or location for the entire sample.
Among Late Horizon cases only, there are more unhealed cases in the core and more
healed cases in the periphery, yet the samples sizes are small, and the difference is not
Osteoperiostitis
trauma such as soft tissue wounds and compound fractures, in which the bone breaks
through the skin and exposes the injured area to infection (Lewis and Roberts 1997).
(Martin et al. 1991:128; Robb et al. 2001:219). In extreme cases, infection can
progress to pus production, expansion of cortical bone, and cloaca formation for pus
and dense population aggregation (Steckel et al. 2002). As such, the condition is
114
analyzed here to assess the influence of aggregated living conditions, urbanism, and
Results
Osteoperiostitis was observed in 50 of 449 individuals (11.1%). It correlates
significantly with age and sex: it is more likely to occur in adults than juveniles
(10.0% vs. 1.1%, χ2=18.57; df=1; p≤0.0001) and in females than males (13% vs.
significant exception with location. Core groups are far more likely to exhibit
osteoperiostitis than those in the periphery during the Late Horizon (19.8% vs. 6.1%,
χ2=9.25; df=1; p=0.002). Apart from location, no significant patterns were detected
with temporal period or with the pathological conditions of cranial porosities and
stunted growth.
trauma was examined for each individual affected by osteoperiostitis. Indeed, in ten
of the 50 cases of osteoperiostitis, the individual also presented evidence of long bone
fracture. However, in the other 40 cases there was no evidence of trauma, indicating
quantified per bone. When viewed by bone, the samples from the commingled site of
Qotakalli could be included; these data had to be excluded in the “by individual”
115
considering each element separately, the Qotakalli data could be used, which enlarges
the sample size and allows for a greater understanding of osteoperiostitis patterning
bones of the fibula and femur. Of the upper limb bones, the ulna is the mostly likely
affected. On all of these bones, stage of healing was documented as active, healed, or
mixed; the “mixed” designation refers to active periostitis along with some areas of
healing, indicating a chronic, on-going infection at the time of death. Active or mixed
periostitis was most commonly seen on the tibia, while all the other elements showed
prevented a person from achieving their maximum height (Lambert 1993). Though
and disease— with malnutrition, the individual receives too few nutritional resources
to fuel growth processes, whereas with disease, the body must divert those resources
to the costly demands of fighting the illness. Malnutrition and disease may act in
synergy; for example, infections that limit the body’s ability to process nutrients will
lead to malnutrition that further inhibits growth (Steckel et al. 2002:144). Demands
placed on the body through physical work may also draw nutritional resources away
116
Growth disturbances are particularly damaging during two main periods—
infancy and adolescence—in which the majority of long bone development occurs
(Eveleth and Tanner 1990). The resultant “stunted” growth, with long bones that are
For this study, the femur was chosen to assess stunted growth, as it represents the
most reliable bone for estimates of stature (Krogman and Iscan 1986).
Results
Femur length was analyzed to identify individuals with stunted growth. Femur
samples were first separated by sex, revealing expectedly different means between
males and females, 414.6 mm vs. 396.7 mm, respectively (Table 6.2; Appendix
Table 6.2. Femur length descriptive statistics- entire sample (in mm)
N Min. Max. Mean Std. Dev.
Male Femur Length 51 365.00 460.00 414.6176 23.71447
Female Femur Length 57 360.00 445.00 396.6579 19.52177
femur length falls two or more standard deviations below the mean (Bradley 1998).
Applying this standard to the means and standard deviations from Table 6.2, any male
with a femur length 47.4 mm below the mean—translating to a femur length of 367.2
mm—is considered “stunted.” For females, two standard deviations is 39.0 mm, so
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In the entire sample, only one male was identified as stunted using this
formula: a 26-35 year-old from the Late Horizon core site of Qhataqasapatallacta (QH
812). This individual exhibited dental caries, large abscesses, and antemortem tooth
loss, but no skeletal stress indicators. The only skeletal condition was one button
Along with this one stunted individual, there were three other individuals
within five millimeters of the “stunted” cutoff. Burial QH 764, a 26-35 year-old
female from the same site as QH 812, exhibited caries, abscesses, and antemortem
tooth loss, along with evidence of incipient joint disease on the left knee. AQN 23 is a
male with one carious lesion and one possible Schmorl's node (spinal joint disease)
Finally, from the Late Horizon core site of Sacsahuaman, the female SS 31 was found
with dental caries, antemortem tooth loss, and active osteoperiostitis on the mandible
related to the dental conditions. None of these cases displayed other conditions that
periods. However, in the Late Horizon group there were slight differences by
location: the core groups exhibited a lower mean femur length than the periphery
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groups, for both sexes (t=-1.995; df=41; p= 0.053 for females, t=-1.786; df=22;
males and two females were identified as “stunted,” one from an LIP site and three
from Late Horizon core sites. Femur length does not correlate with temporal period,
indicating the distribution of femur lengths did not change substantially over time. In
the Late Horizon, there is a tendency for females to have greater femur lengths in the
periphery relative to the core. The same is true for males, but to a lesser degree of
confidence.
porosities, osteoperiostitis, and stunted growth. These conditions have been the focus
(Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Larsen 1997:51). With agricultural intensification, diets
often became more restrictive and less nutritional, with a reliance on cereal grains that
contributed to ill health. Compromised health may have also resulted from sedentism,
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as populations were brought into closer contact with viral, bacterial, and parasitic
adulthood. Childhood stresses will result in a smaller body build because the body
does not receive adequate nutrition to support normal growth. Though a smaller build
may not appear detrimental, substantially smaller individuals are more likely to suffer
from both infectious and chronic diseases later on in life (Fogel and Costa 1997).
Fogel and Costa (1997:60) illustrate how stunted adults—even those who are
healthy—will wear out more quickly and have a greater chance of dying prematurely,
Fogel and Costa’s findings are supported by the work of Barker (1992, 1998),
who has demonstrated that many adult conditions—including heart disease and
lasting central nervous system damage, as do iodine and iron deficiencies during fetal
and infant development (Chávez et al. 1995; Lozoff et al. 1991; Martorell et al. 1990).
These deficiencies have a prolonged effect, many years after the individual recovers.
stress events must be recognized not for only their role in childhood mortality, but
also as a lasting influence on adult morbidity and mortality. Stress markers are
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environmental factors causing childhood death and the permanent, detrimental impact
in the Cuzco samples. First, the combined data suggest a relatively “unstressed”
population. The frequencies of three stress indicators are in the low single digits:
4.6% for linear enamel hypoplasias, 5.2% for cranial porosities, and 3.7% for stunted
deficiency and disease, their relatively low frequencies suggest that these conditions
groups, observed in 11.1% of the population. Notably, core populations in the Late
Horizon exhibit significantly higher frequencies than in the periphery. The Cuzco
evidence suggests that habitation in the populous urban capital had some negative
superficial bone infections. While individuals living in the Inca core might be
expected to have better health than those in the periphery, in at least one aspect, it
this study with females exhibiting significantly higher frequencies. This pattern was
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identified earlier at the site of Sacsahuaman (Andrushko et al. 2006) and persists
throughout the entire Cuzco sample. In the Sacsahuaman study, it was hypothesized
that the enclosed living conditions of females working for the state contributed to the
greater exposure to unsanitized kitchen and bathroom areas, and child care could have
females.
true for cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis. The higher frequency in the
Furthermore, the demographic data indicate that individuals with cranial porosities
often survived the stressful childhood events that led to these conditions. If only
juveniles were observed with cranial porosities, one might conclude that children
were summarily dying from the stressful events. Yet in this sample both juveniles and
adults are affected with cranial porosities, and the healed cases in adults indicate that
peripheral populations with cranial porosities, along with the healed cases exhibited
by adults, suggest that nutritional deficiencies did not substantially affect these
groups.
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Joint Disease
commonly results from the “wear and tear” of aging, exacerbated by physical
degeneration (Jurmain 1977). In addition, joint disease may ensue following bone
fractures that disturb joint congruency, leading to osteoarthritis that persists long after
routinely attribute joint disease to activity, yet these interpretations often fail to
account for other causes, including age, heredity, body weight, autoimmune disease,
and trauma (Jurmain 1991b, 1999; Weiss and Jurmain 2007; Steckel et al. 2002,
Weiss 2005). Of these causes, age is a primary influencing factor: an older population
will usually exhibit a higher frequency of joint disease, which may be incorrectly
attributed to increased physical activity. As such, the age factor must be controlled
When these factors are carefully considered and controlled for, joint disease
can reveal activity patterns in prehistoric groups (Jurmain 1991b:249; Walker and
Hollimon 1989). Within these groups, males and females may differ in joint disease
123
frequencies when the two sexes engage in dissimilar activities (Hollimon 1992).
Activity patterns will also vary by subsistence practice, yet no consensus exists on the
relationship between joint disease and foraging vs. farming strategies. In some
studies, hunter-gatherers exhibit higher joint disease frequencies, while others report
does not predictably influence joint disease, each region must be studied separately to
Results
In this study, joint disease was documented in six joint regions—shoulder,
elbow, wrist/hand, hip, knee, and ankle/foot. The condition was identified using three
from the destruction of the joint surface), and eburnation, polish on the joint surface
1992:68).
60 individuals (22.8%) were documented with joint disease. The affected individuals
predominate in the joint disease group, while young and middle adults are
differences, though males and females are similar in joint disease frequency (24.8%
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and 21.3%, respectively), males are more than twice as likely to exhibit pronounced
joint disease; in contrast, females are more likely to have a slight version of the
100
90
80
% in Age Category with DJD
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Y oung A dult Middle A dult Old Adult
Joint disease increases over time, from 18.2% in the pre-Inca populations to
24.4% in the Late Horizon. Along with an increased frequency, significant location
differences are evident: periphery groups exhibit a higher frequency (33.3%) than
those in the core (17.6%) during the Late Horizon (χ2=5.29; df=1; p=0.022). This
can be made until the influence of age is controlled for. Therefore, the average age-at-
death of the two Late Horizon populations was calculated: 36.21 years for the core
and 36.31 years for the periphery. These calculations show that the core and
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periphery average age-at-death is almost identical. A similar match is also apparent
when viewing arthritic individuals only. The average age-of-death for the arthritic
individuals shows no difference: 39.39 years in the core, 39.35 years in the periphery.
These data indicate that the periphery populations do not exhibit a higher frequency
with spinal joint disease (χ2=20.95; df=1; p≤0.0001) and with long bone traumatic
of joint disease, a chi-square calculation was made: though there are more cases of
severe joint disease in individuals with long bone fractures, the correlation is not
temporomandibular joint syndrome. While it may seem surprising that joint disease
does not co-occur with temporomandibular joint syndrome, given that they are both
in the joint disease category, the non-correlation suggests there are different causes
for each condition. Of the many causes of appendicular joint disease, occupational
activity can have a large influence, while for joint disease of the mandible,
Along with an analysis of joint disease by individual, the condition was also
126
important data because physical activities have a differential effect on various joints.
Based on information from a number of studies, the elbow joint most frequently
exhibits degenerative changes due to activity, followed by the knee, while the hip and
Cuzco study, when joint disease is viewed by element the individuals from Qotakalli
could be included, which enlarges the sample size. The Qotakalli site was excluded
from the “by individual” analysis since the commingled remains could not be
The most common anatomical sites for postcranial degenerative joint disease
are the knee, followed by the ankle/foot and wrist/hand, and the elbow. In terms of
severity, the sites most likely to have pronounced joint disease are the knee, the
wrist/hand, and the elbow. The only difference between presence/absence and
severity is that, despite a slightly greater frequency overall of ankle/foot joint disease,
these cases are more likely to be slight, whereas the elbow cases are more likely to be
pronounced.
between the right and left side, and in this study, side differences are most apparent
for the elbow and wrist/hand, and least apparent in the hip and ankle/foot.
intervertebral discs, provides support and structure to the skeleton. Within the
127
vertebral column, primary articulations occur between the vertebral bodies and at the
superior and inferior articular joints. Joint degeneration due to mechanical stress
narrows the joint space and weakens muscle attachments, leading to the skeletal
the anterior longitudinal ligament caused by disc herniation (Resnick and Niwayama
they may occur in tandem. Osteoarthritis involves the breakdown of cartilage that
joint disease.
