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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

Santa Barbara

The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism in the Heartland:


An Analysis of Prehistoric Burials from the Cuzco Region of Peru

A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the

requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy

in Anthropology

by

Valerie Anne Andrushko

Committee in Charge:

Professor Phillip L. Walker, Chair

Professor Katharina Schreiber

Professor Michael Jochim

June 2007
The dissertation of Valerie Anne Andrushko is approved.

_____________________________________________

Katharina Schreiber

_____________________________________________

Michael Jochim

_____________________________________________

Phillip L. Walker, Committee Chair

June 2007
The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism in the Heartland:

An Analysis of Prehistoric Burials from the Cuzco Region of Peru

Copyright © 2007

by

Valerie A. Andrushko

iii
Dedication

This dissertation is dedicated to:

My mother, Joann Andrushko

and

the memory of my father, Donald Andrushko,

with love and admiration

iv
Acknowledgments

This thesis represents the culmination of a journey I began many years ago as

a UC Berkeley undergraduate, under the tutelage of Tim D. White. Tim White

introduced me to the subjects that would become my future career—osteology,

bioarchaeology, and paleopathology; yet more than anything, he instructed me

through his dedication, commitment to scientific integrity, and demands for

excellence. For his guidance and support, I am forever grateful. Yohannes Haile-

Selassie also deserves accolades for his unending patience in the Human Osteology

class—a class notorious for driving students to unexplored heights of stress, but one

well worth the sleepless nights.

Several other individuals at Berkeley guided me in important ways. Christine

Hastorf played a crucial role in launching my career in Andean archaeology and was

always available for advice and encouragement. Kent Lightfoot, my professor for

Introduction to Archaeology, regaled us with hilarious tales of fieldwork yet also

studiously provided a foundation in archaeological method and theory. Barb Voss and

Laura Scheiber have remained friends long after leaving Berkeley, as has Walter

Hartwig, a great person to have in your corner. In a fortunate coincidence, Clark

Larsen spent a semester at Berkeley as a visiting professor during my time as an

undergraduate, and I heartily thank him for his wisdom and generosity. At UC

Berkeley’s Hearst Museum, Leslie Freund, Ann Olney, and Joan Knudson have my

sincerest gratitude for all their help. I am also indebted to Robert Jurmain for

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“adopting” me as a student and selflessly assisting me throughout the job search

process.

No acknowledgments section of mine would be complete without highlighting

the contributions of Steve Silliman and his crew: Julie Bernard, Jon Goodrich, and

Linda Ziegenbein, among many others. Working on Steve’s dissertation project at the

Petaluma Adobe, I gained archaeological and managerial skills, took part in an

impressive bucket brigade, heard far too many bad puns, and made life-long friends.

To my dear friends at Archeo-Tec, I am grateful for the personal and professional

support: Viviana Bellifemine, Anna Engberg, Cara Stimpson, Kate Latham, and Julie

Kirkenslager, and a special thank you to Allen Pastron for offering me a life-changing

opportunity. I would also like to recognize Randy Wiberg, Alisa Reynolds, and Eric

Bartelink for their keen interest in advancing the field of California bioarchaeology

and generous data sharing.

In shifting from California to Andean archaeology, I was welcomed by a host

of people during my first field season in 1998, including Brian Billman, Carol

Mackey, Alana Cordy-Collins, John Verano, Kathy Forgey, Lisa Trever, Kit Nelson,

Carie Moreno, Tiffiny Tung, Bonnie Yoshida, and Jason Toohey. Since that time,

I’ve made a number of great friends in Andean archaeology, and to my colleagues far

and wide, I thank you for the stimulating conversations and always enjoyable

conference meetings: Deborah Blom, Kenneth Nystrom, Tiffiny Tung, Bethany

Turner, Nicole Slovak, Melissa Murphy, Kelly Knudson, Carrie Anne Berryman,

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Maria Bruno, Alexei Vranich, John Janusek, Larry Coben, Brian Bauer, Alan Covey,

and Steve Kosiba.

This thesis would not be possible without the support of Gordon McEwan,

director of the Chokepukio project. I am grateful to Gordon for recognizing my

commitment and entrusting me with the osteological research project at Chokepukio.

Hearty thanks also go to the many individuals I have worked with at Chokepukio over

the years: Melissa Chatfield, Kenny Maes, Sheldon Baker, Liliana Zarabia, Froilan

Iturriaga, Paul Steele, Sara Block, Beth Turner, and the people of Huacarpay. At the

Cotocotuyoc project, I’ve been warmly welcomed by Mary Glowacki, Nicolasa

Arredondo, Louis Tesar, Silvana Rosenfeld, and Julie-Anne White, and I have greatly

enjoyed their fascinating project. Thanks to the Velasco family for their hospitality

over several years in Cuzco and for our stays at Rumichaca, a small piece of heaven

on earth in Urubamba.

This project was made possible through funds from the National Science

Foundation (Dissertation Improvement Grant #0424213), Wenner-Gren Foundation

(Individual Research Grant #7283), and the Graduate Division at UC Santa Barbara. I

would like to recognize Mark Weiss at NSF and Mary Beth Moss at Wenner-Gren for

their time and patience. Jenny Sheffield and the incredible people at ISBER provided

crucial assistance in administering these grants at UC Santa Barbara.

In pursuing my dissertation fieldwork, no person could ask for a better

collaborator than Elva Torres at the INC-Cuzco. Elva selflessly worked to assist me

in my dissertation data collection and quickly became a friend, mentor, and family

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member. I cannot express in words my gratitude to her and my happiness that she and

her family are a part of my life. Pat Lyon also deserves special recognition for

embracing my work in Cuzco and encouraging me through all the steps of my

research. Along with my committee members Phillip Walker, Katharina Schreiber,

and Mike Jochim, I would also like to acknowledge those who selflessly gave their

time in reading chapters of this dissertation: Gordon McEwan, John Verano, Christina

Torres-Rouff, Deb Blom, Larry Coben, Brian Bauer, Alan Covey, Michele Buzon,

Mark Schuller, Hillary Haldane, Jacqueline Eng, and Joann Andrushko.

My UC Santa Barbara experience has been shaped by a number of brilliant

and hilarious graduate peers, faculty members, and department staff. On my

committee, Katharina Schreiber provided unending support and sage advice on a wide

range of issues, while Mike Jochim contributed valuable insight on archaeological

theory and grant writing. Brian Fagan served as unofficial mentor during many

courtyard coffees, and Barbara Voorhies graciously offered guidance during the job

search process. To my graduate student friends, I raise my glass to you in heartfelt

thanks: Sarah Abraham, Christina Conlee, Dave Crawford, Hillary Haldane, Rebecca

Hartman, Nicole Hess, Justin Jennings, Elizabeth Klarich, Karin Klemic, Scott Lacy,

Ian Lindsay, Susan McArver, Dustin McKenzie, Mark Schuller, Elizabeth Sutton,

James Tate, Jason Toohey, David Torres-Rouff, Nicholas Tripcevich, and Hendrik

Van Gijseghem. UC Santa Barbara staff members who have been essential in helping

me through the university bureaucracy include Larisa Traga, Susan Cochran, Louisa

Dennis, and Winnie Leung.

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At UC Santa Barbara, Phillip Walker has created a comprehensive and

dynamic bioarchaeology program with enormous peer support. I offer my sincerest

thanks to Phil for his tireless support as my committee chair and to Christina Torres-

Rouff and Michele Buzon, who have served as editors, sounding boards, and great

friends. To Jacqueline Eng, I am so glad to have gone through this program together.

And a hearty thank you to Walkerlab members past and present, I’m proud to be a

part of this group: Pat Lambert, Susan Kerr, Ed Hagen, Corina Kellner, Bonnie

Yoshida, Christina Torres-Rouff, Michele Buzon, Jacqueline Eng, Kaethin Prizer,

Rhonda Bathurst, Rebecca Richman, Susan Kuzminsky, and Sabrina Sholts.

Finally, my family and friends have been an invaluable source of support

through good times and bad, and I thank them from the bottom of my heart: Andrea

Rane, Hillary Haldane, Sarah Abraham, Nicole Hess, Julie Afflerbaugh, Barbara

Richmond, Jillian Wehner, Andrew Mikail, the Gabus family, Francine Mendlin,

Joyce Mendlin, Marc and Robin Errichetti, Deborah Andrushko, and my mother,

Joann Andrushko. And lastly, I’d like to acknowledge my father, Donald Andrushko,

who taught his daughters independence and a deep commitment to both work and

family. I hope this dissertation serves as a testament to his legacy.

ix
Vita
Valerie Anne Andrushko
June 2007
EDUCATION
Ph.D. 2007 (expected) Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara
CCUT 2007 Certificate in College and University Teaching, UCSB
M.A. 2003 Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara
B.A. 1998 Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley

AREAS OF SPECIALIZATION
Osteology, paleopathology, prehistoric trauma and trophy taking, the
bioarchaeology of imperialism, Central California, Peru

PUBLICATIONS
2006 Andrushko, Valerie A., Elva C. Torres Pino, and Viviana Bellifemine.
The Burials at Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio: A Bioarchaeological
Case Study of Imperialism from the Capital of the Inca Empire. Ñawpa
Pacha 28:63-92.

2005 Andrushko, Valerie A., Kate A. Latham, Diane L. Grady, Allen G.


Pastron, and Phillip L. Walker. Bioarchaeological Evidence for
Trophy Taking in Prehistoric Central California. American Journal of
Physical Anthropology 127:375-84.
2001 Grady, Diane L., Kate A. Latham, and Valerie A. Andrushko. Human
Skeletal Biology of CA-SCL-674. Archives of California Prehistory,
Vol. 50. Coyote Press: Salinas, CA.

FELLOWSHIPS, GRANTS, AND PRIZES


2007 Aleš Hrdlička Student Prize, 76th Annual Meeting of the AAPA
2006-07 University of California President’s Dissertation Fellowship
2005-06 Wenner-Gren Individual Research Grant #7283
2004-05 National Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Improvement
#0424213
2004-05 UCSB Graduate Division Fellowship
2001-04 National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship

x
CONFERENCE PRESENTATIONS
2007 Andrushko, Valerie A., and Viviana Bellifemine
“Osteological Analysis at Cotocotuyoc, Peru: A Study of Health and
Trauma from the Middle Horizon – Late Intermediate Period
Transition in the Cuzco Region.” Invited symposium participant at
the 72st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology,
Austin, Texas.

2007 Andrushko, Valerie A., Michele R. Buzon, Antonio Simonetti, and


Robert A. Creaser
“Strontium Isotope Evidence for Prehistoric Migration in the Valley
of Cuzco, Peru: A Diachronic Study of Pre-Inca and Inca
Populations.” Paper presented at the 76st Annual Meeting of the
American Association of Physical Anthropologists, Philadelphia.
Abstracted in American Journal of Physical Anthropology,
Supplement 44:64.

2007 Viviana Bellifemine, Valerie A. Andrushko, Anna Engberg, and


Allen Pastron
“Demographic Analysis of Burials from CA-CCo-235: Possible
Causes for an Overrepresentation of Infants.” Invited symposium
participant at the 41st Annual Meeting of the Society for California
Archaeology, San Jose.

2006 Andrushko, Valerie A., Elva C. Torres Pino, and Viviana


Bellifemine
“The Tombs of Sacsahuaman: A Bioarchaeological Analysis of Elite
Burials from the Capital of the Inca Empire.” Paper presented at the
71st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, San
Juan, Puerto Rico.

2005 Gibaja, Arminda, Gordon F. McEwan, and Valerie A. Andrushko


“Excavating a Capacoccha Sacrifice in Cuzco.” Paper presented at
the 45th Annual Meeting of the Institute of Andean Studies,
Berkeley.

2003 Gjerdrum, Thor, Phillip L. Walker, and Valerie A. Andrushko


“Humeral Retroversion: An Activity Pattern Index in Prehistoric
Southern California.” Poster presented at the 72th Annual Meeting of
the American Association of Physical Anthropologists, Tempe,
Arizona. Abstracted in American Journal of Physical Anthropology,
Supplement 36:100.

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2002 Bellifemine, Viviana, Valerie A. Andrushko, and Allen G. Pastron
“Inter-Disciplinary Analysis of Differential Funerary Treatment at a
Bay Miwok Burial Site, CA-CCO-235.” Paper presented at the 32nd
Annual Meeting of the Society for California Archaeology, San
Diego.