Similar to appendicular joint disease, spinal joint disease has multiple causes,
including activity, age, and heredity. As a degenerative condition, spinal joint disease
increases in older adults, though trauma or disease may accelerate joint deterioration.
Spinal joint disease has been associated with physical stress from carrying and
biological factors more than activity patterns (Knuesel et al. 1997). For this study,
spinal joint disease is analyzed in conjunction with appendicular joint disease, using
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Results
Of 235 individuals (juveniles excluded) observed for spinal joint disease
(SJD), 100 (42.6%) displayed some form of the condition on either the vertebral
centra or articular facets. Spinal joint disease increased in frequency and severity
from the cervical to lumbar vertebrae (Table 6.4). The cervical spine shows fewer
cases, while the lumbar spine exhibits a higher frequency with more severe cases.
Several trends noted for appendicular joint disease are also apparent for spinal
joint disease. Spinal joint disease correlates with age, with many more old adults
exhibiting the condition (Figure 6.2). The condition varies by sex—48.5% of males
p=0.296). When the Late Horizon cases are isolated, the same trend for appendicular
joint disease becomes apparent: the periphery groups display a higher frequency than
in the core (60.3% vs. 39.2%, χ2=5.97; df=1; p=0.015). This increased periphery
frequency is not related to age; in fact, the average age-at-death for periphery
individuals is less than in the core, 35.86 years vs. 36.90 years. Similarly, when only
individuals with spinal joint disease are considered, the mean age-at-death is less in
the periphery than in the core, 37.57 years compared to 40.16 years.
129
100
90
80
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Y oung Adult Middle A dult Old A dult
spinal joint disease in the Cuzco sample. However, a number of factors suggest that
frequencies in the Late Horizon. First, the age factor has been identified and
controlled for in Late Horizon core and periphery populations. Individuals residing at
peripheral sites show higher spinal joint disease frequencies with a younger age-at-
death than those living in the core. Similarly, the periphery populations are more
likely to have appendicular joint disease, though the average age-at-death is not
greater than in core populations. Second, sex differences are apparent in both
datasets: for appendicular joint disease, males are more likely to display a severe form
of the condition, while for spinal joint disease, males have a higher overall frequency.
Third, specific joints, including the elbow and knee, show a higher frequency of
130
degenerative changes; these joints are most likely to reflect activity patterns, as
opposed to the hip and shoulder (Jurmain 1991b:249). Finally, asymmetry is also
apparent among the right and left sides of each element, primarily in the elbow,
possibility arises that Late Horizon core populations were involved in less physical
joint disease in the periphery may relate to more rigorous physical labor and
occupations imposed by the state. The sex differences possibly reflect a division in
Trauma
cutmarks indicative of scalping (Merbs 1989; Ortner and Putschar 1985). These
conditions are used to identify cultural patterns ranging from activity-related fractures
forensic data. For example, medical information provides knowledge on healing rates
for fractures, while forensic data offers the means to differentiate types of cranial
131
interdisciplinary approach, osteologists can undercover information crucial for
healing, are used to differentiate accident-related injuries from those resulting from
violence (Walker 1997, 2001b). For example, violence in the form of battered-child
syndrome is indicated by child injuries to the cranium, forearms, and legs in varying
injuries (e.g., broken nasal bones) and healed depressed cranial fractures (Walker
1989, 1997), which have been observed throughout the course of human evolution
injuries, blunt force trauma from clubs and stones, and cutting wounds from metal
weapons (Novak 2000; Walker and Steckel 2002). Further evidence of violence may
be found in “parry” fractures of the ulna, which result from an individual raising their
arm to ward off a blow and receiving blunt force trauma to the ulna; however this
determination must be made critically, as many ulna fractures may not be “parry”
data on sex and age, which provide a social context for observed patterns. For
instance, a child with multiple healed and unhealed injuries may be the victim of
child abuse, though in archaeological contexts these cases rarely occur (Walker
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2001b:591). The overrepresentation of adolescent or young-adult males with violent
sex differences, a higher frequency of males with violent injuries points to chronic
intergroup conflict, while the presence of females among the injured may indicate a
situation of surprise raids or group massacres (Bovee and Owsley 1994; Boylston et
Trauma patterns in this study were assessed by separating injuries into cranial
and postcranial categories, the latter of which includes long bone fractures and rib
fractures. The following sections present a description of each category with results,
Cranial Trauma
face, commonly accompanied by trauma to the adjacent soft tissues (Aufderheide and
severity, size, and presence of radiating fracture lines (Gurdjian et al. 1950). The
shape of cranial fractures varies from blunt round and blunt ovoid to edged and
crushed. Severity refers to the impact to the diploë, ectocranial, and/or endocranial
surfaces, while size encompasses the total surface area of the trauma. Presence of
radiating fractures, and their location in relation to suture lines, helps to determine the
type of force and possibly the category of weapon used (Crist et al. 1997). Additional
attributes, including crushing and peeling, cutmarks, and embedded projectile objects,
133
Results
Ninety-six individuals were observed with cranial injuries, out of 627
individuals examined (15.3%). Among these 96 individuals, several had more than
one injury; for a total of 135 injuries. These injuries were examined for specific
characteristics including type, healing, location, shape, size, and other attributes.
Injuries were separated into two main types, cranial vault and facial region
fractures, and subsequently differentiated within each category. The cranial vault
injuries can be divided into three types: depressed cranial fractures, complete cranial
ectocranial vault, often due to blunt force trauma. Frequently, these wounds are
shallow and do not involve the endocranial surface. They are rarely lethal, and may
appear in multiple instances per individual. In the present study, there were 93
depressed cranial fractures. Four individuals had four depressed fractures each, the
cranial fractures by severity. These injuries are more severe than depressed cranial
fractures and involve the endocranial surface. They are more frequently accompanied
by radiating fracture lines, which result from excessive force applied to the cranial
vault—because of this excessive force, complete cranial fractures may be fatal. These
weapon used. Further characteristics include bone fragments adhering to the fracture
site and an altered morphology to the cranial region. Complete cranial fractures were
134
The third type of vault injury, cutmarks, was found in five individuals. In all
cases, the cutmarks occurred at or around the time of death (perimortem) and show no
while another exhibited a healed depressed cranial fracture. The final two individuals
cases of nasal fractures and nine instances of non-nasal facial fractures. Five
individuals with nasal fractures also exhibited non-nasal fractures to the face.
When all fracture types are combined, the injuries cluster on the anterior
region, with a tendency toward the left side. The anterior section—encompassing the
frontal bone, anterior parietals, and facial region—was targeted in 70.1% of the cases,
compared to 29.9% on the posterior cranium (posterior parietals and occipital). The
left side of the cranium was most often affected (48.5%), followed by the right side
(38.1%). Only a small portion of the injuries were recorded on the middle third of the
cranium (13.4%).
Fracture shape varies among four main types (of those injuries whose shape
could be discerned): the majority were circular (63), followed by oval (33), irregular
(9), and linear (8). When depressed cranial fractures are considered alone, the circular
shape occurs almost twice as frequently as the oval shape, 60 circular vs. 32 oval,
Fracture size (in area) also displays variation, evident in the descriptive
statistics of range, kurtosis, and skew. The range is 16.41 cm2 based on a minimum
135
area of .05 cm2 and maximum of 16.46 cm2. Kurtosis—the measure of a peak’s
height and the weight of its tails (Ruppert 1987)—is 6.924, a high value indicating a
asymmetry from the mean. In this case, the asymmetry refers to a longer than normal
40
30
Number of Cases
20
10
0
0 2 5 8 10 12 15
Area in sq. cm
smaller side of the distribution. This concentration yields an average area of 2.3572
cm2, with a standard deviation of 2.82806. The 5% trimmed mean is 1.9789 cm2,
while the median is 1.3200 cm2. When grouped into small (0-5 cm2), medium (5-10
136
cm2), and large (10+ cm2) categories, 85% of the fractures fall into the small
mentioned above, the five cutmark cases were all perimortem, with no healing—these
injuries occurred at or around the time of death. In addition to the cutmarks, nine
color, crushing, radiating fracture lines, and lack of flaking or other signs of recent
damage. Apart from these 14 cases, all other cranial injuries showed significant
healing, indicating that trauma was not lethal for the majority of cases (89.6%,
121/135).
Next, the patterns of age, sex, and geographic/temporal data are examined.
Cranial trauma is highly correlated with sex, seen in 29.1% of males but only 16.8%
of females (χ2=8.14; df=1; p=0.004). The male/female ratio for cranial trauma is
1.55:1, a significant deviation from the 1:1.03 male/female ratio in the entire sample.
The sex bias is also apparent when facial fractures are considered alone. The male
frequency of non-nasal facial fractures (2.5%) is significantly greater than the female
frequency (0.3%) (Fisher’s exact, p=0. 014); males also exhibit nasal fractures at a
greater than expected frequency (6.6% vs. 3.2% for females), though the correlation
4.1% of the cranial trauma group, a highly significant difference compared to adults
137
overrepresented in the young adult and old adult categories, and underrepresented in
with trepanation, the surgical removal of part of the cranium (χ2=29.13; df=1;
p≤0.0001, see Chapter 7). Individuals with cranial trauma are also more likely to have
postcranial trauma (χ2=7.36; df=1; p=0.007). Conversely, cranial trauma does not
emerge. Cranial trauma increases from 8.3% in pre-Inca times to 18.0% in Early Inca
times (χ2=5.58; df=1; p=0.018). This frequency drops slightly to 17.2% in the Late
Horizon, but remains elevated compared to pre-Inca populations. Among the Late
Horizon cases, there is a significant difference in location, with more cranial trauma
occurring in the periphery than in the core (22.8% vs. 6.8%; χ2=10.28; df=1;
138
25
15
10
0
Pre-Inca Early Inca Late Horizon LH Core LH Periphery
Postcranial Trauma
resulting from other bone-weakening conditions are termed pathologic (Buikstra and
Long bone fractures may be conflict-related (as described above with the
ulnar “parry” fracture) or accident-related, such as the Colles’ fracture of the distal
radius, which occurs when an individual attempts to break a fall by extending their
139
physical labor, and may result in permanently restricted mobility and dexterity
(Larsen 1997:110). Further problems can result if the injury becomes infected or if
fractures were documented, and only three fracture cases showed on-going healing at
the time of death. The rest of the cases showed long-term healing with callus
categories, young and middle adults have fewer than expected number of fractures,
while old adults have a higher frequency, possibly from an accumulation of fractures
over a lifetime (Figure 6.5). While males were slightly more likely to have long bone
fractures (13.6% vs. 9.4%), this difference is not statistically significant (χ2=1.09;
df=1; p=0.298).
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20
18
14
12
10
0
Young Adult Middle Adult Old Adult
Evidence for violent injury in the long bones was low, with ulna fractures
between 1% and 2.1%, and few of these could qualify as “parry” fractures. Rather,
the ulna fractures were located distally, and associated with Colles’ fractures of the
radius. Colles’ fractures were the most commonly observed, with a radius fracture
frequency of approximately 4%, followed by the fibula and clavicle (Appendix Table
A.6).
long bone fractures in the entire sample, and no significant difference exists between
the core and periphery when the Late Horizon cases are isolated. This lack of
correlation differs from the cranial trauma results, which show an increase in cranial
trauma over time and a greater number of cases in the periphery than in the core.
141
Rib Fracture Results
Rib fractures were seen in 31 of 354 individuals (8.8%). There is no bias in
terms of side of the body, with right and left ribs equally affected. Most of the rib
fractures are well-healed, with less than 2% in a state of on-going healing. There is a
statistically significant difference in rib fractures vs. sex, with males more likely to
have rib fractures than females (17.7% vs. 6.7%, χ2=6.24; df=1; p=0.012). Adults are
overwhelmingly more likely to exhibit rib fractures (Fisher’s exact, p=0.001), yet
there are three sub-adult instances of rib fracture (Table 6.5, Figure 6.6). While no
significant correlation exists with temporal period or location, during the Late
Horizon there is a higher frequency of rib fractures in the periphery compared to the
142
Figure 6.6. Juvenile rib fractures in Kanamarca infant
Discussion of Trauma
In bioarchaeological analysis, trauma data yield valuable information on
violence. Trauma frequencies that shift over time may reveal changes in physical
and documentation, allowing for the accumulation of a large database through which
In this study, three conclusions can be drawn based on the cranial trauma data.
First, adult males were most frequently affected. Based on archaeological studies
the sex-bias suggests a violent etiology (as opposed to an accidental cause). Second,
the significant increase in cranial trauma from the pre-Inca to Early Inca periods may
143
indicate that violence rose during the time of Inca state development. The
implications of this increase are explored below. Third, cranial trauma occurred in the
periphery more often than in the core, suggesting heightened violence outside of the
urban center during the Late Horizon. Possibly, violent conflict predominated away
from the capital in peripheral regions during imperial attempts to subjugate and/or
quell rebellion. 5
The second conclusion, that cranial trauma increased during the Early Inca
period, addresses the role of warfare in the Empire’s development and expansion.
Scholarly interest in Inca warfare stems primarily from readings of Spanish colonial
documents, which describe constant conflict among Cuzco groups that empowered
the Inca through success on the battlefield (Rowe 1946:274). This accumulation of
power, highlighted by Inca victory over their Chanca enemies, transformed the Inca
polity into a state (Rowe 1946:204). Once established as a state, the Inca used their
military might to conquer and expand their domain; these conquests are recorded in
war shrines, and insignia (Arkush and Stanish 2005; Cieza de León 1985 [1533];
warfare—in the form of lethal skeletal injuries—has been observed in some sites
5
A similar pattern was hypothesized for the Wari Empire, however, the results did not bear out: Wari
heartland and hinterland populations exhibited approximately equal levels of trauma, indicating core
and periphery inhabitants faced similarly violent circumstances (Tung 2003).
144
(e.g., Altamirano et al. 2006), revealing the consequences of violent Inca conquest in
provincial regions.
Does the Cuzco evidence support these claims of intense, sustained warfare in
the core region? Cranial trauma frequencies do increase over time, peaking in the
Early Inca period. In addition, injuries were most often recorded on the anterior, left
1923:258; Standen and Arriaza 2000:246; Torres-Rouff and Costa 2006:64; Tung
group most often associated with warfare (Seeman 1988). Finally, several injuries
within the cranial trauma sample appear weapon-related, distinguished by their larger
Early Inca or Inca contexts. Altogether, the data conclusively link these cranial
fractures to violence. Given that the injuries cluster in the Early Inca period, there is a
likelihood that warfare intensified during the time of Inca state development.
On the other hand, cranial injuries affected only a portion of the population,
and those with possible weapon-related injuries constitute an even smaller sub-set.
Cranial trauma was documented in 15.3% of the entire group, with possible weapon-
related or cutmark injuries seen in 24.0% of those with cranial trauma. Subsequently,
only 3.7% of the entire Cuzco sample exhibits possible weapon-related injuries. The
145
relatively small, more characteristic of interpersonal or ritual violence than actual
resulting in significant and/or lethal injuries, but suggests that it was not widespread.
That the physical evidence does not indicate widespread warfare is a striking
that equated conquest with violent subjugation, Spanish chroniclers may have
overstated the prevalence of Inca warfare. Contrary to these accounts, Morris believes
the Inca avoided costly, protracted warfare during most of their reign, citing a dearth
of weapons from sites such as Huanuco Pampa. He concludes that intensified military
coercion may have emerged in the last phase of Inca domination, as evidenced by
inquiry shift from a focus on widespread warfare toward the Andean custom of
ritualized battles.
junction of territorial boundaries (Parsons et al. 1997:7; San Martin 2002). Upon
meeting, adult males engage in physical fighting, exchanging blows while onlookers
146
cheer, sing, and enjoy the general festivities (Orlove 1994). Though occasionally
lethal, in most cases the participants’ injuries do not result in death (Bandelier 1910;
Bolin 1998).
exact revenge, gain prestige, entertain, defend territory, or exert indigenous identity
(Arkush and Stanish 2005:13). This social negotiation may also serve as catharsis,
where the ritual release of aggression prevents an escalation to serious conflict and
loss of life.
(Arkush and Stanish 2005:7). Yet the division of “ritual” vs. “real” violence creates a
actuality, ritual permeated many aspects of violent interactions, from the small-scale
to the largest battles. Rather than categorize violence as “ritual” vs. “real” (i.e.,
organized warfare), Arkush and Stanish (2005:11) suggest that evidence of violence
Following Arkush and Stanish’s suggestions, the Cuzco cranial injuries are
nonlethal injuries and severe or lethal wounds typical of large-scale warfare: massive
cranial fractures with radiating fracture lines, blunt force trauma from clubs and
stones, and cutmarks from metal weapons (Novak 2000; Walker and Steckel 2002).
147
The Cuzco sample shows a small number of possible weapon-related injuries, along
with a majority of small, nonlethal injuries. These injuries could have resulted from
injuries suggests more than one type of violent encounter, rather than solely tinku-
type events or organized warfare. While the type of violence responsible for the
Cuzco injuries remains ambiguous, one fact is clear: dispute resolution was often
mediated not through peaceful exchanges, but rather through violent encounters.
trauma frequencies increased amidst conditions of social change and resource stress
(Torres-Rouff and Costa 2006). An analogous situation is seen with late Nasca period
(pre-Middle Horizon) populations, where elevated trauma rates and trophy taking
Among Wari burials, Tung (2003) identified two types of violence: evidence for
structured combat emerged from cranial trauma patterns at the ceremonial site of La
Real, in contrast to evidence for violent raids at the provincial site of Beringa. In an
additional study, Standen and Arriaza (2000) similarly attributed Chinchorro trauma
When assessed collectively, these studies suggest that nonlethal cranial trauma
was the standard result, rather than the exception, of violent encounters in the ancient
148
Andes, a pattern similar to that noted in prehistoric California groups (Lambert 1994;
Walker 1989). These nonlethal, violent encounters often increased with changes in
Though these cranial injuries were rarely fatal, they were by no means
insignificant, in many cases requiring medical intervention. Cranial trauma can cause
brain swelling that leads to headache, vomiting, seizure, and possible death. To
removing a portion of the skull. The Inca practiced this type of surgery—known as
violence among Andean groups, the long bone fractures appear to be accidental.
These fractures show no significant patterning with sex, age, temporal period, or
fractures do display two trends that accord with the cranial trauma data: males were
more likely to exhibit rib fractures, and there is a greater prevalence in the periphery
compared to the core. Despite these similarities, any conclusions remain tentative.
The increase in rib fractures in the periphery may relate to harder physical labor, or to
149
the violence documented with cranial trauma. Neither of these scenarios can be
confirmed: rib fractures do not show statistically significant correlations with either
joint disease or cranial trauma. As such, connections between rib fractures and
presence of rib fractures in three children, one 5-6 year-old and two infants. The two
infants displayed only short-term healing, suggesting they died of their wounds. With
the older child, the rib fracture had healed, revealing the injury occurred at an earlier
age. In modern times, juvenile rib fractures often indicate intentional abuse, as these
fractures are unlikely to occur from accidental falls (Walker 2001b). While no
cultural interpretation can be drawn here, it is apparent from at least one case that the
Conclusion
joint disease, and trauma, the following trends are apparent. The population overall
enamel hypoplasias, and stunted growth; the low frequency of these conditions
indicates that nutritional deficiency was rare. Negative health impacts from
(Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Larsen 1997:51), are not apparent here. Nor is there
150
On the other hand, individuals were afflicted by bacterial infection in the form
of osteoperiostitis. This condition was particularly apparent in the Late Horizon core
region, likely reflecting changes brought about by urbanization and aggregated living.
With joint disease, the Late Horizon periphery populations displayed more
appendicular and spinal joint disease, at a younger age than the core populations.
These conditions were also seen more frequently—and with greater severity—in
males. The increase in joint disease coincided with the development of Inca tribute
policies that demanded payment in labor. Given the timing of this increase, along
with the age and sex patterns, the prevalence may reflect arduous physical activity
In the category of trauma, cranial fractures increased over time and were most
often seen in adult males. The injury attributes reveal a tendency for left side,
anteriorly positioned fractures, and these injuries were more commonly found in
periphery populations than in the core. Furthermore, 23 individuals were seen with
radiating lines, and perimortem blade wounds. Collectively, these patterns are
Though these data suggest that some individuals were affected by warfare-
related trauma, the majority of cranial injuries were small and nonlethal. These
injuries possibly ensued from ritual battles like the “tinkus” witnessed
151
ethnographically in Peru and Bolivia. Tinkus provide a frequently-applied analogy for
cranial trauma in the Andes, yet this analogy must be applied critically to avoid the
false dichotomy of “ritual” vs. “real” violence. Ritual permeated most violent
battles. The Cuzco trauma patterns suggest that both types of events—and likely
nutritional deficiency was low, individuals in the core region suffered from bacterial
cranial trauma patterns reflect an increase in violence during Early Inca and Late
Horizon times. This violence likely spanned encounters from small-scale skirmishes
mediation.
152
Chapter 7. Trepanation in the Cuzco Region
Introduction
Prehistoric trepanation, the surgical removal of part of the cranium, was first
identified in Cuzco in 1865 by E. George Squier (Finger and Fernando 2001; Weiss
1958:559). Since its initial discovery, trepanation has been documented in prehistoric
and historic contexts across the globe, from Neolithic Europe and the Melanesian
Islands to the Near East and parts of Africa (Campillo 1984; England 1962; Lastres
and Cabieses 1960; Lisowski 1967; Tello 1913; Weber and Wahl 2006; Zias and
mental disorders and a release of evil spirits (Ortner and Putschar 1985:95; White
2000:389).
the south coast and continued through the rise of the Inca Empire (AD 1400-1532)
(Rowe 1946:313). Along with its long time depth, trepanation had a broad
regions such as Paracas on the southern Peruvian coast, Haurochiri in the central
153
The present study of trepanation returns to the location of initial discovery
questions may be addressed regarding preferred methods, survival rates, and possible
causes for the ancient surgical procedure in the Inca capital of Cuzco.
the technique of trepanation with a high rate of patient survival and an impressive
cranium and preferred a method, circular scraping, that reduced the likelihood of
damage to the cerebral meninges and sinuses. Survival rates show a significant
increase over time, an improvement that may reflect the formal training of trepanation
treatment for cranial injury, although other therapeutic and ritual motives may have
existed.
of 341 skeletons from the Urubamba Valley. The trepanned crania constituted 17% of
the total sample, with one skull exhibiting healed perforations from five separate
trepanations and linked these conditions to Inca warfare, asserting that a prevalence
of left sided injuries reflected face-to-face combat with right-handed foes (1923:259).
cranial fractures, and concluded that in the “period of strife” during the Late Horizon,
154
the Inca perfected trepanation to treat individuals with severe cranial injuries
(ibid:259).
examples were found at Machu Picchu, located just 13 km from one of MacCurdy’s
sites (Eaton 1916). MacCurdy (1923:288) attributed this disparity to sex differences
between the sites, with more females at Machu Picchu and a greater number of males
from an erroneous study of the Machu Picchu burials by Eaton (1916); once
reanalyzed, the Machu Picchu sample was found to have a more normal distribution
also revealed little evidence of trauma and confirmed the absence of trepanation
among Machu Picchu individuals. He concluded that the lack of evidence for these
studied 55 crania from the site of Kinsarumiyoc in the Calca region, 20 kilometers
north of Cuzco. Quevedo found 11 skulls with trepanation, 83% of which showed
155
Results
analysis, six of which contained the remains of trepanned individuals. The six sites
yielded a combined sample of 709 individuals, yet only 411 individuals met the two
criteria of the trepanation study: sufficient cranial vault material to view any possible
years (infants and juveniles younger than 5 years showed no evidence for the
Of the 411 individuals that met these two criteria, 66 (16.1%) exhibited at
least one complete trepanation with perforation (Table 7.1). An additional three
perforations per cranium varied from one to seven, for a total of 109 perforations
156
Table 7.2. Number of trepanations per cranium
irregularly circular, and one rectangular. The circular trepanation diameters ranged
from 0.203 to 6.0 cm, with an average of 2.212 cm. The oval trepanation dimensions
157
lateral). The lone rectangular trepanation dimensions were 3.984 cm (anterior-
(Verano 2003b), the results show the largest area for Late Horizon crania, as opposed
to earlier groups (Table 7.3). In addition, the Late Horizon group exhibits the highest
Certain cranial regions were preferentially chosen as surgery sites. The medial
and left sides of the cranium show the highest number of trepanations, with 67 and 30
perforations, respectively. In contrast, the right side of the cranium was chosen for
only 12 of the 109 trepanations (11%). The primary bone selected was the parietal
(79), followed by the frontal (24) and the occipital (6). No trepanations were
While certain areas were selected for trepanation, other regions were avoided.