2000 Andrushko, Valerie A., Alana Cordy-Collins, and Gordon F.


McEwan
“Early Intermediate Period Burials at Chokepukio, Peru: Preliminary
Results from the 1999 Osteological Research Project.” Paper
presented at the 40th Annual Meeting of the Institute of Andean
Studies, Berkeley.

2000 Andrushko, Valerie A., Diane L. Grady, Kate A. Latham, and Allen
G. Pastron
“Trophy-Taking of Postcranial Skeletal Elements from the Rubino
Site in Central California.” Poster presented at the 69th Annual
Meeting of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists,
San Antonio, Texas. Abstracted in American Journal of Physical
Anthropology, Supplement 30:97.

TEACHING
UCSB Instructor of Record
Summer 2006 Teaching Associate, Introduction to Physical Anthropology
Lead Teaching Assistant
2006-07 UCSB Anthropology Department
Teaching Assistant
Spring 2006 Introduction to Physical Anthropology, UCSB
Winter 2006 Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, UCSB
Fall 2005 Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, UCSB

ARCHAEOLOGICAL FIELDWORK
1999-2006 Chokepukio Burial Excavations, Cuzco, Peru
1998 CA-SCl-674 Rubino Site Burial Excavations, San Jose
1998 CISA Advanced Field School, Moche Valley, Peru
1997-98 Petaluma Adobe Archaeological Project, Petaluma, CA
1997 UC Berkeley Tel Dor Archaeological Expedition, Israel
1996 Belize Valley Archaeological Reconnaissance Field School

PROFESSIONAL MEMBERSHIPS
American Association of Physical Anthropologists
Society for American Archaeology
Society for California Archaeology

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Abstract

The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism in the Heartland:


An Analysis of Prehistoric Burials from the Cuzco Region of Peru

by Valerie Anne Andrushko

Though much is known about the Inca Empire from Spanish colonial

documents, few studies have used skeletal data to examine the biological effects of

the empire in its capital region. This dissertation addresses the impact of Inca

imperialism on local Cuzco populations through the analysis of 855 skeletons from 11

sites. These sites span a temporal range from the Early Intermediate Period (200 BC-

AD 700) through the Late Horizon (AD 1476-1532), allowing an investigation into

biological changes related to the rise of the Inca Empire.

The results reveal significant differences between pre-Inca and Inca

populations in four categories—health and disease, trauma, cranial vault

modification, and strontium isotope values. Regarding health, both joint disease and

osteoperiostitis increased from pre-Inca to Inca times. Moreover, these pathological

conditions differed by location: while joint disease was more common in inner-

periphery populations, osteoperiostitis was more widespread in core populations,

highlighting the influence of dissimilar living environments. Overall, the combined

data from non-specific stress markers indicate that both core and inner-peripheral

populations were relatively “unstressed”; these results also reveal that core

populations displayed no substantial health benefits from residence in the capital.

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Trauma patterns suggest that violent conflict rose during the period of Inca

state development; subsequently, in the Late Horizon violent conflict apparently

predominated in the inner-peripheral regions outside the capital city. Cranial trauma

also appears to have prompted the use of trepanation as a medical treatment, a finding

that corroborates other studies pointing to cranial trauma as a primary cause for the

surgical procedure.

Following the rise of the Inca Empire, cranial vault modification—indicative

of group affiliation—is seen more frequently in the inner periphery than in the core,

suggesting the migration of different ethnic groups into the areas around the capital

city. Strontium isotope analysis confirms the presence of migrants in the Cuzco

Valley during the time of Inca imperialism, based on the identification of a number of

non-local individuals at the site of Chokepukio. These studies accord with evidence

from colonial documents, demonstrating that migration—possibly state-coerced—

played a key role in influencing the composition of Cuzco populations.

xiv
Table of Contents

Acknowledgments ___________________________________________________ v

Abstract __________________________________________________________ xiii

Table of Contents __________________________________________________ xv

List of Tables ______________________________________________________ xxi

List of Figures ____________________________________________________ xxiii

Chapter 1. Introduction ______________________________________________ 1

The Bioarchaeological Approach ____________________________________ 2

The Present Study _________________________________________________ 3

Structure of the Dissertation ________________________________________ 4

Chapter 2. Ecological and Archaeological Background of the Cuzco Region __ 6

Environment and Ecology of the Cuzco Region_________________________ 6

Andean Chronology _______________________________________________ 7

The Inca Empire __________________________________________________ 9

Archaeology of the Cuzco Region ___________________________________ 13

Pre-Ceramic Period (9000 to 1800 BC) ______________________________ 14

Initial Period/Early Horizon/Early Intermediate Period (1800 BC to AD 700) 14

Middle Horizon (AD 700-1000) ____________________________________ 15

Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400) ____________________________ 15

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Inca Imperial Period/Late Horizon (AD 1400-1532) ____________________ 18

Osteological Studies in the Cuzco Region_____________________________ 24

Chapter 3. The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism: Theoretical Considerations

and Hypotheses ____________________________________________________ 27

Empires - Theoretical Considerations _______________________________ 27

Biological Consequences of Empires_________________________________ 32

Skeletal Indications of Imperial Consequences ________________________ 36

Health and Disease ______________________________________________ 36

Trauma _______________________________________________________ 38

Ethnic Identity and Migration______________________________________ 40

Cranial Vault Modification ________________________________________ 43

Bone Chemistry ________________________________________________ 44

Research Questions and Hypotheses_________________________________ 46

Chapter 4. Materials and Methods ____________________________________ 50

The Sample _____________________________________________________ 50

Accumulation of Study Sample- Research Design______________________ 50

Sampling Strategy_______________________________________________ 51

Sampling Challenges ____________________________________________ 56

Site Description- Core Sites _______________________________________ 59

Site Description- Peripheral Sites ___________________________________ 67

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Methods of Data Collection ________________________________________ 76

Age Assessment ________________________________________________ 76

Sex Determination ______________________________________________ 78

Analysis of Health Indicators ______________________________________ 79

Trauma _______________________________________________________ 86

Analysis of Commingled Remains __________________________________ 87

Cultural Modification ____________________________________________ 90

Strontium Isotope Analysis________________________________________ 92

Chapter 5. Demography _____________________________________________ 94

Paleodemographic Analysis ________________________________________ 94

Limits to Demographic Interpretation _______________________________ 95

Results of Demographic Analysis ___________________________________ 96

Sex Distribution ________________________________________________ 96

Age Distribution ________________________________________________ 97

Discussion_______________________________________________________ 99

Implications of Differential Age Distributions _________________________ 99

Implications of Differential Sex Distributions ________________________ 101

Case Study: Sacsahuaman________________________________________ 103

Conclusions___________________________________________________ 105

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Chapter 6. Health, Occupational Stress, and Trauma ___________________ 107

Non-Specific Stress Indicators _____________________________________ 107

Linear Enamel Hypoplasias ______________________________________ 108

Cranial Porosities ______________________________________________ 110

Osteoperiostitis ________________________________________________ 114

Stunted Femoral Growth_________________________________________ 116

Discussion of Non-Specific Stress Indicators_________________________ 119

Joint Disease ___________________________________________________ 123

Appendicular Joint Disease_______________________________________ 123

Spinal Joint Disease ____________________________________________ 127

Discussion of Joint Disease ______________________________________ 130

Trauma__________________________________________________________ 131

Cranial Trauma ________________________________________________ 133

Postcranial Trauma _____________________________________________ 139

Discussion of Trauma ___________________________________________ 143

Conclusion _____________________________________________________ 150

Chapter 7. Trepanation in the Cuzco Region___________________________ 153

Introduction____________________________________________________ 153

Previous Trepanation Analyses in the Cuzco Region __________________ 154

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Results ________________________________________________________ 156

Shape, Size, and Location________________________________________ 157

Trepanation Methods ___________________________________________ 159

Healing, Infection, and Trauma ___________________________________ 161

Demography __________________________________________________ 163

Geographic and Temporal Distributions_____________________________ 165

Discussion______________________________________________________ 167

Trepanation and Medical Treatment in Prehistoric Cuzco _______________ 167

Motivations for Trepanation ______________________________________ 169

Conclusion _____________________________________________________ 173

Chapter 8. Chokepukio Strontium Isotope Analysis _____________________ 175

Strontium Isotope Analysis in the Andes ____________________________ 176

Results ________________________________________________________ 178

Possible Influence of Food Importation and Preparation ________________ 183

Discussion______________________________________________________ 184

Implications of Pre-Late Horizon Results____________________________ 184

State-Directed Migration in the Late Horizon ________________________ 185

Sex Differences among Chokepukio Migrants ________________________ 188

Conclusions ____________________________________________________ 190

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Chapter 9. Cranial Vault Modification________________________________ 192

Cranial Vault Modification in the Andes ____________________________ 193

Results ________________________________________________________ 197

Discussion______________________________________________________ 203

Conclusion _____________________________________________________ 210

Chapter 10. Summary and Conclusion________________________________ 212

Summary of Results _____________________________________________ 212

Demography __________________________________________________ 212

Health, Trauma, and Occupational Stress____________________________ 213

Trepanation ___________________________________________________ 216

Strontium Isotope Analysis_______________________________________ 216

Cranial Modification____________________________________________ 217

Research Hypotheses and Results __________________________________ 218

Hypothesis #1 _________________________________________________ 218

Hypothesis #2 _________________________________________________ 218

Hypothesis #3 _________________________________________________ 219

Hypothesis #4 _________________________________________________ 220

Future Research ________________________________________________ 220

Appendix: Data Tables and Figures __________________________________ 223

References Cited __________________________________________________ 238

xx
List of Tables

Table 2.1. Andean chronology.......................................................................................8

Table 2.2. Inca dynastic succession ............................................................................19

Table 3.1. Hypotheses regarding health impacts of Inca consolidation ......................47

Table 3.2. Hypotheses regarding evidence for violent injury......................................47

Table 3.3. Hypotheses regarding evidence for cranial modification ...........................48

Table 3.4. Hypotheses regarding strontium (87Sr/86Sr) isotopic analysis ....................49

Table 4.1. Sites included in the sample........................................................................51

Table 4.2. Skeletal material by time period and sample size.......................................55

Table 5.1. Sex distribution of the Cuzco sites .............................................................97

Table 5.2. Age distribution of the Cuzco sites.............................................................98

Table 6.1. Hypoplastic lesions by tooth type.............................................................110

Table 6.2. Femur length descriptive statistics- entire sample (in mm)......................117

Table 6.3. Late Horizon femur length by location (in mm).......................................119

Table 6.4. Percentage of elements showing slight or pronounced SJD .....................129

Table 6.5. Juvenile rib fractures.................................................................................142

Table 7.1. Trepanned individuals in the Cuzco sample .............................................156

Table 7.2. Number of trepanations per cranium ........................................................157

Table 7.3. Area of trepanned perforations by time period (in cm2)...........................158

Table 7.4. Age distribution of trepanned individuals ................................................164

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Table 7.5. Survival rates of trepanation over time.....................................................167

Table 8.1. Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values by temporal phase.......................................181

Table 9.1. Age distribution of juveniles with cranial modification ...........................199

Table 9.2. Distribution of CVM types by time period...............................................200

Table 9.3. Distribution of Late Horizon CVM types by location ..............................202

Table 9.4. Strontium (87Sr/86Sr) values by cranial vault modification type...............203

Table A.1. Linear enamel hypoplasias by site ...........................................................223

Table A.2. Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis cases by site............................224

Table A.3. Frequency of osteoperiostitis by bone with healing data.........................225

Table A.4. Joint disease by element with information on severity............................226

Table A.5. Cranial trauma cases by site.....................................................................227

Table A.6. Distribution of long bone trauma by element ..........................................228

Table A.7. Trepanation by site...................................................................................229

Table A.8. Individuals analyzed for strontium study with samples in ascending order

of 87Sr/86Sr value ............................................................................................230

Table A.9. Chokepukio dental enamel strontium samples by time period ................232

Table A.10. Summary statistics of Chokepukio strontium datasets ..........................233

Table A.11. Cranial vault modification by site..........................................................234

xxii
List of Figures

Figure 4.1. Map of Cuzco sites ....................................................................................53

Figure 5.1. Age distribution of the combined sample..................................................99

Figure 5.2. Sex distribution by site ............................................................................102

Figure 6.1. Degenerative joint disease by age category.............................................125

Figure 6.2. Spinal joint disease by age ......................................................................130

Figure 6.3. Histogram of fracture size by area (cm2).................................................136