In the majority of cases (89%), the cranial musculature was circumvented, with only
158
(60%) did not impact the sutures, while 40% crossed at least one suture line. These
patterns suggest knowledge of the cranial anatomy and intentional avoidance to limit
Trepanation Methods
Of the four types of trepanation methods identified among Andean skeletal
collections (linear cutting, scraping, circular grooving, and boring [Verano 2003b]),
circular grooving and scraping were most evident in this sample (108 of 109
circular grooving involves the removal of a round plug of bone through circular or
trepanation margin. In those cases clearly resulting from the scraping method, the
surrounding the perforation, while in other cases a small perforation was observed
amidst a much larger area of scraped bone. This variation is seen in the wide range of
grooving (also called crosscut sawing or linear cutting [Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994;
Verano 2003b]). This method was observed in an old adult (46+ year-old) female
from Kanamarca, discovered with a covering of organic material over the trepanned
area. When the material was removed, the trepanation could be viewed as a
159
rectangular hole (Figure 7.2). Within this rectangular hole, the excised piece of bone
was reinserted and fastened to the skull with a poultice (Figure 7.3). Around the hole,
deep grooves remained as evidence of the sawing method for the incisions, which left
cutmarks along the margins of the perforation and on the excised piece of bone. The
cutmarks do not show signs of healing such as remodeling or reactive bone. Based on
the lack of evidence for reactive bone, the trepanation procedure occurred around the
time of death, and the individual did not survive the surgery.
160
Figure 7.3. Excised bone from trepanation with cutmarks
response, such as the rectangular trepanation described above, (2) short-term healing
with slight remodeling and reactive bone growth, and (3) long-term healing with
instances for an overall survival rate of 83%. In contrast, short-term healing was seen
in one case, with no healing in 19 cases (Figure 7.4). Aside from the 109 complete
scraped ectocranial region but no perforation. These three cases showed significant
healing, indicating that the surgery had not been halted due to the patient’s death.
161
Figure 7.4. Circular trepanation- unhealed
Infection immediately adjacent to the trepanned area was seen in only three
individuals (4.5%). In two cases the inflammation was only partially healed at the
time of death, while in the third case the infected region showed long-term healing.
individuals) showed evidence of cranial trauma; in five of these cases, the injury
involved perimortem fracture and/or radiating fracture lines around the trepanation
site (Figure 7.2, 7.5). Two other individuals displayed healed fractures abutting the
margin of the healed trepanation. These seven individuals provide direct evidence for
trepanation performed to treat skull fracture, while the other cases of healed cranial
injuries suggest an indirect link to trauma. Cranial trauma may have occurred at an
162
even higher frequency among trepanned individuals, since the surgery can obliterate
inner ear inflammation (otitis media). Though this condition can cause earaches,
headaches, swelling and fever, these symptoms apparently did not prompt surgical
intervention. Trepanation also does not correlate with long bone fractures, rib
fractures, long bone osteoperiostitis, appendicular joint disease, spinal joint disease,
Demography
The age and sex of the trepanned individuals indicates which segments of
society received the surgery. The sex distribution is 35 males, 19 females, and 12 of
163
indeterminate sex, an overrepresentation of males (male/female ratio of 1.84:1) that is
statistically significant (χ2=4.20; df=1; p=0.041). In the age distribution, only one
(Table 7.4).
trepanned individuals. First, the age distribution of the entire trepanned sample forms
a bell-shaped curve displaying a skewed left tail, which reflects the statistically
viewing only individuals with perimortem trepanations, the age distribution shifts
slightly to the left side, representing a greater percentage of adolescents and young
adults. The difference between these two distributions may reflect the age at which
most individuals were trepanned: while healed trepanations could have been received
occurred around the time of death. These results suggest that trepanations were more
often performed on adolescents and young adults than old adults and were not
164
practiced on very young children, results that would be expected if trepanation were
used to treat traumatic injuries (see discussion below). The Cuzco age and sex
7% juvenile subjects and a 2:1 ratio of males to females (Finger and Fernando
2001:380).
70
% of Individuals in Age Category
60
50 Perimortem
Individuals
40 Only
30 All Trepanned
Individuals
20
10
0
s
lts
ts
le
ul
du
ni
Ad
ve
A
ng
Ju
ld
O
ou
Y
trepanation were compared to the other five sites in the Cuzco regional study. In the
entire Cuzco sample, there are four sites from the core region of the Inca Empire and
seven from the periphery; for the trepanation sub-set, there is one core site and four
periphery sites, a distribution that is not significantly different from the entire sample.
165
However, when only the Late Horizon individuals are considered, a highly significant
distinction emerges: only one case derives from a core site, while the other 28
individuals are from the periphery (Fisher’s exact, p≤0.0001). This geographic
distribution indicates that trepanation was not restricted to the core, but rather
from either the Early Intermediate Period or the Middle Horizon (200 BC- AD 1000).
Following the Middle Horizon, three Late Intermediate Period (LIP) burials are seen
with trepanations from Chokepukio (CH 44) and Cotocotuyoc (CC 61 and 62). Next,
the sole individual from Aqnapampa is loosely dated through associations to the
LIP/Early Inca period. Following in the temporal sequence are 33 individuals from
Qotakalli, dated through radiocarbon methods to the late LIP/Early Inca period (AD
1290 to 1420). The remaining 29 individuals date to the Inca occupation of the Cuzco
region in the Late Horizon, from the sites of Colmay, Kanamarca, Chokepukio, and
an additional burial from Qotakalli. This temporal distribution accords with other
findings from the Cuzco region, where very little evidence of trepanation has been
found prior to the Late Intermediate Period, apart from one Middle Horizon cranium
the Cuzco region is striking when compared to other regions such as the south coast
166
A second temporal pattern is apparent in the rate of survival, which appears
low in the earliest trepanation cases from Cuzco but rapidly increases through time
(Table 7.5). The survival rate for the LIP burials is 33%, with two-thirds of the
perforations showing no healing. The survival rate improves to almost 90% in the
Discussion
Cuzco region with a high survival rate and few ensuing infections. The high survival
rate corroborates observations from Verano’s study (2003b:231), which found a long-
the central highlands and 36.2% in the south coast. The survival rate may have been
improved by limiting bacterial infection, possibly from the use of antiseptics such as
balsam, saponins, cinnamic acid, and tannin. These substances, also used for
embalming the dead, may have been applied by practitioners for their therapeutic
167
Two types of medical healers practiced in the Inca Empire: the
churihampicamayuc serviced the elite classes, while the sirkak or sangrador (the
were placed in cranial regions that avoided musculature and other vulnerable areas of
the skull, implying a familiarity with cranial anatomy (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo
2000:943). Practitioners recognized vulnerable areas covering the lateral sinuses and
Moreover, surgeons avoided cutting the meningeal vessels and underlying dura,
which would have caused damage to the brain tissue and possibly fatal hemorrhaging
(Quevedo 1942:55). In the event of hemorrhage, circular tourniquets may have been
used for controlling blood loss (Oakley et al. 1959:96; Rytel 1962:44).
region of northern Peru, Nystrom (2007) documented circular grooving and boring
and cutting trepanations, suggesting that the circular grooving technique contributed
to a higher survival rate. Verano’s (2003b) study found a wide range of techniques
throughout the Andes, with scraping representing the earliest adopted method, linear
cutting most common in the central highlands, and circular grooving developing in
the southern highlands during the Late Horizon. Of the four types of trepanation
168
methods identified among Andean skeletal collections, all but one of the Cuzco
trepanations in this sample resulted from the circular grooving and scraping methods.
The scraping method possibly presented a slower, more subtle method that allowed
forces to dissipate over a larger area of the skull, contributing to a higher rate of
healing and survival. The tools utilized for trepanation, including obsidian knives and
metal tumi blades, provided sharp surfaces for precise grooving and scraping, likely
initial discovery in 1865. Proposed causes included cranial fracture, epilepsy, and
childhood seizure disorders, among others (Clower and Finger 2001). The cranial
trauma hypothesis was advanced by physician J.C. Nott, who believed that puncture
wounds, causing fluid build-up and inflammation, required surgical intervention. Nott
dismissed the argument that trepanned skulls often lacked accompanying injury,
noting that the surgery could remove evidence of trauma (Finger and Fernando
who asserted that trepanation often obliterated indications of fracture, based on his
Paul Broca, noted French physician, anatomist, and anthropologist. Broca believed
169
episodes, provided the impetus for prehistoric trepanation (Clower and Finger
in life, possibly during infancy. However, Broca failed to find evidence for infant
trepanations to support his theory, casting doubt on the seizure disorder hypothesis.
traumatic origin through the removal of bone fragments and fluid build-up (Finger
and Clower 2001:912). Because trepanation proved efficient for treating trauma-
epilepsy.
Epileptic seizures were known among the Inca, who termed the condition
Garcilaso de la Vega and Guaman Poma, the latter of which contains a depiction of
Emperor Capac Yupanqui’s wife suffering from a seizure (Burneo 2003). Despite the
known presence of epilepsy among the Inca, it is unclear whether they used
Spanish chronicles.
hypothesis is supported here. The Cuzco data show a strong correlation with cranial
trepanation and skull fracture can only be drawn in seven of these cases where the
170
trepanation was placed directly adjacent to a skull fracture. However, the evidence
from the other cases of cranial injury provides an indirect link to trauma, since those
individuals with cranial fractures appear far more likely to have trepanations than
those without trauma. Altogether, the Cuzco evidence does accord with other Andean
studies attributing cranial trauma as a major cause for surgery (Chege et al. 1996;
These cranial injuries mostly likely resulted from violent conflict, based on
that the patterning of Cuzco trepanations, with a tendency towards left sided, anterior
perforations, mirrors the patterning of cranial trauma (see Chapter 6). The left sided,
1988; Verano 2003b:233), and is often attributed to face-to-face combat with a right-
1958; Torres-Rouff and Costa 2006:64; Tung 2003:216). The demographic data
sample and cranial trauma sample—when the two samples are combined, adult males
constitute nearly 70% of trepanned individuals with cranial trauma. Cranial trauma in
show that this segment of society is most often involved in warfare and interpersonal
aggression (Walker 2001a:580). Because adult males are more likely to suffer from
cranial fractures, they are also more likely to require surgery to treat subsequent
171
symptoms. Based on these combined data, cranial trauma due to violent conflict
Other underlying causes are possible, though less supporting evidence exists
for these conditions than for cranial trauma. One potential cause is mastoiditis,
infection of the mastoid bone due to inner ear inflammation. Mastoiditis was
seems to be a clear case of an operation undertaken for medical rather than ritual
mastoiditis and trepanation in this study, there was evidence of mastoiditis in three
along with the anecdotal report from Oakley (1959), suggest a possible connection
proposed since the earliest discovery of trepanation. These explanations were often
such individual was Sir Francis Galton, the renown 19th century eugenicist, who
believed that prehistoric civilizations could not comprehend the medical benefits of
trepanation, for “it implied more intelligence than savages usually shewed [sic]”
172
(Finger and Clower 2001:915). However, Galton’s assertion has been contradicted by
mounting evidence throughout the last century. Increasing research has shown that
trepanation thrived as a practice for treating the symptoms of cranial fracture and
related seizures, and was practiced with an understanding of cranial anatomy and
physiology.
Conclusion
degree of success during the Late Horizon in the southern highlands, evidenced by
crania with multiple, well-healed perforations. The Cuzco trepanation analysis has
medial and left sides of the skull. In addition, specific cranial regions were targeted,
with a preference for the frontal and parietals over the occipital and temporal bones.
The pattern also includes the predominate use of the circular scraping and grooving
methods, which produced perforations with an average area of 5.5 cm2 surrounded in
cranial musculature were avoided, likely to facilitate cerebral access and circumvent
survival rate exceeded 80% and was accompanied by a low frequency of infection
(4.5%). The standardized patterning, along with a high survival rate, suggests skill
and mastery achieved by trepanation practitioners, who may have been trained
formally in Cuzco and passed their knowledge down through the generations.
173
The correlation of cranial trauma with trepanation is supported in this study,
adult males and a paucity of juveniles; this demographic distribution lends further
credence to the cranial trauma hypothesis, suggesting that individuals most likely to
engage in conflict were also most likely to receive trepanation. Altogether, this
the Cuzco region, and was practiced with precision and knowledge of cranial
anatomy.
174
Chapter 8. Chokepukio Strontium Isotope Analysis
identifying prehistoric migrations (e.g., Ericson 1985; Price et al. 1994, 2000, 2002,
2004, 2006; Sealy et al. 1991). Strontium studies involve the analysis of teeth and/or
bone to identify variations in 87Sr/86Sr values, which differ based on local geology
(specifically, the age and composition of local rocks). By comparing human isotope
indicate migrants living in a new locale. This technique has been successfully applied
in the Andes at sites in northern Chile, Bolivia, and Peru (Knudson 2004; Knudson et
al. 2004; Knudson et al. 2005; Knudson and Price 2007; Tung 2003).
Until now, the Cuzco region of Peru has not been examined for strontium
data. As the capital of the Inca Empire, Cuzco hosted a variety of migrant groups,
according to colonial documents (Betanzos 1996 [1557]; Cieza de León 1985 [1553];
Helmer 1955-56:40). Yet no isotopic analyses have been completed to verify these
populations. This chapter presents the results of a preliminary strontium isotope study
carried out in the Cuzco Valley. The site chosen for study, Chokepukio, was occupied
from the Early Intermediate Period through the Late Horizon (200 BC- AD 1532),
providing the opportunity to document migration before and after the rise of the Inca
Empire.
175
Strontium Isotope Analysis in the Andes
The Andean region provides an ideal setting for strontium isotope analysis
due to its varied geology. The Valley of Cuzco and the adjacent Vilcanota Valley
constitute an inter-Andean basin separating the Andean hills to the south and west
and the higher-range slopes to the north and east. The valley floor, formed by the
gravels, alluvial fan sands, mud flows, extended diatomite, loams, clays, and peats.
Within the district of Cuzco, igneous intrusive plutonic bodies of Paleocene origin
have been identified. One such complex located north of the city of Cuzco, the Stock
diorite (Salvador and Davila 1994). Though no strontium isotope values have been
published on geologic material from the Cuzco region, 87Sr/86Sr values for the
Arequipa volcanics located just to the south range from .70714 to .70794 (James et al.
1976:Table 1; Lebti et al. 2006). In contrast to the Cuzco region, the southeastern
Lake Titicaca area of Tiwanaku contains bedrock of primarily andesites and igneous
basalts beneath a layer of Quaternary lacustrine and fluvial sediments (Argollo et al.
1996; Binford and Kolata 1996). A third area, the Moquegua Valley, features a late
defined 87Sr/86Sr range of .7055 to .7068 (Hawkesworth et al. 1982; James 1982;
region, faunal sources are preferred (Price et al. 2002; Sillen et al. 1995). Faunal
176
sources more accurately measure biologically available 87Sr/86Sr values, while water
and soil sample 87Sr/86Sr values do not always have a direct 1:1 relationship with
animal tissue. Faunal sources have been used to determine the biologically available
87
Sr/86Sr signatures of several sites in the Andes. The Tiwanaku 87Sr/86Sr signature,
based on analysis of local cuy (guinea pig), shows a mean value of .7097 (n=3, s.d. =
.0006, Knudson et al. 2004). The Moquegua Valley exhibits a faunal 87Sr/86Sr mean
value of .7063 (n=3, s.d. = .0001, Knudson et al. 2004). In the San Pedro de Atacama
region of northern Chile, faunal analysis produced a mean 87Sr/86Sr value of .7076,
which does not overlap with either the Tiwanaku or Moquegua Valley regions (n=3,
Based on their unique geology, the strontium signatures of these sites can be
used to explore ancient migrations between regions. However, two factors complicate
this endeavor. First, strontium isotope ratios can differ within a region due to
sample more than one site in an area. Second, several areas in the Andes may share
Particular areas can be eliminated based on their 87Sr/86Sr signature, but the specific
177
Results
Four archaeological cuy teeth from Chokepukio provide a local baseline with
an average 87Sr/86Sr value of .70795 and a standard deviation of .00013 (Figure 8.1).
Four additional modern cuy specimens from the nearby site of Tipón yielded an
some microvariation of strontium values in this region of the Cuzco Valley. For
produced values lower than the Chokepukio faunal average (.70653 and .70665),
178
The Chokepukio human 87Sr/86Sr values exhibit a substantial amount of
variability evident in a large standard deviation and range (Figure 8.2). These values
range from .70728 to .72136 with a mean of .71033 (Appendix Table A.8 and A.10).
Descriptive statistics of the human 87Sr/86Sr values illustrate that the skewness
“heaviness” of the tails of a distribution. These measurements indicate that the human
87
Sr/86Sr values deviate from a normal distribution, with many more values above the
mean than below. The asymmetrical distribution is not likely a result of diagenesis, as
the 87Sr/86Sr values display no covariance with the Sr concentration in each sample
(Appendix Figure A.3; Budd et al. 2000; Horn and Müller-Sohnius 1999).
179
The traditional method for identifying migrants may not be appropriate for the
Chokepukio sample. This method determines a local range as the faunal average ±
two standard deviations, with values outside of the range considered migrants (Price
et al. 1994, 2002). Given the minute standard deviation of the Chokepukio faunal
values (s.d. = .00013), the resulting local range comprises only 19% of the sampled
individuals (11/59), leaving 81% of the sample as ‘non-local’. This local range does
not accord with the faunal data from Tipón—though Tipón is located only 5 km from
Because the traditional method does not account for the variation in 87Sr/86Sr values
migrants, to account for the apparent local variability of 87Sr/86Sr values in this region
(Wright 2005)—appears better suited for the Chokepukio material. In this method,
the data are analyzed for outliers (migrants), which are then separated from the main
(“trimmed”) body of data (locals). The trimmed data, when observed spatially, should
conform to a normal distribution (Wright 2005:560). For Chokepukio, outliers are not
apparent below the faunal average, where the 87Sr/86Sr values appear consistently and
successively distributed (Fig. 8.2). The sequential distribution continues above the
faunal average up to the value of .70906, followed by a series of outliers. Since all the
outliers are above the faunal average, the lowest 87Sr/86Sr values (.70728-.70738)
180
likely reflect local variation in strontium sources. When the outliers are removed, the
human mean more closely matches the faunal mean (Appendix Table A.10). In the
trimmed data set the skewness and kurtosis resemble a normal distribution.
into 37 locals and 22 non-local individuals. The 87Sr/86Sr average for locals is .70829,
with a range of .70728 to .70906, while the 87Sr/86Sr average for non-locals is .71376,
with a range of .70939 to .72136. The local group is composed of individuals from
every temporal occupation at Chokepukio: EIP, MH, LIP, and LH. In contrast, the
non-local group is composed entirely of Late Horizon individuals, with the exception
of one LIP individual. However, the LIP individual represents the lowest value for the
non-local group (87Sr/86Sr = .70938). This value falls into local range when the
For the EIP and LIP groups, there is relatively little variation among the
87
Sr/86Sr values (Table 8.1). The EIP group 87Sr/86Sr values ranges from .70728 to
.70897, while the LIP group ranges from .70738 to .70939. The within-group
variation is minimal, with standard deviations of .00054 and .00070, respectively. The
values indicate continuity between the earlier EIP group and the later LIP group.
181
The results change markedly in the LH group, with a broad range of 87Sr/86Sr
values and several outliers (87Sr/86Sr average = .71139, range .70728 to .72136).
Eighteen individuals display local 87Sr/86Sr values similar to the EIP/LIP groups,
between .70728 and .70906. In contrast, 19 individuals exhibit higher 87Sr/86Sr values
between .70950 and .72136. The difference in 87Sr/86Sr mean between the combined
earlier groups and the LH group is statistically significant at a greater than 99%
confidence level.
Sex differences exist within the LH group, where females show more
variation in 87Sr/86Sr values than males (Figure 8.3). The males have relatively similar
87
Sr/86Sr values, except for three extreme outliers above .720. Females, on the other
hand, show a wider range of values, with a greater mean 87Sr/86Sr value and a slightly
182
Possible Influence of Food Importation and Preparation
While 87Sr/86Sr values can fluctuate due to food importation and processing
(Knudson 2004; Wright 2005), these influences likely did not affect the Chokepukio
imported maize, yet maize consumption does not influence human 87Sr/86Sr values, as
the crop contains little calcium and strontium (Aufderheide and Allison 1995). While
certain marine resources can affect strontium values (Burton 1996), these resources
did not constitute a substantial portion of the local Cuzco diet (Rowe 1946:220).
Additionally, Inca maize processing did not incorporate lime in the manner of the
1999:534; Wright 2005). Finally, though the consumption of sea salt can alter
87
Sr/86Sr values (Wright 2005:556), sea salt was not consumed by most Cuzco
populations; instead, salt came primarily from the montane salt springs of Cachimayu
outside of the village of San Sebastián (Bauer 2004:7). Because the Cuzco-region
dietary salt was derived from montane rather than marine sources, salt is not expected
While the Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values were not significantly affected by food
importation or processing, individuals did ingest some strontium through their diet.
Diets rich in plant sources such as seeds, nuts and legumes—as opposed to meat or
Andean diet included maize, potatoes and other tubers, quinoa, camelid and cuy meat,
peppers, and beans (Rowe 1946:210). Of these foods, beans constitute the most
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important source for strontium, because legumes have a high calcium and strontium
content (Burton and Wright 1995:278). These foods likely account for the 87Sr/86Sr
values seen in all sampled individuals at Chokepukio. The slight increase in 87Sr/86Sr
values between the Chokepukio EIP and LIP groups may reflect a wider range of
Intermediate Period (Bauer and Covey 2002). In the Late Horizon, however, those
87
Sr/86Sr values above the local range likely indicate migration into the Cuzco Valley.
Discussion
Strontium isotope values from the EIP, MH and LIP fall into the local range (with the
exception of one LIP individual, whose value straddles the local/migrant division).
These 87Sr/86Sr values are relatively continuous and show little within-group
Tiwanaku 87Sr/86Sr range to span .7087 to .7105, while the present study places the
Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr range at .70728 to .70906. The overlap at the high end of the
Cuzco spectrum and the low end of the Tiwanaku range complicates interpretation:
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categorize the seven individuals within the intersecting values. Despite this overlap,
the pre-Late Horizon individuals appear local, based on the continuity of their values
the development of the Inca tribute system featuring state-directed migration. The
system involved temporary and permanent relocation, and comprised several different
Through the mitima policy, the Inca permanently resettled groups in colonies
outside of their ethnic homelands. This policy affected a significant portion of the
status did not specify a particular type of occupation (Rowe 1982:96); while many
mitima laborers farmed state lands, others built state works, served in the military, or
produced state crafts (Espinoza 1969:140). Inca policy required mitima laborers to
maintain their traditional styles of dress and headwear, a policy that kept resettled
workers from assimilating into the local culture (Morris 1988:237; Rowe 1982:110).