Figure 6.4. Cranial trauma by time period and location ............................................139

Figure 6.5. Long bone fractures by age .....................................................................141

Figure 6.6. Juvenile rib fractures in Kanamarca infant.............................................143

Figure 7.1. Individual with seven trepanations..........................................................157

Figure 7.2. Rectangular incised trepanation- unhealed..............................................160

Figure 7.3. Excised bone from trepanation with cutmarks ........................................161

Figure 7.4. Circular trepanation- unhealed ................................................................162

Figure 7.5. Perimortem trepanation with fractured inferior border ...........................163

Figure 7.6. Age distribution of the trepanned individuals .........................................165

Figure 8.1. Regional distribution of biologically available 87Sr/86Sr values

from sites in the Andes ..................................................................................178

Figure 8.2. Scatterplot of Chokepukio human enamel 87Sr/86Sr values

showing the presence of several possible migrant individuals ......................179

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Figure 8.3. Distribution of Chokepukio Late Horizon human enamel
87
Sr/86Sr values by sex ...................................................................................182

Figure 9.1. Superior view of the tabular and annular forms ......................................194

Figure 9.2. Tabular erect modification ......................................................................198

Figure 9.3. Annular oblique modification..................................................................198

Figure 9.4. Change in cranial vault modification types over time.............................201

Figure 9.5. Cranial vault modification by location- Late Horizon ............................202

Figure A.1. Histogram of male femur lengths ...........................................................235

Figure A.2. Histogram of female femur lengths ........................................................236

Figure A.3. Distribution of Chokepukio strontium concentration (ppm)

and 87Sr/86Sr values ................................................................................237

xxiv
Chapter 1. Introduction

In this dissertation, skeletal data are used to investigate the biological impacts

of the Inca Empire in the capital region of Cuzco, Peru. The Inca Empire rose to

unparalleled heights in the New World during the 15th century: in less than 100 years,

the Inca conquered a wide territory of Andean South America, instituting a system of

governing policies to control populations under their realm. This study reveals the

biological effects of these policies on local populations living in and around the

imperial capital.

To investigate these effects, human skeletal remains have been analyzed for

patterns pertaining to health, trauma, group affiliation through cranial modification,

and indications of migration from biogeochemical analyses. Health, as impacted by

malnutrition, disease, and physical labor, is assessed through paleopathological

analyses of skeletal and dental conditions. The frequency of these pathological

conditions is used to measure the influence of imperial consolidation and expansion

on health. In addition, analysis of traumatic injuries provides a basis for assessing the

role of warfare in the rise of the Inca Empire. Cranial vault modification—an

indication of affiliation among ancient Andean groups—is examined for spatial and

temporal patterns, while strontium isotope results are presented to document state-

directed migration in the Cuzco region.

1
A unique aspect of this research, which distinguishes it from other Andean

bioarchaeological studies, is the focus on health in the Inca heartland of Cuzco.

Recent studies have explored imperial influence in provincial regions (e.g., Murphy

2004; Nystrom 2005; Torres-Rouff 2003), yet until now the Cuzco area has not been

the subject of a regional bioarchaeological analysis. The current project addresses this

void with a study of skeletal collections from 11 sites distributed throughout the

Cuzco region.

The Bioarchaeological Approach

Bioarchaeology, the study of human remains and associated archaeological

materials, is the ideal approach for the present research. In this type of study, relevant

data are derived directly from skeletal remains of the people themselves, and

contextualized using information from archaeological studies of artifacts and

mortuary treatment. Human remains provide a wealth of evidence to better

understand diet, health and disease, warfare, social status, and population movements

(Buzon et al. 2005; Larsen 1997). Additionally, the interaction of culture and biology

can be investigated through analyses of body modification practices, such as

intentional head shaping (Torres-Rouff 2003:6).

Multidisciplinary in nature, bioarchaeology incorporates methods from

medicine, forensic science, archaeology, cultural anthropology, geochemistry, and

biological anthropology. In using a demographic approach with large sample sizes,

bioarchaeologists can reconstruct disease frequencies on a populational—rather than

2
individual—level; this approach is appropriate for understanding large-scale, regional

phenomena in past cultures (Armelagos and Van Gerven 2003).

The independence of bioarchaeological data from written accounts is one of

its greatest strengths; much of our current information on Inca Cuzco comes from

Spanish chronicles, yet many of these accounts are suspected of inaccuracy and

cultural biases (Covey 2003:334; Urton 1990). Skeletal studies can be used to identify

and correct some of these inconsistencies in the ethnohistoric record. For example,

while many accounts highlight Inca warfare as a main component of imperial control,

some researchers question whether Spanish chroniclers exaggerated these claims.

Perhaps, as suggested by Morris (1998:304), the chroniclers interpreted Inca

expansion based on their own ethnocentric notions of conquest and thus overstated

the importance of Inca warfare. Skeletal analysis provides the means to address this

question, by documenting the frequency of interpersonal violence and how it changed

with the advent of Inca imperialism.

The Present Study

To address questions of the Inca Empire’s influence on health and warfare, I

analyzed burials from 11 sites in the Cuzco region of Peru. These sites are distributed

throughout the department of Cuzco at a distance of 0.2 km to 147.5 km from the

Plaza de Armas in the city of Cuzco (Figure 4.1). For analysis, the sites were divided

into two groups: a “core” group, consisting of four sites in and immediately around

the city of Cuzco, and a “periphery” group, consisting of seven sites greater than 30

km from Cuzco. This “core”/ “periphery” distinction loosely follows the inner Inca

3
heartland/outer Inca heartland division illustrated by Farrington (1992), though the

sites of Aqnapampa in the Quiquijana Valley and Kanamarca in Espinar province lie

outside of the defined Inca heartland (within c. 70 km of the city of Cuzco [Farrington

1992:368]). The sites are only separated into two groups—rather than further dividing

the periphery group—to allow robust sample sizes yielding statistically significant

results. This bipartite division facilitates comparisons based on distance from the

imperial capital, and reduces the likelihood of overlooking nuances that could occur

by combining all the sites into a single group.

From these 11 sites, 855 burials were examined for data on age, sex, dental

and skeletal pathological conditions, trauma, trepanation, and cranial vault

modification. In addition, 59 human teeth from the site of Chokepukio were analyzed

for strontium isotopic ratios at the University of Alberta, the results of which are

presented in Chapter 8. When considered together, the conclusions from this research

broaden our knowledge of the impact of governing strategies, warfare, and migration

on local Cuzco populations under Inca rule.

Structure of the Dissertation

In Chapter 2, I describe the environment of the Cuzco region, along with a

review of previous archaeological investigations that have been conducted there.

Chapter 3 presents theoretical considerations of empires and their subsequent impact

on health and cultural identity, followed by an explanation of the research hypotheses

and data expectations of the present study. In Chapter 4, the study sample is described

with archaeological information on the 11 sites in the sample, along with the methods

4
of data collection used in analysis. The demographic data and interpretations for Inca

imperial effects on population structure are presented in Chapter 5. Chapter 6

explores the relationship between increasing sociopolitical complexity and health and

disease, analyzing the impact that the Inca Empire had on health in local populations.

Trauma is also included as a research focus to study evidence of warfare in the Inca

Empire. A detailed investigation into the surgical practice of trepanation, a medical

treatment that reached a high degree of success among Cuzco populations, is

presented in Chapter 7. In Chapter 8, results of the strontium isotope analysis are

documented, along with ensuing interpretations on state-directed migration in the

Cuzco region. Finally, in Chapter 9, the subject of migration is again addressed

through an assessment of cranial modification, with a discussion of imperially-

wrought changes in head-shaping patterns. I summarize the results of the entire study

in Chapter 10 and suggest future research to refine our understanding of the

biological effects of ancient Andean empires.

5
Chapter 2. Ecological and Archaeological Background of the Cuzco

Region

This chapter presents ecological and archaeological information on the Inca

Empire as a foundation for the present study. First, the Cuzco highland environment

is described with data on important resources for the Inca. Second, archaeological and

ethnohistoric evidence are examined for information on Inca imperial strategies.

Finally, previous osteological studies in the Cuzco region are detailed to provide a

comparative basis for the present study.

Environment and Ecology of the Cuzco Region

Located in the south-central Andes at a latitude of 13 degrees south, the Cuzco

region is situated in a highland ecozone well-suited for plant cultivation. The Cuzco

Valley stretches 40 km in length and is divided into three basins: Cuzco, Oropesa, and

Lucre, from northwest to southeast, respectively. The city of Cuzco sits in the

northwest corner of the Cuzco Basin at an elevation of 3,360 meters, flanked by the

Huatanay River and separated from the Yucay Valley by a series of hills to the east.

Modern precipitation patterns in Cuzco follow a six-month rainy period from

October through March (86% of the annual precipitation), and a drier period from

April to September (Wright et al. 2001). Inca agricultural schedules paralleled this

precipitation pattern, with planting in August and September and harvesting during

the months of April, May, and June (Rowe 1944:3). This climatic pattern has varied

6
somewhat since the earliest human occupation of the Cuzco region, with climatic

perturbations evident in the Quelccaya and Marcacocha ice cores and sediment cores

from Lake Titicaca (Abbott et al. 1997; Bauer 2004; Chepstow-Lusty et al. 2003;

Kolata 1993:285; Thompson et al. 1985, 1988).

For the Inca, lands at lower elevations within the Cuzco and Urubamba

valleys proved ideal for maize agriculture, whereas the higher grasslands provided

space for potato cultivation and grazing areas for camelids. Besides land for

agriculture and grazing, the Cuzco area provided a number of important natural

resources for the Inca. High quality andesite, quarried from Rumicolca 35 km east of

Cuzco, was used to build the most important buildings in Cuzco (Ogburn 2004:104).

Salt came primarily from the nearby springs of Cachimayu outside of the village of

San Sebastián (Bauer 2004:7), but gold and silver had to be imported from areas to

the north and west (Vilcabamba and Chumbivilcas) (Rowe 1944).Resources from

other regions were brought into Cuzco through a well-defined network of roads

(Hyslop 1984).

Andean Chronology

The chronology of cultural developments in the Andean region is based on

large-scale changes in ceramic styles, with “horizons” defined as eras of stylistic

unity throughout a wide geographical area, and intermediate “periods” indicating

times of regional variation (Rowe 1960). The Early, Middle, and Late Horizons

correspond to the broad stylistic influences of the Chavin, Wari and Tiwanaku, and

Inca cultures, respectively, implying long-distance interactions that created

7
similarities in material culture. For the intervening periods, cultural diversification

reflected a shift away from long-distance connections and supra-regional

organization. Decline of the Chavin influence was followed by regionalization in the

Early Intermediate Period, while the collapse of the Wari and Tiwanaku polities was

succeeded by Late Intermediate Period regionalization. The Late Horizon began in

AD 1476 with the appearance of imperial Inca ceramics in the Ica region of southern

coastal Peru (Rowe 1962; Rowe and Menzel 1967) (Table 2.1).

Table 2.1. Andean chronology

Period Dates
Late Horizon AD 1476-1532
Late Intermediate Period AD 1000-1476
Middle Horizon AD 700-1000
Early Intermediate Period 200 BC-AD 700
Early Horizon 900-200 BC
Initial Period 1800-900 BC
Pre-Ceramic Period To 1800 BC

This chronological scheme proves useful as a broad organization of Andean

prehistory, yet there are recognized challenges in its application (Conlee and Ogburn

2004:5; D’Altroy 2002:45-47; Rice 1993; Silverman 2004:11). While the reign of the

Inca Empire is generally considered synonymous with the Late Horizon, in Cuzco the

Inca imperial period actually began in the late stages of the Late Intermediate Period.

Accruing archaeological and radiocarbon data suggest an early 15th century date for

the beginning of Inca expansion in Cuzco (Adamska and Michczynski 1996; Bauer

2004:12; Covey 2006a, 2006b:234; Gyarmati and Varga 1999:3), and so an initial

date of AD 1400 is used here to denote the Inca imperial period.

8
The Inca Empire

At its height, the Inca Empire (AD 1400-1532) covered an area from Ecuador

through Peru and into Chile, northwest Argentina, and Bolivia. This region was

known as Tawantinsuyu, “the four parts together,” referring to the regional divisions

of Chinchaysuyu (northwest), Antisuyu (northeast), Collasuyu (southeast), and

Cuntisuyu (southwest).