According to colonial documents, mitima colonies were prevalent in the Cuzco area
(Rowe 1946:270). These colonies included the Cañari and Chachapoya from the
northern region, as well as individuals from the central and southeastern regions
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(Betanzos 1996:125 [1557]; Cieza de León 1985:67 [1553, cap.XXII]; Covey
2006:215; D’Altroy 2005:281; Julien 1988; La Lone 1985; La Lone and La Lone
specialists), and mita laborers (Murra 1982; Rowe 1982). In contrast to mitima labor,
mita laborers were not permanently resettled but rather spent a portion of each year
working for the empire. Often mita laborers were called up at seasonal times such as
harvests, returning home after completing their rotations (Gyarmati and Varga
1999:35). As a group with distinct civil status, the yanaconas were typically male
servants who served as personal retainers to the Inca or other nobles (Julien
2000:265; Rowe 1982:97). The yanaconas identified with a particular ruler, often
yanaconas, camayos served under a single ruler or governor. Camayos worked either
Combined, these labor obligation programs comprised the greatest portion of the Inca
tribute system, in which tribute was exacted in labor rather than commodities (Julien
1982:120).
whom were brought to Cuzco for schooling in state religion and craftwork (Costin
1998; Guaman Poma 1936 [1615:300]; Rowe 1982:107). The acllas brewed chicha
(maize beer), wove cumpi (fine cloth), and performed religious rituals. Residing in
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maintenance of Inca ideology in the provinces (Silverblatt 1987). After adolescence,
acllas served as mamaconas, secondary wives of the Inca ruler, or wives of royal
from “El Habitat de la Etnia Pinagua, Siglos XV y XVI” (Espinoza 1974), during the
1520s the Pinagua were moved out of the area around Chokepukio and resettled in
two places, Paucartambo and Urco-Urco, while other groups were brought in to work
the vacated lands. Some workers came from Muyna, a nearby site where the Inca
ruler Huascar had established a mitima colony. A yanacona group also resided in the
area and was later relocated to the town of Lucre circa 1570 (Espinoza 1974:175-
associated with the Muyna mitima colony. There are also brief mentions of
mamaconas and an acllahuasi (“House of the Chosen Women”), though few details
are provided (Espinoza 1974:162, 169, 177, 186, 200). Three years after the Pinagua
were relocated, Atahuallpa allowed them to return from Paucartambo, yet many
across the landscape resulted in a “melting pot” of groups that fluctuated in response
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Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values, with migrants from several geologically distinct regions
of Late Horizon female migrants (75% of females vs. 41% of males) and more
87
Sr/86Sr variation within Late Horizon females than males. While most males appear
to originate from geologically similar areas, the females apparently emigrated from
geological regions throughout the empire. The surplus of migrant females is not due
therefore not applicable; rather, reasons for the excess of non-local females must be
explored.
While the presence of mamaconas could explain the migrant female surplus,
demography were conducted (Andrushko et al. 2006). The mortuary analysis revealed
that Chokepukio individuals were rarely buried in tombs or recovered with grave
goods, and the demographic distribution indicated a population of both sexes and all
cemetery of primarily females in elaborate tombs with high-status artifacts. While the
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community—women fulfilling highly valued duties to the state—the Chokepukio
craftwork (Andrushko et al. 2006:78). However, the “Chosen Women” that became
those with lower social status may not have received elaborate mortuary treatment.
the purpose of marriage. The Inca were known to use exogamous marriage practices
as a means of political control (Rowe 1982). To reward workers loyal to the empire,
the Inca gifted some of the “Chosen Women” to males in the army or other
Chokepukio results.
Shimada 2002; Konigsberg 1988; Lane and Sublett 1972; Schillaci and Stojanowski
2003; Spence 1974a, b; Stefan 1999; Tomczak and Powell 2003; see Stojanowski and
Schillaci 2006 for overview). In these studies, the more “mobile” sex (i.e., the sex
category most likely to marry into a different group) is expected to exhibit higher
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usually attributed to a patrilocal residence pattern in which unrelated females are
Though these studies use dental and skeletal morphological data, the same
principle is relevant in stable oxygen isotope analyses (Spence 2005:189; White and
Spence 1998; White et al. 2004) and can be applied to strontium isotope analyses as
well. Strontium analysis at the Tiwanaku colony of Chen Chen found a high number
2004:136). At Chokepukio, the 87Sr/86Sr variation indicates that many Late Horizon
females originated from geologically different regions, and were possibly brought in
as marriage partners. These sex differences may reflect the Inca use of marriage as a
political tool, a possibility that will benefit from additional consideration in future
studies.
Conclusions
This study underscores the value of strontium isotope analysis for identifying
migrations, using a case study from the Cuzco Valley site of Chokepukio. The results
show definitive evidence for migration during the time of Inca imperialism, with
individuals emigrating from diverse locations. The Late Horizon data reveal a higher
females were relocated either for marital purposes or to fulfill imperial obligations.
into the Chokepukio region as a result of Inca imperial labor policies. Future analyses
will supplement the results from the present study (see Chapter 10), which highlights
190
the use of strontium isotope analysis as a powerful tool for identifying ancient
Andean migrations.
191
Chapter 9. Cranial Vault Modification
practiced by many ancient New World populations who altered their head shape as
2000:943; Tiesler 1999; Torres-Rouff 2003). Specifically for the Andean region,
1990 [1653]; Garcilaso de la Vega 1986 [1609]; de las Casas 1892 [1561]). Since
modification must occur in early childhood when the cranial bones are malleable, this
as evidence for past migrations: if an individual resettled in a new locale, their head
shape may differ from that of the local populace. Multiple modification types can
type suggests ethnic unity within a region (Blom 1999). In this chapter, cranial
The goals of this study are four-fold: (1) construct a preliminary typology of
cranial vault modification in the Cuzco region, using pre-Inca samples to determine
the standard modification form prior to the Late Horizon, (2) document changes in
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cranial vault modification patterns that occurred with the rise of the Inca Empire, (3)
compare patterns of cranial vault modification with the Chokepukio strontium data
(4) contrast cranial vault modification in the Cuzco region to patterns documented in
other areas of Peru, Bolivia, and Chile (Blom 1999, 2005a; Torres-Rouff 2002, 2003).
These comparative data are examined to illustrate how cranial modification varied
Cranial modification types in the Andes can be classified into two main forms:
annular and tabular (Figure 9.1; Dembo and Imbelloni 1938; Antón 1989:254).
groups, including the Colla people of the Lake Titicaca region (Julien 1985:219).
Cobo (1990 [1653]:200) describes the modification of the cranium by this Aymara
group:
The Collas made their heads long and pointed… they bound their heads
tightly with bandages which were left in place until the children were four or
five years old. By this age, their heads were hardened and molded to the
shape of their headgear: long, tapering, and without a nape.
In contrast, Cobo notes that “some nations widened their foreheads. They would
squeeze their heads by securely tying on small boards to make their foreheads wide”
(ibid). This type of modification refers to the tabular form, which results in parietal
expansion from compression on the frontal and occipital bones. The tabular and
annular modification forms were achieved using boards, ropes, padded cushions, and
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Figure 9.1. Superior view of tabular and annular forms
(after Antón 1989, courtesy of Christina Torres-Rouff)
modification types in Late Horizon samples from the Cuzco/Urubamba region (Eaton
1916; MacCurdy 1923; Quevedo 1942). Both occipital flattening (tabular) and
diverse ethnic composition (Eaton 1916:94); this hypothesis received further support
when the Machu Picchu collection was reanalyzed in 2003. In the reanalysis, Verano
geographic origins of the Machu Picchu inhabitants, who were likely resettled
194
through Inca tribute policies to work as servants and caretakers at the royal estate
(Verano 2003a:90-91).
Contrasting the diversity seen at Machu Picchu, only one modification form
was documented in MacCurdy’s (1923) analysis from the Urubamba river drainage
area, southeast of Machu Picchu. Of 341 skeletons, 43% showed cranial modification,
modification among 55 crania from the Calca site of Kinsarumiyoc, 20 miles north of
cranial modification was practiced commonly in some areas, and rarely in others.
Quevedo’s study, and those of Eaton, MacCurdy, and Verano, demonstrates the
variability in cranial modification patterns within the Cuzco region, highlighting its
al. 1995; Lozada 1998; Torres-Rouff 2003; Verano 2003a). These anthropologists
Rouff’s (2003) study of 24 sites in Peru, Chile, and Bolivia revealed the state’s
195
influence on cranial modification. In the absence of a state-level hierarchy, small-
Capital cities represent a unique locus for studying cranial modification, based
on their central position within a complex polity. In studying the Tiwanaku state’s
core, Blom (1999, 2005a) found a heterogeneous pattern of cranial modification that
sheds light on the multi-ethnic composition of that state’s capital. Blom documented
variations in cranial modification among the capital site of Tiwanaku, sites in the
nearby Katari Valley, and Tiwanaku colonies in the Moquegua region of southern
Peru. While head shape was largely homogenous in Moquegua (tabular form) and in
the Katari Valley (annular form), both variants were present at the Tiwanaku capital
site. Blom concludes that the capital served as an interaction zone where ethnic
2005a:18):
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Blom’s study of the Tiwanaku capital provides a model with which to test hypotheses
of social boundaries and group movements in the Inca capital. If Blom’s conclusions
from Tiwanaku apply to Cuzco, peripheral sites should show homogeneity in head
shapes, while Cuzco city sites would exhibit heterogeneity in head shapes, indicating
migration into the Inca capital. If the Cuzco pattern differs from that of Tiwanaku, we
Results
The results confirm findings from previous Cuzco studies, revealing two types
of cranial vault modification in the Cuzco collections: annular (with an oblique slant)
and tabular (with an erect slope) (Figure 9.2, 9.3). Of the 400 crania analyzed, tabular
erect is seen in 9.3% of the individuals (37/400), while annular oblique is observed in
17.3% of the individuals (69/400). Along with the modified crania, 73.5% (294/400)
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Figure 9.2. Tabular erect modification (Chokepukio Burial #106, Late Horizon)
198
Cranial vault modification does show a significant correlation with age. In
with modified crania relative to adults (χ2=22.33; df=1; p≤0.0001). The age
distribution for the modified juveniles, presented in Table 9.1, shows a concentration
in the 1-10 year age categories. In contrast, the adult age categories (young adult,
middle adult, and old adult) show no significant differences in presence of cranial
modification.
presence/absence of cranial modification; this holds true when all time periods are
combined and when each time period (pre-Inca, Early Inca, and Late Horizon) is
Among Late Horizon modified individuals, males exhibit only the annular oblique
type, while females exhibit annular oblique and tabular erect types. However, the
absence of males with tabular erect modification is not statistically significant due to
the small sample size (Fisher’s exact, p=0.136). Sex differences are also not
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significant for severity of modification, though females are overrepresented in the
Two temporal patterns are evident in the Cuzco samples. First, the frequency
of unmodified crania increased over time (Table 9.2). In the pre-Inca sample, 57.1%
of the crania are unmodified; this frequency increases to 86.2% in the Early Inca
sample and then decreases to 69.6% in the Late Horizon sample, yet remains elevated
Second, the prevalence of modification types reversed. Between the three time
periods—pre-Inca, Early Inca, and Late Horizon—the tabular erect type decreased in
frequency, while the annular oblique type increased (Figure 9.4). The tabular erect
type decreased from 70.8% of the modified crania in the pre-Inca period to 28.6% in
the Early Inca sample, culminating in a 17.9% frequency in the Late Horizon. In
contrast, the annular form increased from 29.2% of the modified crania in pre-Inca
times to 71.4% in the Early Inca sample. From the Early Inca period to the Late
6
Though females constitute a greater than expected number of “pronounced” CVM cases, this
overrepresentation is not statistically significant (χ2=1.213; df=1; p= 0.271).
7
These numbers vary slightly from the frequencies presented for all crania analyzed for modification,
because a small number of individuals (N=8) did not have a temporal affiliation.
200
in the Late Horizon. The change in frequency over time in modification types is
90
80
70
% of Modified Individuals
60
50
Annular Oblique
Tabular erect
40
30
20
10
0
Pre-Inca Early Inca Late Horizon
In the Late Horizon sample, modified crania are more prevalent in the
periphery than in the core (Figure 9.5). While only 7.7% of the crania in the core are
modified, 42.9% of the crania in the periphery are modified, a highly statistically
frequency of annular oblique types in the periphery, where the annular form is eight
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Table 9.3. Distribution of Late Horizon CVM types by location
100
90
80
70
% of Individuals
60
Unmodified
50 Annular Oblique
Tabular erect
40
30
20
10
0
Core Periphery
increase over time. On the contrary, the opposite pattern is suggested, with
pronounced modification slightly more likely in the pre-Inca cases than in Late
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individuals included in the strontium analysis display cranial modification, all from
the Late Horizon: three with annular oblique modification and two with tabular erect
modification. The tabular erect individuals have much higher 87Sr/86Sr values than
those with annular oblique modification (Table 9.4). All three of the annular oblique
individuals classify as Cuzco-region locals (although two of these overlap with the
Tiwanaku 87Sr/86Sr range), while both tabular erect individuals belong to the non-
local group.