Following initial solidification in the core of Cuzco, the Inca moved to

incorporate nearby Cuzco Valley groups but encountered resistance to their overt

occupation efforts (Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey 2003:346; Covey 2006b). Their

attempts to conquer neighboring groups eventually proved successful, and the Inca

subsequently expanded their strategies of conquest to include alliances and indirect

rule.

Each successive Inca ruler sought to further the reaches of the empire during

his reign: Viracocha (deposed in 1438), Pachacuti (1438-1471), Topa Inca (1471-

1493), Huayna Capac (1493-1527), Huascar (1527-1532), and Atahuallpa (1532-

1533) (Rowe 1946:203). Viracocha first attempted to organize the areas around

Cuzco and led campaigns into the Lake Titicaca region (Rowe 1946:203-4). His son,

Pachacuti, is largely credited with constructing the capital city and consolidating

nearby regions, while his heir Topa Inca led conquests to the east of Cuzco, south into

Titicaca, and beyond to Bolivia, Chile, and northwest Argentina. Huayna Capac

furthered the Inca domain by integrating the southern region of Cochabamba and the

9
northern areas of Chachapoya and Ecuador, eventually ruling from Tomebamba in

southern Ecuador. However, Inca expansion efforts were later hampered by

misfortune: Huayna Capac died suddenly from disease in his royal estate in Quito,

Ecuador, and his son succumbed as well (Cook 1998:76; Rowe 1946:208). The

subsequent period, marred by civil war between brothers Huascar and Atahuallpa,

ended with conquest by the Spanish and disease beginning in AD 1532 (Cook 1998;

Hemming 1970; Rowe 1946:209, 2006).

Politically, the Inca Empire functioned as a divine monarchy with regional

administrators and a military force focused on continual expansion. Cuzco served as

the locus of political power, from which the Inca wielded their authority through a

variety of imperial administrative policies (Rowe 1982; Stanish 2001:233). In an

analogy to Pax Romana, the Inca established a period of “Pax Incaica,” a time of

unification and security with concomitant regional exploitation of labor and resources

(Kuznar 1996:7; Morris 1998:307).

Though the comparison to Pax Romana aptly illustrates the extent of Inca

power, it overlooks the nuances in their governing tactics. In actuality, the Inca

Empire employed a range of strategies incorporating militaristic, economic, political,

and ideological means (D’Altroy 1992). These flexible tactics cover a continuum

from military force with large-scale investment to subtler methods of control using

alliances and ideological persuasion. This approach, a “mosaic of control” (Schreiber

1992:62), depended on the location and level of complexity of the conquered

territory, resource exploitation potential, and possibility of revolt. Regional variation,

10
power dynamics, and ideological interplay all contributed to how the policies of

control played out on the ground. Because of these variations, expansion

differentially affected the political structure and domestic economy of conquered

groups (Hastorf and D’Altroy 2001:22).

As a means of control through ideology, the Inca built upon the pan-Andean

principle of ancestor worship (Cieza de León 1985 [1553]; Cobo 1990 [1653];

Betanzos 1996 [1557]; Urton 1999:9). Ancestor worship was practiced in the Andes

for centuries before Inca expansion (Conrad and Demarest 1984:90; Cook 1992),

such as in the Preceramic Chinchorro culture of northern Chile, which created

elaborate mummies of children and adults (Arriaza 1995; Rivera 1995:63). In the

Nasca culture, tombs were reopened to collect bones for ancestor worship ceremonies

(Carmichael 1995:177), while evidence for ancestor worship in the Wari Empire

includes turquoise stone figurines (Cook 1992) and secondary burials in niched halls

(McEwan 1987:40; Topic and Topic 1992).

The Inca co-opted many of these religious tenets and rituals in their state

religion, which included an elite ancestor cult, temples for worship of the Sun, and

creation of a spatially distributed ceque system of shrines (Bauer 1998; Cobo 1990

[1653]; Conrad 1992; Conrad and Demarest 1984; Zuidema 1964). These shrines

included natural features such as caves, rocks, springs, and mountains, along with

places associated with deities and ancestors. To perpetuate the ancestor cult, Inca

rulers were embalmed, cared for as living entities, and displayed during ceremonial

events (Cobo 1990:40 [1653]; Betanzos 1996 [1557]:131; Niles 1999:47). Ancestors

11
were imbued with significant power; to appease these ancestors, each ayllu (kin-based

corporate group) attended to their own mortuary shrines, providing offerings of coca,

chicha (maize beer), and llama fat (Salomon 1995:324). Inca ideology was thus

successful in part because it incorporated an enduring principle—the pan-Andean

custom of ancestor worship—that emerged thousands of years before Inca expansion.

To establish the infrastructure necessary for imperial operations, the Inca

constructed an intricate road system, facilitating the movement of exotic goods such

as precious metals, birds from the Amazon region, coca, and Spondylus shell from

Ecuador. The roads featured a complex interconnection of administrative sites,

storage facilities, and tambos (Inca state lodging) for transport of soldiers, colonists,

state administrators, and agricultural products, using llamas as pack animals (Hyslop

1984). Chasqui runners served at posts located at one quarter to one-half league

intervals along the Inca roads, carrying and relaying verbal messages between Cuzco

and the provincial capitals (Kendall 1985:97, 162).

The Inca tribute system provided human labor for construction of the royal

estates, many located in the Urubamba River region near Cuzco (Gasparini and

Margolies 1980; Kendall 1985:56; Niles 1987, 1999; Protzen 1993; Rostworowski

1999). Typical Inca architecture featured planned enclosures with rectangular

structures (canchas), trapezoidal door openings, and trapezoidal wall niches (Niles

1987; Rowe 1944). The early Inca royal architectural style of Pachacuti, represented

by the sites of Pisac, Machu Picchu, and Ollantaytambo, was later revised by Huayna

12
Capac, who emphasized great halls, oversized doorways, and doubled-jammed niches

(Niles 1999).

Much of the imperial Inca architecture was reportedly modeled after

Tiwanaku, seen as an exemplar of artistic and technical quality. As legend has it, the

emperor Pachacuti sent engineers to the Lake Titicaca region to study and emulate

Tiwanaku design (Gasparini and Margolies 1980:7). Many aspects of Inca urban

planning were thought to come from other cultures contacted during expansion: “The

monumentality of Wari, the grid plan of neighboring Pikillaqta, the compounds of

Chanchan, and the fine stonework of Tiwanaku probably contributed to the formation

of Inca expression” (Gasparini and Margolies 1980:44). However, a comprehensive

comparison of Tiwanaku and Inca architecture concluded that Inca stonemasonry did

not derive from Tiwanaku, but rather was an autochthonous creation (Protzen and

Nair 1997).

Archaeology of the Cuzco Region

The following section outlines the culture history of the Cuzco region, the

focus of study for the present analysis. Here, research from archaeological

investigations is presented to chart human occupation in the region from its earliest

inhabitants to the florescence of the Inca Empire. Settlement patterns, ceramic

typologies, and architectural trends are detailed to explore the corpus of knowledge

compiled through survey and excavation. Ethnohistorical evidence is also introduced

and evaluated as a major source of information on the development and expansion of

the Inca Empire.

13
Pre-Ceramic Period (9000 to 1800 BC)
Recent survey and excavations have greatly increased the available

information on the Pre-ceramic Period in the Cuzco Valley, beginning around 9000

BC. Systematic surveys have revealed several sites that supported hunter-gatherer

habitation for thousands of years prior to permanent settlement in the Cuzco region

(Bauer 2004, 2007). Excavations at the site of Kasapata produced artifacts in the form

of obsidian and other lithics, faunal remains, and human burials of the earliest

occupants in the Cuzco region (Bauer 2007).

Initial Period/Early Horizon/Early Intermediate Period (1800 BC to AD 700)


During this time, the first large permanent villages were established (c. 1500

BC [Bauer 2004:39]). One well-known early settlement is the Marcavalle site, located

4 km southeast of the city of Cuzco (Chavez 1980). The site, though now nearly

destroyed (Bauer 2004:40), contained the remains of adobe structures along with

evidence of subsistence practices focused on herding, bean and corn cultivation, and

camelid and guinea pig domestication. Cuzco’s early settlements, such as Marcavalle,

were relatively self-sufficient, though networks of exchange did emerge as villages

developed local specialties (Chavez 1980:206, 259). These exchange networks,

involving trade in camelid meat, salt, ceramics, and obsidian, appear to have

functioned without a centralized administration.

Following Marcavalle in the ceramic sequence, Rowe (1944) identified the

succeeding Chanapata ceramic style from the type site of the same name, a style also

found at Minaspata, Chokepukio, and Mama Qolla (Dwyer 1971; McEwan 1989).

This style is associated with the earliest known architecture in the area, with low

14
platforms, retaining walls, and straight-walled structures (as contrasted with the later

inclined-wall buildings) (Kendall 1985:352; Rowe 1944). The Derived Chanapata

style follows in the ceramic seriation around AD 100 (Bauer and Jones 2003:14;

Rowe 1944), during the time that a distinct settlement hierarchy emerged suggestive

of a small chiefdom society (Bauer 2004:45).

Middle Horizon (AD 700-1000)


In the Middle Horizon, the Wari Empire expanded from the central highlands

into the Cuzco region and established large settlements in the Lucre and Huaro

valleys (Glowacki 1996; McEwan 1987, 2005). Pikillacta, an enormous site laid out

in a rigid grid pattern, served as the Wari provincial capital in the empire’s

southeastern periphery (McEwan 1987, 1996:172), while at Huaro, evidence of a high

status cemetery along with several habitation sites provides an indication of the

intensive Wari occupation in the Huaro Basin (Glowacki 2002:269; Rowe 1956). The

Wari occupied the southeastern Cuzco area until approximately AD 1000, when

Pikillacta was abandoned before construction was completed (McEwan 1996:181;

McEwan et al. 2002:292). Wari influence is also evident in the large number of sites

found west of the Lucre Basin with Wari-affiliated ceramics (Bauer 2004:64),

indicating a shift in time from the earlier local Qotakalli ceramics to the later Wari-

influenced styles, such as Arahuay (Bauer 2004:68, see also Barreda 1973, 1995;

Bauer 1999; Bauer and Jones 2003:14; Lyon 1978; McEwan 1989:55).

Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400)


During the Late Intermediate Period, factionalized polities engaged in regional

competition (Bauer and Covey 2002). Rowe (1944) determined that Killke, a ceramic

15
style derived from the earlier Qotakalli, was the prevailing LIP pottery type (Bauer

and Stanish 1990; Lyon 1978). Dwyer (1971) further asserted that Killke style

represented the proto-Inca material culture, with survey data indicating that Killke

sites were generally situated on slopes along the Cuzco Valley rather than on higher,

defensible ridges (Bauer 2004:78).

Bauer (1999, 2004) follows Rowe (1944) and Dwyer’s (1971) seriation of

Killke pottery as the antecedent to Inca pottery. Killke pottery is found throughout the

Cuzco Valley and is present in a clinal distribution, with the city of Cuzco as the

approximate epicenter (Bauer 1992:75, 2004:78). From these ceramic data, Bauer

extrapolates that the Killke material culture can be tied to the ancestors of the original

Inca ethnic group, a connection supported by other archaeological investigations

(Bauer 2004:89). Kendall’s excavations at Cusichaca, 88 km northwest of Cuzco,

uncovered Killke and Killke-related ceramic wares along with LIP architecture in the

form of circular-elliptical buildings dated to AD 1030-1270, followed by later Inca

architecture forms (Kendall 1996:124, 131, 133). Killke ceramics have also been

found beneath the Coricancha and Sacsahuaman, two of the most important sites for

the Inca (Bauer 1999:13-14; Rowe 1944).

In contrast to this view, McEwan and co-workers (2002) refute Bauer’s notion

of Killke as the sole antecedent of the Inca. Ceramic evidence from the site of

Chokepukio points to two precursors for the Inca style: Killke and Lucre, a ceramic

style first identified by Chávez Ballón at Batan Urco. Analysis of Cuzco ceramic

types shows continuity between Qotakalli and Killke ceramics, and between Wari and

16
Lucre ceramics, most notably in the presence of face-neck vessels (Chatfield 1999).

Chatfield (1999) suggests that Inca ceramics reflect a combination of Killke styles

and Lucre technology, possibly indicating a merger of these two ethnic groups into

one Inca polity.