Discussion
To reiterate, the four stated goals of this study were to construct a preliminary
typology, document change over time, compare results to the strontium isotope
analysis, and test hypotheses based on previous findings. With the first goal, a
preliminary typology for the region can be constructed based on the available data. In
the pre-Inca groups, there is an inclination towards unmodified skulls with 57.1% of
the sample unmodified; among the modified crania, tabular erect modification is the
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dominant type (70.8%). Based on these data, the pre-Inca Cuzco modification pattern
entails a preference for the unmodified cranium with predominant use of the tabular
form in the modified crania. In contrast, the annular oblique type is absent in
individuals from the Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon, and only appears
in the Late Intermediate Period; therefore, it may not be considered indigenous to the
Cuzco area.
completed by Bauer and colleagues (2007), in which the tabular oblique type is seen
great time depth exists between the Archaic groups and those analyzed in the present
study, the Kasapata burials provide supporting evidence that it is the tabular form,
This typology contradicts the traditional geographical dichotomy that has also
been challenged by other recent studies. Customarily, researchers have associated the
annular form with the highlands and the tabular form with coastal groups (e.g., Bjork
and Bjork 1964:253; Eaton 1916; MacCurdy 1923). However, accumulating data
indicate that this dichotomy is far too simplistic (Blom 1999, 2005b; Hoshower et al.
highland contexts while coastal sites contain individuals with the annular form
(Arriaza 1995:63; Blom 1999; Lozada 1998; Lozada and Buikstra 2005). Annular
very early in cemetery sites and spans thousands of years (Arriaza 1995:131; Blom
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2005a:15; Gerszten 1993; Lozada 1998). Similarly, the presence of tabular
represented the standard modification form as early as 200 BC. These data
substantiate the need to discard the traditional dichotomy and consider each region in
The second objective of the study, documenting change over time, reveals a
transformation following the rise of the Inca Empire. The frequency of unmodified
skulls increases to almost 70% in the Late Horizon, a homogenization that coincided
with increased imperial control and possibly resulted from a proscription against head
shaping issued from the centralized polity (Allison et al. 1981). In areas where Inca
political hegemony exerted the greatest force—at core sites in the capital—the
unmodified cranium became the norm. This prohibition against cranial modification
among Inca Cuzco residents had previously been observed by Marroquin (1944:32),
who asserted that the Quechua speakers in Cuzco did not practice the custom despite
Along with the increase in unmodified skulls, the modification types invert in
frequency in the Late Horizon, likely as a result of migration. Tabular erect decreases
from 70.8% to 17.9% while the annular form increases from 29.2% to 82.1% among
the modified crania. Since tabular erect was the original type of modification in the
Cuzco region, the annular form’s later appearance likely signifies an influx of
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migrants. This influx coincided with the development of labor tribute policies
requiring forced relocation of groups (mitima) (D’Altroy 2005; Rowe 1982; Wachtel
1982). Colonial documents from Cuzco reveal how the mitima policy affected the
region’s ethnic composition, creating what John Rowe described as “a regular melting
pot”; Rowe further explained: “The Inca around Cuzco furnished an unusual number
of colonists, and were replaced by Indians from nearly every province in the Empire”
(Rowe 1946:270). Notably, the increase in annular forms occurs almost exclusively at
peripheral sites, and not in the core sites of Cuzco city. Therefore, the differential
peripheral regions rather than in the city center, resulting in a mixture of ethnic
The third goal of the study involves comparison of modification patterns with
the Chokepukio strontium isotope data (Chapter 8). Based on the preliminary Cuzco-
region modification typology, it was hypothesized that the tabular form—along with
However, the cranial modification evidence does not conform to the expected
values within the local range, although two overlap with the Tiwanaku range. In
contrast, the two tabular erect individuals represent migrants: one individual exhibited
a 87Sr/86Sr value of .71130, well above the Cuzco range and slightly higher than the
206
Tiwanaku range, while the second individual had a 87Sr/86Sr value of .71323, well
above the Tiwanaku range but within the range reported for the northeastern Lake
Titicaca Basin (.7120 to .7135) (Grove et al. 2003; Knudson et al. 2005:905). These
results are contrary to data expectations and illustrate the complexity involved in
Two main problems hinder attempts to correlate strontium values with cranial
vault modification. First, the issue of equifinality affects both datasets: just as various
geographic regions can produce the same strontium value, differing ethnic groups
may exhibit the same cranial modification style. With a limited number of ways to
shape alone (Verano 2003a:97). Second, strontium isotope analysis can only identify
2004:95). Given this principle, the annular oblique individuals at Chokepukio may be
Cuzco-born offspring of emigrants from the Tiwanaku region of Lake Titicaca. If the
parents raised their children at Chokepukio yet applied the cranial style of their
modification. This may be particularly true in the case of mitima laborers who were
forced to maintain their traditional ethnic markers while working abroad in imperial
affiliate culturally with their parents’ homeland but will identify as local in their
87
Sr/86Sr values.
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For the fourth stated goal with comparisons to other Andean studies, we return
to the model provided by Blom (1999, 2005a). Blom’s (1999) analysis at Tiwanaku
expressions of local identity, while the Tiwanaku core region showed greater
findings of this study, the Tiwanaku pattern is not evident in the Cuzco region.
Among Cuzco samples it is the peripheral sites that show more heterogeneity—fewer
unmodified skulls, double the number of tabular erect types, and eight times as many
annular cases. In contrast, the Cuzco core shows homogeneity with the majority of
Tiwanaku core.
Colonial documents describing the make-up of the Inca capital provide some
capital city of Cuzco was fashioned as a microcosm of the entire empire (Rowe
1967), in which suburban areas around Cuzco were settled with migrant enclaves in a
Chinchasuyu (NW), Antisuyu (NE), Contisuyu (SW), and Collasuyu (SE) (D’Altroy
2005:270). Amidst these migrant colonies, the city center housed political and
religious elites and their servants (Rowe 1946:229, 1967:62). LaLone (1994:33)
further describes the capital’s center: “The heart of the city of Cuzco was an elite
preserve. Within it lived the people who belonged to the ten royal lineages, the
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panacas.” As a ceremonial center, Cuzco served as an important ceremonial site for
major rituals that drew in thousands of people (Bauer 2004:3). These religious
modification in the Cuzco core. Though Cuzco welcomed the populace during public
rituals designed to promote ideological loyalty, on a daily basis the city core itself
was highly controlled (Rowe 1946:298). The core denizens apparently abstained from
In choosing to refrain from cranial modification, the Inca of Cuzco may have
provided their children with an important political advantage. One advantage is that
an unmodified individual could move fluidly among groups, a benefit that would be
makes this compelling suggestion for the absence of cranial modification: “…those
whose heads were not modified might have been those whose elders thought might
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that their children would benefit from the lack of an obvious, physical symbol of
group affiliation. This notion reinforces how cranial vault modification is essentially a
child-rearing practice, reflective of the parents’ choice made shortly after their child
is born. As such, patterns of cranial modification reveal what parents assume will be
most appropriate for their child, a choice heavily influenced by their social
environment. In the case of Inca Cuzco, parents may have intentionally refrained
from cranial modification so that their child could interact with others in the capital
region without a clear affiliation to any one ethnic group. However, this choice may
central areas of the empire’s core. Therefore, the significance of cranial vault
both individual agency (by parents, not by the individual themself) and adherence to
Conclusion
modification patterns and to view how these patterns changed with the rise of the Inca
vault modification was established for the Cuzco region: tabular erect served as the
original type in the Cuzco region along with a general tendency for the unmodified
cranium. Furthermore, the results suggest that the Inca of Cuzco refrained from
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core. In the periphery, the increase in annular modification during the Late Horizon
suggests migration of various ethnic groups that were resettled around the capital.
This increase may reflect the relocation of migrant colonies based on the Inca mitima
Shuffling populations on this gigantic scale made the Inca Empire a regular
melting pot, and there is no doubt that, even if the convolutions which the
Spanish Conquest brought had not speeded up the process, the old tribal
divisions would have entirely lost their significance in a couple of
generations, and the heterogeneous population of the Empire would have
become a single nation. (Rowe 1946:270)
This cranial modification study provides further evidence for the movement of
populations revealed through the Chokepukio strontium isotope analysis (Chapter 8).
These lines of evidence, when coupled with colonial documents describing Inca
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Chapter 10. Summary and Conclusion
In this study, the biological effects of the Inca Empire were examined through
the analysis of 855 prehistoric Cuzco burials. The observed dental and skeletal
conditions by time period (pre-Inca vs. Inca) and location (core vs. periphery), several
patterns emerged that shed light on the Empire’s biocultural impacts. In this chapter,
the study results are summarized and the research hypotheses are revisited in light of
these results. Finally, areas for future research are presented that build upon the
Summary of Results
Demography
Several sites in the Cuzco sample deviate from a normal demographic
the aggregated sample, five sites show an overrepresentation of one sex. This pattern
is apparent in the Late Horizon core sites of Sacsahuaman and Kusicancha, which
both display an overrepresentation of females. This sex bias possibly relates to the
individuals to fulfill specific occupations for the state. The observed surplus of
females may reflect the presence of female ritual specialists and female attendants at
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With regard to age, the overall distribution shows an expected J-shaped curve,
adolescence, and a subsequent increase in mortality through the adult years. However,
there are noted deviations from this pattern—some sites show an excess of infants,
infant mortality rate, and/or the specialized use of a cemetery sector for infants. In the
opposite pattern, Sacsahuaman and Kusicancha display a paucity of infants that likely
resulted from the same imperial manipulations responsible for the artificial
distribution of sexes (noted above). At Machu Picchu and Colmay, a similar pattern is
seen with a complete lack of infants, yet this demographic anomoaly can be attributed
removing some individuals and placing them in desired positions in the Inca capital,
orbitalia, and stunted growth—were used to measure the relative health of Cuzco
populations. These conditions were found in a low frequency overall in the samples,
213
rampant parasitic infestation, conditions known to lead to dental and skeletal stress
indicators. The lack of skeletal lesions does not appear to result from an “osteological
findings.
a higher frequency than the other conditions. Osteoperiostitis was more apparent in
females than males and more common among individuals living in the core of Cuzco.
Joint Disease
In the Cuzco samples, appendicular and spinal joint disease increased over
time and were more prevalent in periphery sites than in core sites. Since age strongly
influences these conditions, the average age of each population was considered in
light of the disease prevalence. The results indicate that peripheral populations were
younger on average than core populations, yet were more often afflicted by joint
disease. Because age does not appear to be the only contributing factor, other causes
may be responsible for the observed increase in joint disease. One suggestion posits
obligations to the state—which caused greater stress and degeneration on the bodies
of these workers.
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Trauma
An in-depth analysis of cranial trauma was completed, assessing such factors
as location, severity, and demographic groups affected. The results indicate that adult
males were mostly likely affected by cranial trauma. Furthermore, cranial trauma was
adult males, points to violent conflict as the main underlying cause for these injuries.
Cranial trauma increased from pre-Inca to Inca times, suggesting that violent
conflict escalated during the time of Inca state development. Nearly one-quarter of
the injuries were categorized as possible weapon wounds; of these possible weapon
wounds, 96% were found in Early Inca or Late Horizon individuals. These data
suggest that warfare-related violence intensified as the Inca rose to power in the
Cuzco heartland. Nevertheless, the majority of the cranial injuries were small healed
fractures, and may have resulted from non-lethal ritual encounters such as tinkus. In
summary, the observed variation suggests that both types of violent encounters—
In contrast to the cranial trauma results, the postcranial long bone trauma
appears primarily accident-related. The most common postcranial injury was the
Colles’ fracture to the distal radius, an injury that frequently results from an
accidental fall. A third trauma category, rib fractures, could not be categorized as
accident- or conflict- related; it is surmised that both etiologies were responsible for
the observed rib fractures. Notably, three juveniles exhibited rib fractures, a rare
215
condition in prehistoric populations that often indicates child abuse in modern
populations.
Trepanation
Trepanation, the surgical removal of a portion of the cranium, was seen in 66
individuals with a total of 109 perforations. Several individuals exhibited more than
perforations, six healed and one perimortem. The predominant methods were circular
cutting and scraping, methods that proved highly successful with a greater than 80%
between the presence of trepanation and cranial trauma. Other studies in the Andes
trepanation. Trepanation was often carried out to resolve the potentially fatal
symptoms of cranial trauma: trauma can cause intra-cranial swelling and fluid build-
up, whereas the removal of a portion of the cranium allows a draining of fluid and
Chokepukio and ten cuy (guinea pig) teeth from Chokepukio, Tipón, and Kanamarca.