Architectural and artifactual data from Chokepukio complement the ceramic

analysis. The Late Intermediate Period structures at Chokepukio resemble Wari

buildings, with features such as niches, wall tombs, monumental walls, and similar

construction techniques (McEwan et al. 1995). McEwan follows Topic (1986) in

proposing a material continuum in building types, beginning with Early Intermediate

Period Huamachuco structures, through Wari niched hall buildings, to the niched

halls of Lucre edifices, and finally resulting in the Inca kallanka. Though similar to

the Wari niched hall buildings of Pikillacta, the architectural layout of Chokepukio is

less rigid than the regular grid pattern typical of Wari sites (Kendall 1985:282). This

difference allows for a chronological typology based on architectural types:

“It is reasonable, in view of the architectural data and by comparison with


Piquillacta, to place the rectangular compounds of Choquepuquio in the
early-mid Late Intermediate period, before the influence of Huari has been
totally obscured, but after the administration had dispersed.” (Kendall
1985:337)

McEwan and colleagues (2002) suggest this architectural continuity indicates

that LIP polities retained some knowledge of state infrastructure from the Wari.

Rather than “devolving” in the midst of Wari collapse, the LIP polities in the Lucre

Basin appeared to maintain sociopolitical complexity and continued with many Wari-

inspired traditions. Ceremonial activities such as feasting and ancestor veneration

17
functioned in consolidating and maintaining hierarchy through the Andean notions of

reciprocity and communal obligations (McEwan 1997). The Lucre-based polity used

the ability to requisition huge amounts of labor to construct monumental buildings at

Chokepukio, where evidence for ritual feasting includes artifacts such as luxury items

of metal, precious stones, and bone, along with polychrome vessels (McEwan et al.

1995).

Incorporating the archaeological data into a theoretical model of Inca origins,

McEwan and co-workers (2002) suggest that the consolidation of the Killke and

Lucre resulted in the genesis of the Inca polity. In contrast, Bauer and Covey (Bauer

1992, 2004; Bauer and Covey 2002; Covey 2003, 2006a,b) believe that the Lucre

polity was an important rival to the proto-Inca Killke polity, but eventually fell under

Inca domination. Despite the differences in these two interpretations, both emphasize

dynamic processes that led to the emergence of the Inca Empire. Far from being seen

as a “dark age,” the Late Intermediate Period was a time of creative innovation, from

which emerged the largest empire of the pre-Hispanic New World.

Inca Imperial Period/Late Horizon (AD 1400-1532)


The period of Inca imperialism in Cuzco is known primarily through

ethnohistoric documents, rather than archaeological data, for three main reasons.

First, modern urban construction has expanded to cover much of Cuzco city proper.

Second, the city suffered waves of destruction during Spanish conquest: the Spanish

dismantled sectors of Sacsahuaman and built a church over the Temple of the Sun

after stripping its walls of gold (MacCormack 2001a:342), while the Inca themselves

18
burned the city when it was under Spanish siege in 1535 (Rowe 1967:59). Third, the

written records left by several chroniclers provide a detailed history of the daily life,

administrative workings, and imperial conquests of the Inca. They also detail the

dynastic succession of Inca kings, compiled by Rowe (1946) in “Inca Culture at the

Time of the Spanish Conquest” (Table 2.2). 1

Table 2.2. Inca dynastic succession (Rowe 1945, 1946:202-203)

Inca Ruler Possible Dates of Reign


Manco Capac
Sinchi Rocha May be historical or
Lloque Yupanqui mythical figures
Mayta Capac
Capa Yupanqui
Inca Roca
Yahuar Huacac
Viracocha Deposed AD 1438
Pachacuti Inca AD 1438-1471
Topa Inca Yupanqui AD 1471-1493
Huayna Capac AD 1493-1527
Huascar AD 1527-1532
Atahuallpa AD 1532-1533

Six Spanish chroniclers penned the most widely-read documents on the Inca

Empire. One of the earliest, a Spanish soldier named Cieza de León, traveled

throughout the region and recorded his observations in travel journals that became the

Crónica del Peru (1985 [1553]). Beginning explorations in 1547, Cieza’s work stands

as one of the most valuable sources on the Inca Empire. Though his devotion to

Catholicism may have biased his accounts of Inca religion, he praised the government

and administrative system. Cieza’s work is not chronologically oriented but rather

1
Accruing data suggest the twelve-ruler king list is an incomplete record of Inca sovereignty, based on
archaeological research and studies of Inca succession (Covey 2006a).

19
organized as a detailed travelogue, describing each region and the pre-Inca

characteristics that endured into the Late Horizon. His informants were often older

men who created songs to record Inca history and important events—from these

accounts Cieza wrote three volumes focusing on the land and its people, Inca

civilization, and Spanish discovery and conquest.

Juan de Betanzos’ Suma y narracion de los Inca (1996 [1557]), commissioned

by the Viceroy of Peru, benefits from an intimate knowledge of Inca life due to his

marriage into the family of Atahuallpa in 1541. Betanzos had the unique distinction

of marrying an eyewitness to the Spanish conquest at Cajamarca, and drew on

testimony of Inca nobles for oral history and traditions. He became fluent in Quechua

and established personal relationships with many descendents of Inca nobility; as a

result, his account contains detailed knowledge of the Inca from the nobility’s

perspective. However, because of his marital affiliation to Pachacuti’s panaca,

Betanzos’ narrative is suspected of bias in skewing accounts of Atahuallpa’s actions.

He insisted that the first eight Inca rulers achieved little, while Pachacuti acted as the

catalyst for Inca success, a line of reasoning that legitimized Atahuallpa’s reign.

Born in 1539 to a Spanish conquistador and an Inca princess, Garcilaso de la

Vega spent the first 21 years of his life in Cuzco. His life in the capital city provided

material for Comentarios Reales de los Incas (1986 [1609]), a history of the Inca

Empire which he composed after traveling to Spain, his father’s homeland. Garcilaso

described two types of keepers of oral tradition, the amautas who transformed

historical events into short stories, and the harauicus who recorded these events in

20
poems and songs (Niles 1999:7). With the use of these informants, Garcilaso

composed a thorough account of Inca history, with translations of songs and poems,

meditations on medicines, foods, and plants, and room-to-room descriptions of the

Temple of the Sun (Rowe 1944:34). Despite its value as a detailed reference,

Garcilaso’s account is considered Cuzco-centric and sympathetic to Huascar in the

Inca civil war, stating that his brother Atahuallpa was a blood-thirsty aggressor.

Notably, more than forty years passed between the time he left Peru and the

publication of his work (Rowe 1944:7).

Guaman Poma de Ayala’s main contribution is the roughly 400 drawings from

the Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno (1936 [1615]), along with descriptions of daily

Inca customs including norms of apparel, festivals, and administrative practices.

Guaman Poma was born in the province of Huamanga, Peru and trained by

ecclesiastical priests, which led him to join the ‘extirpation’ (literally, “to pull up by

its roots”) of indigenous idolatry. His chronicle includes a history of the dynastic

reign of Inca kings and queens, and their captains and noble ladies. Guaman Poma’s

account, addressed as a letter to the king of Spain, intended to show that the Inca had

a sophisticated system of government before the arrival of the Spanish, and illustrated

the extent of mistreatment the Inca suffered at the hands of the Spanish.

Sarmiento de Gamboa’s Historia de los Incas (2007 [1572]) contains an

account of Inca history—from origin myth to Spanish conquest—based on interviews

with 37 members of the 12 royal clans (panacas). Following individual interviews,

Sarmiento called together all members to authenticate his text (Julien 2000:57).

21
Sarmiento noted that, in lieu of writing, historical events were recorded on quipus

(knotted cords) and passed down from father to son (Niles 1999:14). In contrast to

Betanzos’ text supporting Pachacuti as the legitimate ruler, Sarmiento asserts that

Pachacuti took the “fringe” (Inca crown) without consent from his father Viracocha.

As mentioned earlier with Betanzos, Sarmiento’s account may be equally biased,

reflecting the Spanish agenda to invalidate Inca dynastic rule—Viceroy Toledo

commissioned Sarmiento’s text to justify Spanish conquest by portraying the Incas as

usurping tyrants (MacCormack 2001a:348; Niles 1999:16).

Jesuit priest Bernabe Cobo compiled information from previous chronicles,

supplemented with information from travels throughout Peru during twenty years of

missionary work, to create Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Cobo 1979 [1653], 1990

[1653]). The account synthesizes earlier chronicles including those from Garcilaso de

la Vega, José de Acosta, Cristobal de Molina, Pedro Pizarro, and Juan Polo de

Ondegardo, a colonial administrator of Cuzco intent on destroying royal Inca

mummies. Cobo’s work is considered one of the most reliable of the Spanish

chronicles, and presents a comprehensive description of Inca myths, religious beliefs,

and ceremonies (Urton 1999:31). Though admittedly impressed with Inca architecture

and craftsmanship, he also viewed Inca nobles as cruel and tyrannical, their subjects

victimized by an oppressive regime. Along with the six main chroniclers mentioned

here, other important Spanish chroniclers include Bartolome de las Casas, Miguel

Cabello de Balboa, Juan de Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, and Martín de

Murúa.

22
Though historic accounts provide a wealth of information, they must be read

in consideration of the intentions of their writers and commissioners (MacCormack

2001a:331). Varying agendas likely contributed to conflicting information, for

example, with regard to the role of warfare in the rise of the Inca Empire. Betanzos

and Sarmiento assert that Pachacuti led the Incas to victory over the Chanca (Julien

2000:222), a triumph that catapulted the Inca to the status of “the most powerful

people in the Andes” (Rowe 1946:204). In contrast, Cobo and Garcilaso place the

Chanca war one generation before at the end of Yahuar Huacac’s reign, a shift that

Rowe (1946:194) believed “distorted” the central history of the Incas. Julien

(2000:230) claims this discrepancy originates from different historical narratives,

with Cobo drawing from the ‘genealogical’ genre and Betanzos relying on the ‘life

history genre’.

Given these contradictions, which chroniclers—if any—should be literally

interpreted with regard to warfare and Pachacuti’s role in Inca emergence? Scholars

have noted that Spanish narratives often closely parallel European historical accounts,

and may have been inaccurately biased by Spanish historical tropes and a linear

chronological perspective that conflicts with the Inca worldview of cyclical time

(MacCormack 2001a). As a means to test assertions made in the chronicles,

osteological data provide an important line of evidence. Information from burials can

be used as a source independent of written accounts that complements archaeological

information derived from excavations.

23
Osteological Studies in the Cuzco Region

Although archaeologists have worked in Cuzco since the early 1900s,

bioarchaeological analyses have not figured prominently in these investigations. A

review of the few available studies from the Cuzco/Urubamba region sets the stage

for the present bioarchaeological analysis. One of the earliest reports is Rowe’s

excavation at Chanapata, describing four Early Intermediate Period burials found

seated and flexed without grave goods. There is only a brief mention of skeletal

anomalies: “There were two bone lesions on the head, and the teeth are both badly

decayed (caries) and excessively worn, as is common in ancient skulls from the

Cuzco region” (Rowe 1944:14).

Eaton conducted a study of human skeletal remains from Machu Picchu,

published in 1916. The human remains were collected from cave deposits around the

mountain slope above which Machu Picchu sits, with a few remains recovered from

within the site near the Sacred Plaza (Eaton 1916:84). Eaton believed the skeletal

collection exhibited a skewed sex ratio, with nearly 4 females to every male, and

concluded that the site housed Virgins of the Sun and priestesses serving the temple.

In analyzing head shaping practices, Eaton documented both occipital flattening and

the “Aymara” annular (circumferential binding) deformation, suggesting a mixed

ethnic composition (Eaton 1916:94).

Verano’s (2003a) re-analysis of Eaton’s materials corrected many of his

original assertions. Restudy of sex ratios showed a more normal distribution of sexes,

contradicting the early interpretation of Machu Picchu as a community of “Chosen

24
Women.” Age determinations were similarly reconfigured using new methods based

on pelvic changes, techniques unknown in Eaton’s time. However, some conclusions

of Eaton’s were substantiated by Verano, such as the ethnically diverse nature of the

Machu Picchu sample, which apparently included migrants from the Peruvian coast

and highlands (Verano 2003a:66). Other contributions of Verano’s restudy included

identification of anemia-related conditions, documentation of dental disease, and an

overall rarity of joint disease indicators. In addition, the diagnosis of two cases of

prehispanic tuberculosis, aided by radiographs, provided proof of this disease in the

Cuzco region (Verano 2003a:109).

MacCurdy (1923) analyzed 341 skeletons in the Urubamba river drainage area

southeast of Machu Picchu, excavated during Hiram Bingham’s 1914-15 Yale

University/National Geographic expeditions. The majority of individuals were

mummies recovered in a tightly flexed position, wrapped in cloth and secured with

coarse grass rope. Like Eaton’s (1916) cave burials from Machu Picchu, individuals

were commonly interred together in rock shelters. MacCurdy found various

pathological conditions, including fused vertebrae, long bone fractures (some healed

with non-union), osteomyelitis, osteosarcoma, spinal joint disease, and dental disease.

Nine percent of the adult skulls retained the metopic suture of the frontal bone,

normally fused by one to two years of age, and several crania exhibited the Inca bone

in their posterior surfaces (MacCurdy 1923:270). MacCurdy also documented

instances of cranial trauma associated with trepanation, and concluded that

25
trepanation served to treat cases of cranial injury in the Late Horizon (MacCurdy

1923:259).

In “Los antiguos pobladores del Cuzco,” Quevedo (1942) studied 55 crania

from the site of Kinsarumiyoc in the Calca region, 20 miles north of Cuzco, and

presented data on craniometrics, cranial vault modification, and trepanation. He found

no evidence of cranial vault modification and asserted that, contrary to prior

assumption, modification was not customary in all regions of pre-Columbian Peru.

Eleven skulls showed evidence of trepanation, and 83% of the trepanned individuals

survived the surgery, with little evidence of infection (Quevedo 1942:55). Quevedo

concluded that trepanation was mainly performed in response to cranial trauma, and

was carried out by trained practitioners with skill and knowledge of cerebral anatomy.

While these studies provide a background on prehistoric skeletal conditions in

the Cuzco region, such studies have yet to be synthesized into a regional perspective.

The present study addresses this void by drawing together data from 11 sites

throughout the Cuzco region. This regional study provides the means to identify

geographical and temporal patterns in relation to Inca expansion. In this chapter, the

review of pre-Inca and Inca civilizations, along with Cuzco archaeological and

osteological investigations, has set the foundation for the study of Inca imperial

impacts from a biocultural perspective. The following chapter merges this

information with theoretical considerations to produce hypotheses regarding the

biological impacts of Inca expansion on local populations.

26
Chapter 3. The Bioarchaeology of Inca Imperialism: Theoretical

Considerations and Hypotheses

This chapter addresses theoretical considerations regarding the biological

impacts of imperial consolidation and expansion on Cuzco populations. First, an

exploration of empires is presented, focusing on core/periphery models related to

imperial effects on local populations. Second, the four main datasets used to measure

these effects—skeletal markers of health, trauma, cranial modification, and isotopic

evidence for migration—are detailed through an examination of the relevant body of

literature for each dataset. Finally, hypotheses are formulated that serve as the

framework for ensuing analyses.

Empires - Theoretical Considerations

“[An empire] is a system of interaction between two political entities, one of


which, the dominant metropole, exerts political control over the internal and
external policy—the effective sovereignty—of the other, the subordinate
periphery.” (Doyle 1986:12)

Empires belong in the anthropological category of the state, defined by Wright

and Johnson (1975:267) as having a hierarchy of control and specialized activities for

information processing. State-created institutions entrust individuals with decision-

making for lower levels of the hierarchy, which enable the centralized polity to

control a large populace. Marcus and Feinman (1998:5) augment this definition by

emphasizing the state’s power in areas of warfare, labor requisition, and state

religion, underscoring both corporeal and ideological control of subject populations.

27
Empires possess the same characteristics as states, but differ in terms of scale

and manner of expansion (Morrison 2001a). In general, empires grow larger than

states, incorporate regions occupied by different ethnic groups, encompass

ecologically diverse areas, and use a variety of political strategies for expansion

(Barfield 2001; D’Altroy 1992; Schreiber 1992; Smith and Schreiber 2006:3;

Sinopoli 1994). Smith and Montiel (2001) use these characteristics to delineate three

main features of empires: (1) an imperial capital, (2) domination of a territory, and (3)

projection of domination in a larger international context. Archaeological correlates

of these features include imperial infrastructure, settlement pattern reorganization,

and emulation of imperial styles (Smith and Montiel 2001:247).

With diverse examples such as the Roman, Chinese, Egyptian, Inca, and Wari

Empires, researchers have long sought methods for cross-cultural comparison

(Alcock et al. 2001). In this endeavor, the world systems model has emerged as a

central framework (Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991; Hall and Chase-Dunn 1993;

Kardulias 1999; Peregrine 1996; Shannon 1989; Sinopoli 1994). Immanuel

Wallerstein (1974) originally developed this model to describe the rise of the modern

European economy—it was subsequently applied to prehistoric interregional

interactions (e.g., Algaze 1989; Blanton and Feinman 1984; Frank 1993; Kohl 1987;

Santley and Alexander 1992; see Hall and Chase-Dunn 1993 for overview).

Wallerstein’s model depicts a core polity controlling peripheral regions in an

asymmetrical relationship, extracting resources and labor that further enhances the

core’s power and wealth (Wallerstein 1974, 1980, 1989). Between the core and

28
periphery lies the semi-periphery, composed of core regions in decline, peripheries on

the rise, and buffer regions that are simultaneously exploiting others while being

exploited. By modeling relationships among these three regions, the world systems

theory places economic exchanges within a system of interregional interactions

(Smith 2001:132).

Under the conditions described by the world systems theory, disparity

develops among populations depending on their position within the system

(Wallerstein 1974; Schneider 1977; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1991). Members of core

populations are expected to benefit the most, controlling trade networks and

extracting surplus from the periphery. In contrast, the peripheral populations find

themselves ensnared in unequal trade relations involving coercive labor practices and

exploitation of local resources (Champion 1989). The semi-periphery holds an

intermediate position and often functions to stabilize and perpetuate the system (Stein

1998:224). These regions may also play an important role in sociopolitical change:

with the inevitable fall of an empire, the semi-periphery may fill the resulting power

void and emerge as the subsequent core (La Lone 2000).

The world systems perspective aptly describes the Inca Empire, which

sustained a consolidated capital in Cuzco and a tributary-based economy that

funneled resources from periphery to core (Kuznar 1996; La Lone 1994). With

peripherally-derived surpluses, the Inca mobilized people and amassed resources to

conquer new territories with substantial military power (Earle 1997; Schreiber

1992:6).

29
Though the world systems model provides an important framework for

studying empires, it has been criticized for its “top-down,” reductionist

characterization of core-periphery relations (Dietler 1998:297, 2005:58; Lightfoot and

Martinez 1995:476; Schreiber 2005; Stein 1998:226, 1999:16). While the core

represents the nexus of innovation, the periphery is depicted as passive and

homogenous (Schortman and Urban 1994:402). Class struggles within each region

are downplayed in Wallerstein’s framework, a critical oversight from the view of

Marxist scholars (Bergesen 1984:365; Patterson 1990). The separation of core,

periphery, and semi-periphery has been further critiqued as an artificial separation

more appropriately conceptualized as a continuum (Straussfogel 1997). Moreover,

boundaries are treated as unchanging over time, ignoring historical evidence of

empires as dynamic polities that fluctuate temporally (Stanish 1997:196).

Recent research has therefore expanded core/periphery studies to include

social dynamics, agency, and resistance (Carroll 1999; Deagan 2001; Elson and

Covey 2006; Goldstein 2000:337; Stein 2005). Within this broader perspective,

ideology is recognized as an important tool for both imperial hegemony and local

negotiation (Brumfiel 1996; Demarrais et al. 1996). This nuanced understanding also

emphasizes the primal importance of specific histories in shaping power dynamics

and processes of resistance (Hall 1996; Morrison 2001b; Patterson 1990; Stein

1999:9). In addition, frontiers along imperial borders are seen as loci of dynamic

interactions and ethnogenesis, rather than as irrelevant marginal zones (Alconini

2004; Hall 1986; Lightfoot and Martinez 1995; Sherratt 1993).

30
This core/periphery perspective thus eschews simplistic depictions of

monolithic core versus passive periphery, and instead highlights regional differences

that appear within each empire. Several variables contribute to these regional

variations, such as proximity to the core, level of prior political complexity,

population size, complexity of technology and military organization, and amount of

resistance or allegiance (D’Altroy 1992; Kuznar 1996; Schreiber 1992; Stein 2005:8-

9). Another important variable is time: populations incorporated during the rise of an

empire may experience different conditions than those consolidated near the end of an

empire’s reign (Dietler 1998:298; Stanish 1997). Based on these different variables,

the political structure and domestic economy of a local people may be radically

altered, or relatively unaffected, by imperial conquest (Hastorf and D’Altroy 2001).

In summary, based on a world systems perspective, populations in the core of

an empire are expected to experience different circumstances from those in the

periphery. However, conditions in each region will not be uniform or static, but rather

will vary depending on several variables. This is particularly true in the Andes, where

each region responded differently to Inca conquest and consolidation (D’Altroy 1994;

Kuznar 1996; La Lone 1994; Morris 1998:295). While some areas were completely

transformed, with existing groups moved off their lands for purposes of imperial

restructuring, in other regions the Inca forged alliances and allowed local elites to rule

(Schreiber 1992:53-62).

31
Biological Consequences of Empires

Given the vast regional differences apparent within the Inca Empire, it is

important to explore how these varied experiences might have affected local

populations biologically. In examining the biological effects of Inca expansion, the

present study belongs to a growing literature on the “bioarchaeology of imperialism”

(Tung 2003). This burgeoning sub-field uses skeletal data to investigate aspects of

conquest and consolidation that complement archaeological and ethnographic data.

Particularly in the Andean region, where superior preservation conditions have aided

in the accumulation of human remains for such studies, skeletal analyses have the

potential to significantly contribute to research on empires.

As might be expected given the diverse core/periphery interactions examined

above, no predictable pattern exists for the biological consequences of imperialism.

Rather, numerous factors may cause beneficial or detrimental health changes to

groups subsumed under an empire’s control (e.g., Andrushko et al. 2006; Buzon

2004, 2006; Tung 2003). These factors include a reduction in dietary diversity and

restricted access to resources, tribute demands, population aggregation, increased

violent conflict, altered ritual practices, and enforced relocation (Tung 2003:60-61).

In addition, empires may control and alter ethnic identity, evident through analyses of

mortuary practices and cranial vault modification (Torres-Rouff 2003; Blom 2005a).

Among these variables of imperial control, a decrease in dietary diversity

carries significant health consequences. In the Andes, this took the form of increased

dependence on maize agriculture, which produced a major food staple throughout the

32
lower elevations of the highlands (Burger et al. 2003:135; Finucane et al. 2006;

Hastorf and Johannessen 1993). The Inca deified maize as part of the state worship of

the Sun and used it extensively in their rituals, primarily in the form of chicha (maize

beer) (Niles 1993). Chicha, more than any other foodstuff, symbolized the connection

of the Inca to the Sun deity and was used to mediate all social, ideological, and

political interactions (Hastorf and Johannessen 1994:437). This dietary

homogenization, coupled with sedentism, resulted in detrimental health effects in

some Andean populations (Allison 1984; Armelagos 1990; Ubelaker 1992; Verano

1992). Health deterioration from a restricted maize diet may ensue from dietary

insufficiency of essential vitamins and nutrients such as Vitamin B12, folate, and iron,

leading to anemia and other conditions (Wapler et al. 2004; Ortner et al. 1999).

Furthermore, certain classes of individuals may suffer due to restricted

resource access. In stratified societies, access to resources often depends on economic

status, social rank, and group affiliation. In these cases, lower status individuals

commonly suffer from malnutrition, while the few elites indulge in over-consumption

(Powell 1988; Storey 1992; Verano 1992). Malnourished individuals are more

susceptible to disease, causing disadvantaged socioeconomic groups to experience a

biologically lower quality of life (Wright and Yoder 2003:57).

Compromised health may also result from infection due to settlement

aggregation (Verano 1997b:258), particularly in urban environments where bacterial

transmission increases due to crowding, water contamination, and/or poor sanitation

(Storey 1985:532). Population aggregation promotes infectious transmission

33
especially if human waste disposal spaces abut habitation areas. Relevant to this

study, human feces were used as manure to fertilize crops during Inca times (Kendall

1985:152); use of human waste could have promoted bacterial infections and

parasites in Cuzco-based populations.

Furthermore, bacterial exposure can ensue from increased contact with outside

groups (Larsen 1997:86). This exposure is more likely to occur in capitals, which

often welcome a range of immigrants from widespread regions (Blom 2005a).