The cuy teeth, used to establish a baseline for the local signature in the southeastern
Cuzco Valley, displayed strontium values that were distinct from other analyzed sites
216
in the Andes, such as Moquegua and Tiwanaku. The Chokepukio human strontium
values exhibited a wide range—some similar to the local value, some that deviated
considerably from the local value. These deviations, signifying migrants, were found
exclusively in the Late Horizon group. Some of the migrants had values similar to
individuals from the Tiwanaku region of Lake Titicaca, while other migrants had
labor tribute. This imperial policy likely resulted in the presence of migrants observed
confirms that Inca labor policies altered the population composition in the area
Cranial Modification
Cranial modification was analyzed as a signifier of group identity and as an
preliminary Cuzco typology was constructed, with tabular erect representing the
original type along with a preference for the unmodified cranium. With the rise of the
Inca Empire, the unmodified form increased in frequency in the core, possibly
modified crania, in both tabular and annular forms. The annular form dominates at the
peripheral sites, which suggests an influx of migrants into the regions around the
217
capital city. The cranial modification study corroborates the finding of the strontium
Hypothesis #1
Hypothesis #1 stated that, as a result of imperial consolidation, health among
affected. This hypothesis cannot be supported by the current data. Neither population
malnutrition or disease. These data suggest that health was not negatively impacted
by the rise of the Inca Empire. However, differences between core and periphery
arduous physical labor possibly caused an increase in the frequency of joint disease in
peripheral populations.
Hypothesis #2
Hypothesis #2 stated that warfare had no impact on Inca state formation and
function. In this case, there is some support for the alternative hypothesis. An increase
in trauma occurred prior to the time of Inca imperialism and, in most instances, these
218
traumatic injuries were caused by violent conflict, as confirmed by several factors
including severity and patterning of injuries. These data suggest that warfare
escalated in the late LIP and may have played a role in the rise of the Inca Empire.
However, the physical evidence for intergroup violence is not extensive: only 3.7% of
warfare may have affected a small portion of the population, but it does not appear as
prevalent as the Spanish chronicles would suggest. In this instance, the primacy of
warfare as a tool of Inca conquest may have been exaggerated by Spanish chroniclers
Hypothesis #3
Hypothesis #3 stated that the Inca capital residents of Cuzco would display a
emphasis on the unmodified cranium—is seen in the Late Horizon core population,
the group most controlled by Inca imperial hegemony. This pattern contrasts with the
heterogeneity seen at the Tiwanaku capital (Blom 1999, 2005), which revealed the
of homogenization in head shape, while the peripheral regions around Cuzco housed
groups displaying a mixture of head shapes. This heterogeneity likely reflects the
219
presence of migrants brought in from the empire’s provinces, as suggested by
colonial documents.
Hypothesis #4
Hypothesis #4 stated that all sampled individuals at Chokepukio would
classify as locals in the strontium isotope analysis. Here, the null hypothesis is
above the local signature (determined through faunal specimens). All outlier values
that unquestionably represent migrants were found in the Late Horizon group, some
with values over 50 standard deviations above the local mean. Female migrants are
more prevalent than male migrants, and the female 87Sr/86Sr values show greater
locations than males. The strontium analysis supports the findings of the cranial
Future Research
consolidation and expansion. As a preliminary study, these findings set the stage for
future research that will refine our understanding of the biocultural impacts of
imperialism in the Andes. In this section, a number of ideas for future research are
explored.
220
While the strontium isotope analysis provided important preliminary data, it
has also illuminated the need for further research. In confirming one research
introduces many new questions. Who were these migrants and where did they come
from? Are the observed sex differences also apparent at other sites? How do other
regions of the Cuzco Valley compare to the Chokepukio results? Given the
and Silva 1990; Sutter 2000; Verano 2003). Verano (2003) used craniometric data
Picchu inhabitants, with migrants originating from the Peruvian coast and highlands.
Following Verano’s standards, craniometric data have been collected for 11 Cuzco
region sites. These future analyses will help to clarify the complex relationship of
group affiliation, postmarital residence patterns, and population movement in the Inca
heartland.
only a few sites in the Andes. Though this strontium isotope study adds Chokepukio
and Kanamarca to the list of sites with known 87Sr/86Sr values, the majority of the
Inca Empire remains undocumented. As such, further strontium isotope analyses are
221
While the Inca Empire is the most widely known imperial polity in the Cuzco
region, it was not the first. The Middle Horizon Wari Empire expanded from its core
the state installation of Pikillacta. The study of Wari populations in the Cuzco region
Cuzco as the core of the Inca Empire. This comparison will shed light on the
both survey and excavation—has already generated important data on the Wari
occupation of Cuzco, and continues to produce skeletal remains for future study.
will continue for years, benefiting from an enduring relationship with the INC Cuzco
through the efforts of the head of the INC’s Physical Anthropology Laboratory, Elva
C. Torres. The continued accumulation and analysis of Cuzco burials will provide
crucial information to test the trends documented in the present study regarding the
impact of the state on health, along with the role of warfare in state formation. In
the Andean region, bioarchaeologists may gain a wider picture of the influence of
222
Appendix: Data Tables and Figures
# of LEH/Number of Indiv
Frequency
Site with observable teeth
0/6 --
Aqnapampa
3/38 7.9%
Cotocotuyoc
1/85 1.2%
Chokepukio
2/22 9.1%
Colmay
1/18 5.6%
Kanamarca
0/15 --
Kusicancha
0/3 --
Machu Picchu
0/16 --
Qhataqasapatallacta
7/104 6.7%
Qotakalli
1/33 3.0%
Sacsahuaman
1/9 11.1%
Wata
16/349 4.6%
Total
223
Table A.2. Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis cases by site
# of Affected
Site Indivs/Number of Frequency
observable Indivs
0/18 --
Aqnapampa
1/42 2.4%
Cotocotuyoc
8/108 7.4%
Chokepukio
6/61 9.8%
Colmay
0/29 --
Kanamarca
0/18 --
Kusicancha
0/1 --
Machu Picchu
1/19 5.3%
Qhataqasapatallacta
11/235 4.7%
Qotakalli
1/39 2.6%
Sacsahuaman
2/11 18.2%
Wata
30/581 5.2%
Total
224
Table A.3. Frequency of osteoperiostitis by bone with healing data
# % # % # % # %
225
Table A.4. Joint disease by element with information on severity
# % # % # % # %
226
Table A.5. Cranial trauma cases by site
# of Affected Indivs/Number of
Frequency
Site observable Indivs
1/20 5.0%
Aqnapampa
5/52 9.6%
Cotocotuyoc
14/120 11.6%
Chokepukio
24/61 39.3%
Colmay
1/30 3.3%
Kanamarca
1/18 5.6%
Kusicancha
0/2 --
Machu Picchu
227
Table A.6. Distribution of long bone trauma by element
# % # % # % # %
228
Table A.7. Trepanation by site
Qhataqasapata 0/20 --
llacta
34/195 17.4%
Qotakalli
0/35 --
Sacsahuaman
0/10 --
Wata
229
Table A.8. Individuals analyzed for strontium study with samples in
ascending order of 87Sr/86Sr value
87
Sample # Sex Cultural Affiliation Sr/86Sr 2σ error Sr ppm
CHO-27 M EIP .70728 .00002 296
CHO-164 M Inca .70728 .00002 291
CHO-124 F EIP .70735 .00002 175
CHO-147 I LIP .70738 .00002 297
CHO-70 M EIP .70774 .00002 309
CHO-38 F EIP .70775 .00002 276
CHO-133 M Unknown .70780 .00003 284
CHO-42 F Middle Horizon .70780 .00003 240
CHO-71 M EIP .70799 .00002 318
CHO-76 M LIP .70803 .00001 257
CHO-176 M Inca .70809 .00003 205
CHO-85 M Inca .70809 .00002 213
CHO-45 F EIP .70811 .00001 350
CHO-19 F EIP .70817 .00002 362
CHO-166 M Inca .70820 .00003 311
CHO-20 F Inca .70824 .00004 156
CHO-118 M Unknown .70828 .00003 318
CHO-153 I LIP .70831 .00002 177
CHO-131 M Inca .70832 .00001 302
CHO-63 I LIP .70835 .00002 325
CHO-87 M Inca .70835 .00001 309
CHO-117 M Unknown .70842 .00003 356
CHO-169 I Inca .70846 .00002 451
CHO-121 M Unknown .70850 .00005 365
CHO-31 F Inca .70851 .00001 348
CHO-25 I Inca .70852 .00002 245
CHO-165 M Inca .70855 .00002 329
CHO-51 M Inca .70864 .00004 183
CHO-68 M Inca .70867 .00002 271
CHO-7 M Inca .70868 .00002 184
CHO-159 M Inca .70877 .00001 164
CHO-132 F Unknown .70888 .00002 334
CHO-126 M LIP .70895 .00002 306
CHO-16 F EIP .70897 .00002 229
CHO-69 M Inca .70900 .00002 530
CHO-55 F Inca .70906 .00003 111
230
87
Sample # Sex Cultural Affiliation Sr/86Sr 2σ error Sr ppm
CHO-136 M Inca .70906 .00002 219
CHO-148 M LIP .70939 .00010 246
CHO-32 M Inca .70950 .00002 432
CHO-171 M Inca .70961 .00002 406
CHO-35 F Inca .70970 .00024 91
CHO-8 M Inca .71018 .00003 184
CHO-158 F Inca .71045 .00002 196
CHO-145 M Inca .71046 .00006 204
CHO-84 M Inca .71060 .00004 247
CHO-90 M Inca .71098 .00003 154
CHO-106 F Inca .71130 .00002 252
CHO-119 M Unknown .71132 .00002 215
CHO-21 I Inca .71275 .00003 387
CHO-120 M Unknown .71306 .00014 352
CHO-18 F Inca .71323 .00002 121
CHO-28 F Inca .71454 .00003 323
CHO-82 F Inca .71559 .00005 408
CHO-79 F Inca .71716 .00002 267
CHO-11 M Inca .72003 .00003 378
CHO-101 F Inca .72022 .00007 194
CHO-162 F Inca .72062 .00003 212
CHO-22 M Inca .72068 .00001 159
CHO-109 M Inca .72136 .00002 236
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-1 .70782 .00001 850
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-2 .70789 .00003 1197
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-3 .70797 .00002 869
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-4 .70812 .00002 920
Kanamarca archaeological Cuy-1 .70653 .00002 571
Kanamarca archaeological Cuy-2 .70665 .00002 432
Tipón modern Cuy-1 .70821 .00003 447
Tipón modern Cuy-2 .70824 .00002 573
Tipón modern Cuy-3 .70831 .00002 530
Tipón modern Cuy-4 .70840 .00002 614
231
Table A.9. Chokepukio dental enamel strontium samples by time period
700)
1400)
232
Table A.10. Summary statistics of Chokepukio strontium datasets
(complete vs. trimmed)
87
Sr/86Sr Values
Trimmed Dataset
Complete Dataset
(Outliers Removed)
Count 59 37
233
Table A.11. Cranial vault modification by site
Tabular Annular
Site Unmodified erect oblique Total
Cotocotuyoc Count 20 3 6 29
% within Site
69.0% 10.3% 20.7%
Chokepukio Count 39 14 7 60
% within Site
65.0% 23.3% 11.7%
Colmay Count 30 0 31 61
% within Site
49.2% -- 50.8%
Kanamarca Count 11 3 7 21
% within Site
52.4% 14.3% 33.3%
Kusicancha Count 10 0 1 11
% within Site
90.9% -- 9.1%
Qhataqasa- Count
14 0 0 14
patallacta
% within Site
100.0% -- --
Qotakalli Count 139 6 17 162
% within Site
85.8% 3.7% 10.5%
Sacsahuaman Count 30 2 0 32
% within Site
93.8% 6.3% --
Wata Count 1 9 0 10
% within Site
10.0% 90.0% --
Total Count 294 37 69 400
234
10
8
Number of Cases
0
360 370 380 390 400 410 420 430 440 450 460
235
12
10
8
Number of Cases
0
360 370 380 390 400 410 420 430 440 450 460
236
Figure A.3. Distribution of Chokepukio strontium concentration (ppm) and
87
Sr/86Sr values
237
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