Immigrants may carry diseases endemic to their homeland, thereby increasing the

likelihood of infectious disease exposure to residents in the capital.

Along with dietary deficiencies and bacterial infection, enforced labor can

detrimentally affect health. The Inca Empire imposed tribute obligations through

several labor programs such as mita (rotational) labor, examples of which include

public work construction, army service, and agricultural work in state fields (Murra

1982). These labor obligations increased demands on subject populations and

impacted their domestic economy (Hastorf and D’Altroy 2001:22), and from a

biological perspective, this type of arduous physical activity can result in

degenerative joint disease (osteoarthritis). By demanding constant labor tribute, Inca

imperial policies may have led to increased osteoarthritis in local populations

(Andrushko et al. 2006).

As evident from the above sections, imperial endeavors may detrimentally

affect health. However, imperial expansion may, in some instances, result in

improved health. Some state formation models—those emphasizing “integrating”

34
mechanisms—focus on resources and infrastructure provided through the state’s

organizational capabilities (Service 1975). The benefits of centralization, such as

stable food sources, translate into better health for all citizens. For instance, during

disasters or poor harvests, the state may offer subsidies through stored surpluses,

while disabled individuals or others in need receive welfare provisions from the state

(Kendall 1985:142).

Could such a characterization apply to the Inca Empire? Some researchers

have described the Inca Empire as a beneficent “socialist empire”:

[L]and was communally held and redistributed according to need, taxes and
labor were reallocated for the common good, and the state through its
beneficent aristocracy and clergy was the ultimate creator and purveyor of
peace, prosperity, and happiness. (van den Berghe and Flores Ochoa
2000:11)

Though this view seems simplistic, other researchers confirm the redistributive efforts

of the Inca Empire (Kuznar 1996:13; MacCormack 2001b:421; Murra (1980 [1955]),

maintaining that government storehouses held food supplies for state laborers

(Kendall 1985:142). In his classic text of Inca society, Rowe (1946:273) described

several socialistic aspects of Inca governance, asserting that the empire “insured the

individual against every sort of want.”

As a redistributive organization, the Inca Empire would have significantly

influenced health by provisioning a stable diet (D’Altroy 2001:46). In this scenario,

expansion benefits individuals in both the core and periphery: lower status

individuals in the capital profit from increased resources extracted from conquered

regions, while redistributed goods from the core provide additional resources to

35
newly conquered populations (Costin and Earle 1989). The increased flow of goods

in both directions can supplement traditional diets and provide sustenance at a

previously unattainable level, with individuals at all status levels showing improved

health (Earle et al. 1987). Elites may prosper to an even greater degree, through

access to sumptuous goods, low levels of repetitive physical stress, and fewer

accident-related injuries, based on their exemption from arduous subsistence practices

like agriculture and pastoralism.

Skeletal Indications of Imperial Consequences

The previous sections outlined both positive and negative health consequences

of empires. As demonstrated, these consequences vary by region based on numerous

factors, yet how can these variations be measured? Here, human skeletal analyses

provide the means to assess health, warfare, group affiliation, and migration in

imperial contexts (Larsen 1997; Tung 2003). The following sections describe skeletal

conditions related to these four topics, and their implications for the present study.

Health and Disease


Several skeletal conditions can be used to assess group health within empires,

based on their link to disease, poor nutrition, and unsanitary living conditions 2

(Larsen 1997; Storey 1985, 1992; Tung 2003; Verano and Ubelaker 1992; Walker

1986). Two of the most commonly-cited stress indicators are cribra orbitalia and

porotic hyperostosis, expansion of the orbital roofs and parietal and occipital diploë,

respectively (Angel 1966; Stuart-Macadam 1985; Stuart-Macadam and Kent 1992).

2
Each condition is detailed, with information on etiology and related factors, in Chapter 6.

36
These conditions—visible as small circular lesions in the upper orbits and posterior

cranial surfaces—have been attributed to a number of causes, including nutritional

deficiencies, parasitic infection, and bacterial infection (El-Najjar et al. 1976; Lallo et

al. 1977; Reinhard 1992; Stuart-Macadam and Kent 1992; Walker 1985, 1986). Since

these conditions ensue from malnutrition and disease, their prevalence can reveal

evidence of stress in past populations (Blom et al. 2005; Cohen and Armelagos 1984;

Hill and Armelagos 1990; Kent 1986; Larsen 1997:30; Mensforth et al. 1978; Stuart-

Macadam 1985, 1992a,b; Ubelaker 1992; Walker 1986).

Two additional stress indicators, stunted growth and dental enamel

hypoplasias, reflect growth disruptions suffered during childhood development

(Larsen 1997:44; Rose et al. 1985). Inadequate nutrition will restrict growth, since the

individual receives too few nutritional resources to fuel normal development.

Furthermore, growth is restricted in diseased individuals because the body must divert

resources to the costly demands of fighting disease. The resultant “stunted” growth,

with long bones that are significantly shorter than those of healthy individuals,

indicates compromised health (Lambert 1993).

Dental enamel hypoplasias result from disruption of tooth enamel formation

and are visible as grooves in the labial dental surface. Cessations in growth leading to

hypoplasias may be caused by nutritional deficiencies or diseases that strain an

individual’s metabolism. As an indication of stress, the condition provides evidence

of compromised health in populations (Goodman and Rose 1991; Hillson 2000).

Documentation of this condition complements other indications of non-specific

37
stress: while femur length usually reflects chronic stress incurred during an

individual’s entire development, hypoplasias more often indicate specific episodes of

stress that affected an individual during a short period of time (Goodman and Martin

2002:27).

One final stress indicator, osteoperiostitis (inflammation of the subperiosteal

cortical bone), ensues from bacterial infection and is easily visible in skeletal

collections. Osteoperiostitis often increases with dense population aggregation and

unsanitary hygienic conditions (Steckel et al. 2002). As such, osteoperiostitis can be

used to assess the influence of imperially-driven settlement changes involving

urbanism and aggregated living conditions.

These conditions—porotic hyperostosis, stunted growth, enamel hypoplasias,

and osteoperiostitis—comprise the overall “health index” of an individual (Steckel et

al. 2002). By combining health indices of all individuals within a group,

bioarchaeologists can measure the relative health of a population, and compare it to

other groups from different regions or temporal periods (Steckel and Rose 2002b).

The present study compares pathological conditions before and after the rise of the

Inca Empire to measure the health impacts of imperial expansion.

Trauma
Bioarchaeologists record traumatic injuries as a means to understand patterns

of violence throughout human history (Walker 1989, 2001). Specific skeletal

indicators of violence include depressed cranial fractures, embedded projectile points,

and cutmarks reflecting scalping or dismemberment (Andrushko et al. 2005; Jurmain

38
1991a, 2001; Lambert 1994, 2002; Walker 1989; Walker and Lambert 1989). War-

related conflict may result in injuries such as blunt force trauma from clubs and

stones, cutting wounds from metal weapons (Novak 2000; Walker and Steckel 2002),

and “parry” fractures of the midshaft forearm bones, often attributed to self-defense

stances in which an individual raises their arm to ward off a blow and receives blunt

force trauma to the ulna (Judd 2002, 2004). To distinguish accidental injuries from

those related to violent conflict, location of injury, pattern of targeted body regions,

and sex of afflicted individuals are used to discern the social context of observed

trauma (Walker 1997; Lambert 1994; Larsen 1997:110).

Evidence of violent trauma can be used to investigate warfare in the Inca

Empire. Though the Spanish documents extensively describe Inca warfare (Arkush

and Stanish 2005; Niles 1999:61-62; Rowe 1946:274), some researchers believe the

chroniclers exaggerated these accounts, interpreting Inca expansion based on their

ethnocentric notions of conquest (Morris 1998:304). To assess the validity of these

historical accounts, skeletal evidence of perimortem trauma can be distinguished from

healed, nonlethal injuries, providing a means to assess the prevalence of pervasive,

lethal conflict.

Trepanation, the removal of a section of the cranial vault, provides

complementary (though indirect) evidence of violence, due to its association with

cranial trauma. This type of surgical intervention, a common practice in the

prehistoric Andean region, was performed largely to relieve intracranial pressure

from cranial trauma (Verano 1997a, 2003b). The analysis of trauma and associated

39
trepanations can therefore test hypotheses of the role of warfare in Inca imperial

development and expansion.

Ethnic Identity and Migration

Two datasets in this study, cranial modification and strontium isotope

analysis, are used to identify Inca imperial influence on ethnic identity and migration.

In the Andes, migration played a key role in shaping the pre-Columbian social

landscape. At times, highland Andean groups exploited ecological niches at different

altitudes, maintaining a base population in one location and sending off smaller

groups to exploit other “vertical islands” (Masuda et al. 1985; Murra 1968, 1972,

1985). One well-documented example of resource-based migration is found in the

Middle Horizon state of Tiwanaku (AD 500-1000), where colonists migrated to the

Moquegua Valley, Peru from the capital near the Bolivian shore of Lake Titicaca

(Blom et al. 1998; Goldstein 1993, 2000; Knudson et al. 2004; Kolata 1993; Owen

2005). Described as “diaspora communities” (Goldstein 2000), the colonists remained

both biologically and culturally affiliated with the Tiwanaku core (Blom 1999; Blom

et al. 1998; Goldstein 1989a, b, 2005:266; Owen 2005:64; Stanish 2003:291). In

Moquegua they cultivated and exported resources—such as maize, cotton, peppers,

and coca—that were either unavailable or limited in the capital region (Goldstein

2005:237).

In the Late Horizon, the Inca adopted this pattern of ecological migration as a

tool of state control (Goldstein 2005:48; Wachtel 1982:200). This tactic proved

invaluable for imperial success: as Stanish (2001:224) notes, “Forcible movement of

40
populations for strategic and economic purposes is perhaps the most intrusive,

nonlethal means of control for a premodern empire.” In one example of coerced

migration detailed in colonial documents, the Inca established mitima colonies in the

fertile valleys of Cochabamba, Bolivia (Wachtel 1982). To exploit this agricultural

opportunity, the Inca removed local ethnic groups and shifted all arable land to the

state, while foreign groups were resettled to work the fields and build administrative

centers, roads, and storehouses to support production (Gyarmati and Varga 1999). An

estimated 14,000 individuals—originating as far away as Chile—worked the state

fields in Cochabamba (Wachtel 1982:214).

Despite the recognized importance of migration, its identification has

historically presented challenges (Burmeister 2000:540; Snow 1995:72). In the

absence of written records, archaeologists often rely on stylistic differences in

material culture to distinguish groups, based on the premise that groups retain unique

symbols of their ethnic unity (Blom 2005a:2). However, many variables complicate

the differentiation of ethnic groups based on material culture (Jones 1997; Smith and

Schreiber 2005:208). While ceramic style has been used to distinguish Andean ethnic

groups, differences in style may relate to region, time period, or status (Conkey and

Hastorf 1990; Odess 1998; Plog 1983; Shennan 1994:13). In addition, symbols of

ethnic identity such as apparel may not preserve in the archaeological record

(Brothwell and Pollard 2001; Cronyn 1990; Good 2001:217)—for example, only in

rare circumstances do archaeologists recover the distinctive hats worn by various

ethnic groups in prehistoric Andean times (Cock 2002).

41
Further complicating the matter, ethnic identity is not static, but rather fluid

and varied, such that material assemblages may not properly reflect its multi-

dimensional nature (Bernardini 2005:32; Eriksen 1992; Jones and Graves-Brown

1996). Ethnic identity incorporates both self-ascription and ascription by others,

influenced by external circumstances and internal agency (Barth 1998; Nagel 1994).

Rapid shifts in ethnic identity can result from changes in the physical or social

environment (Reycraft 2005:5); in Late Intermediate Period Chile, Atacameños

created a unified identity in response to social encroachment following Tiwanaku

collapse (Torres-Rouff 2003:142). Ethnic identity may also be manipulated for

personal gain, such as Nubian individuals co-opting foreign Egyptian styles for status

elevation (Buzon 2006:692; Smith 2003). Due to the active, responsive nature of

ethnic identity, the use of bounded cultural assemblages to identify past groups and

their movements can be problematic (Chapman and Dolukhanov 1993; Emberling

1997; Singleton 1998:174).

Bioarchaeological methods offer promising approaches to some of these

problems. By focusing on skeletal remains and their associated artifacts, these studies

can reveal group affiliations through cultural practices and mortuary treatment

(Andresen 2000:554). Recent efforts towards the recognition of group identity

include analyses of ethnically distinctive ceramic grave goods (Cornejo 2000), ethnic

headgear in burials (Cock 2002), cranial vault modification (Blom 2005a,b;

Hoshower et al. 1995; Torres-Rouff 2002), dental and skeletal morphology (Sutter

2000; Verano 2003a), and ancient DNA (Forgey 2006; Williams 2005).

42
One particularly promising approach, strontium isotope analysis, has been

successful in separating groups within a population (Ambrose and Krigbaum 2003;

Katzenberg 2000). Although these studies do not examine ethnic affiliations,

strontium isotope analysis can document geographic origins and migration by

establishing a local signature and identifying deviations representative of migrants

(Burton et al. 2003). Combining more than one of these lines of evidence provides a

powerful means to recognize past migration events in a region—in the present study,

cranial vault modification and bone chemistry are analyzed to understand migration

within the Inca Empire.

Cranial Vault Modification


Cranial vault modification, the intentional reshaping of the head, provides

evidence of geographic origins and population movements in the Andes (Gerszten

1993; Gerszten and Gerszten 1995; Torres-Rouff 2003). According to Spanish

chronicles, cranial vault modification served as an indicator of group identity, a

practice begun before the Inca rose to power (Cobo 1990 [1653]; de las Casas 1892

[1561]:174-75; Kellner 2002:95; Marroquin 1944). Following expansion, the Inca

used differences in head shape to classify different groups within the empire, and

intentionally homogenized head shapes within groups for easier identification

(Torres-Rouff 2003:29; Cieza de León 1984 [1553]:173). In the current study,

temporal variations in cranial vault modification are first used to construct a regional

typology, followed by an assessment of geographical distributions as a means to

identify migrations into the Cuzco region.

43
Bone Chemistry
Migration studies based on strontium isotopes rely on the principle that
87
Sr/86Sr values in dental enamel reflect the local geological composition (Price et al.

1994). Geological 87Sr/86Sr values are a function of varying strontium (Sr) and

rubidium (Rb) concentrations (i.e., Rb/Sr values) and age of the bedrock within a

given region. The only radiogenic isotope of Sr, 87Sr, is produced by the slow

radioactive decay of the rubidium isotope 87Rb (Faure 1986). Because the 87Rb decay

rate remains constant, the relative amount of 87Sr to 86Sr will reflect the composition

of subsurface bedrock (i.e., its Rb/Sr value) and the time elapsed since formation or

deposition. Thus, regions containing older rocks with very high 87Rb/87Sr values (e.g.,

granite) are characterized by higher 87Sr/86Sr values than areas containing younger

basaltic rocks (Faure 1986). Consequently, the geological composition influences the

ratios of strontium isotopes in groundwater and soil, which are taken up by local

plants and animals.

Strontium is incorporated into the body’s hard tissues through consumption of

plant and animal products and water; following consumption, strontium substitutes

for calcium in the hydroxyapatite of teeth and bone (Bentley 2006; Ericson 1985;

Nelson et al. 1986; Schroeder et al. 1972:496; Sealy et al. 1991). During the processes

of consumption and substitution, the ratio of strontium isotopes remains constant—a

prerequisite for migration studies. In some elements this is not the case: isotope

amounts may change when moving from plants to animals to humans. Changes in

isotope abundance result from their differences in mass, a process known as isotopic

44
fractionation. While this process can affect isotopic analyses, it does not apply to

strontium: with regard to the four strontium isotopes (84Sr, 86Sr, 87Sr, 88Sr), the

relative mass difference is small, so isotopic fractionation does not occur through the

food chain (Faure and Powell 1972). Because strontium isotope ratios are not altered

by isotopic fractionation, an individual’s 87Sr/86Sr values will mirror the original

ratios present in the soil and groundwater of his or her local area, assuming local food

was eaten.

Strontium isotopes become integrated in teeth during development in the first

12 years of life. After this phase of dental enamel formation, strontium isotope ratios

do not change with additional intake; minerals may be taken up by the surface of the

tooth during life or after burial, yet these materials seldom penetrate deep into the

enamel (Budd et al. 2000; Price et al. 2002; Wright 2005). As such, an individual’s

dental strontium isotope ratio reflects their childhood environment, given that they

consumed local foods (Burton et al. 2003:91). Strontium isotope analysis can

therefore be used to detect migration, as a migrant’s strontium value may differ from

that of the local populace (if he or she lived in a geologically different region) (Price

et al. 1994:327; Price et al. 2004). By comparing individual values to the local isotope

signature, deviations may signify the presence of migrants.

For the present study, 59 dental enamel samples from individuals buried at the

Cuzco Valley site of Chokepukio were analyzed (at the University of Alberta’s

Radiogenic Isotope Facility) to determine if the population was composed of local

people, immigrants, or a combination of both.

45
Research Questions and Hypotheses

This chapter focuses on the biological impacts of empires and the skeletal

indicators used to identify these effects. In this section, the theoretical considerations

and research questions are formulated into specific hypotheses, which will be tested

using data from Cuzco region skeletal collections. The hypotheses derive from one

main research question: How did the rise of the Inca Empire impact populations in the

Cuzco region? This influence is explored through the avenues of health, trauma, and

migration.

Regarding the first dataset, the Inca Empire radically altered living conditions

through centralization and stratification. If these alterations detrimentally affected

health in local inhabitants, evidence of stress (i.e., stunted growth, osteoperiostitis,

porotic hyperostosis) should increase in the Late Horizon compared to earlier

populations. Furthermore, individuals in urban environments should show higher

frequencies of bacterial infection. On the other hand, if government policies improved

resource access for all individuals, evidence of malnutrition should decrease in the

Late Horizon (Table 3.1).

46
Table 3.1. Hypotheses regarding health impacts of Inca consolidation

Expectations for Frequency of Stress-Related Conditions


Relationship between Comparison of pre-Inca and
core/periphery Inca collections
populations
Hypothesis #1 Higher frequency of stress Significant increase in stress
Detrimental health indicators in periphery indicators over time
impacts following
Inca state formation
Alternate Hypothesis Similar frequencies in all No change, or decrease, in
Inca consolidation populations stress indicators over time
benefited health of
local people

This study also investigates the role of warfare in Inca state formation and

function. If warfare played a significant role in the rise of the Inca Empire, evidence

of violent trauma should increase in the Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon.

Victims of interpersonal violence would be primarily young males indicative of a

“draft-age” cohort, and evidence of trepanation resulting from cranial trauma should

concomitantly increase (Table 3.2).

Table 3.2. Hypotheses regarding evidence for violent injury

Expectations for Frequency of Traumatic Injury


Relationship between Comparison of pre-Inca and
core/periphery Inca collections
populations
Hypothesis #2 Low overall frequency of Little to no diachronic change in
Warfare had little to violent injury with no frequency of violent trauma
no influence in Inca patterning in cranial
state formation injuries
Alternate Hypothesis Higher frequency of Significant increase in violent
Warfare important violent trauma with trauma and associated
in state formation distinct demographic and trepanation over time
and function injury characteristic
patterns

47
The influence of the Inca Empire on population movements can be assessed

through contrasting hypotheses of cranial vault modification. If the Cuzco samples

follow a pattern similar to the state capital at Tiwanaku (Blom 1999), we would

expect homogeneity in head shapes at provincial sites, while core populations would

exhibit a heterogeneous mixture of head shapes, indicating migration into the Inca

capital city. In contrast, if imperial control in the Inca capital led to standardization in

head shape, we would expect to see the greatest homogeneity in head shape in Cuzco

core sites during the Late Horizon (Table 3.3).

Table 3.3. Hypotheses regarding evidence for cranial modification

Expectations for Cranial Modification Patterns


Relationship between Comparison of pre-Inca and
core/periphery Inca collections
populations
Hypothesis #3 Heterogeneous mix of Increased heterogeneity in Late
Cuzco as multi- modification types in core Horizon due to migration
ethnic cosmopolitan region
capital
Alternate Hypothesis Homogenization in core Increased homogenization in
Standardization in populations, heterogeneity Late Horizon due to imperial
head shape from in periphery standardization
increasing
complexity

Along with cranial modification, strontium isotopic analysis provides

information on migration into the Cuzco region. Several samples from the site of

Chokepukio were analyzed for their strontium (87Sr/86Sr) ratios to reveal the

possibility of migration into the site (Table 3.4). If migrations did occur, some

isotopic values would vary significantly from the local value. Furthermore, if the

Chokepukio migrants came from the Tiwanaku region, some Chokepukio samples

48
should resemble Tiwanaku strontium values (Knudson et al. 2004). In contrast, if no

migrations occurred, the Chokepukio samples should be homogenous and show no

similarities with the Tiwanaku samples.

Table 3.4. Hypotheses regarding strontium (87Sr/86Sr) isotopic analysis

Expectations for Strontium Isotopic Ratios


Ratios within the Comparison of Comparison of Cuzco
site of pre-Inca and samples to Tiwanaku
Chokepukio Inca individuals samples (Knudson 2004)
at Chokepukio
Hypothesis #4 No deviation Continuity in Dissimilar to Tiwanaku
All local from the local strontium samples
individuals in ratio values over
Chokepukio time
sample
Alternate Significant Change in Similarities between
Hypothesis deviation of strontium some Cuzco values and
Migrants present some individuals values over Tiwanaku local
in Chokepukio from the local time due to signature
sample signature migration

Through the present study, the Cuzco region becomes a testing ground for

recognizing the impact of increasing complexity and centralization on local

inhabitants. Unlike traditional archaeological studies, this study incorporates a new

line of evidence from skeletal analyses to address Inca imperialism and assess the

accuracy of historical events described in Spanish chronicles. To address these

questions, a large sample size was accumulated from 11 sites throughout the Cuzco

region; this sample is described in the next chapter, along with methods of analysis.

49
Chapter 4. Materials and Methods

The Sample

Accumulation of Study Sample- Research Design


To test hypotheses of Inca imperial impacts on local populations, a four-phase

investigation of Cuzco-area burials was implemented. The first phase featured

excavations of burials at Chokepukio, a stratified site near Cuzco that bridges the Late

Intermediate Period (LIP) during which time the Inca Empire arose. Though the site

lacks a distinct cemetery section, certain spaces within the site revealed a higher

concentration of interments. In total, 176 individuals were recovered during field

seasons from 1994 to 2005; beginning in 1999, I supervised burial excavations as the

Director of Osteological Research at Chokepukio.

The second phase involved laboratory analysis of the Chokepukio burials,

with comprehensive data collection on age, sex, skeletal pathological conditions,

trauma, trepanation, and cranial vault modification. This phase built upon pre-

dissertation analysis of the Chokepukio skeletons during the 1999-2002 field seasons,

which revealed well-preserved skeletons with various pathological conditions,

trepanations, and at least two types of cranial vault modification. The second phase of

the dissertation project was completed during the summers of 2003, 2004, and 2005

in Cuzco.

The third phase consisted of analysis of previously-excavated skeletal

collections housed at the Cuzco National Institute of Culture (INC). This data

50
collection occurred from August to December, 2004, August to September 2005, and

August 2006, and provided a sample of 618 burials. The final phase of the research

project took place at the Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology at the University of

California, Berkeley in March 2005, with the analysis of 61 skulls from the Cuzco-

region site of Colmay. The third and fourth phases brought the sample size to 855

individuals from 11 sites throughout the Cuzco department: Qotakalli, Sacsahuaman,

Kusicancha, Wata, Kanamarca, Chokepukio, Aqnapampa, Qhataqasapatallacta,

Cotocotuyoc, Machu Picchu, and Colmay (Table 4.1).

Table 4.1. Sites included in the sample

Site Location Temporal Number of


Category Individuals Studied
Kusicancha Core Inca 21
Sacsahuaman Core Inca 43
Qotakalli Core Early Inca 360
Qhataqasapatallacta Core Inca 28
Chokepukio Periphery Pre-Inca and 176
Inca
Wata Periphery Pre-Inca 12
Colmay Periphery Inca 61
Cotocotuyoc Periphery Pre-Inca 73
Aqnapampa Periphery Pre-Inca, Inca, 36
and Colonial
Machu Picchu Periphery Inca 7
Kanamarca Periphery Inca 38
Total number of individuals studied: 855

Sampling Strategy
The sites were chosen to encompass a broad geographic span that included

“core” and “periphery” populations. The core sites were those located within and

adjacent to the city of Cuzco, whereas the peripheral sites were those beyond Cuzco

51
city’s outer edges. This classification diverges from other studies in which the entire

Cuzco region is seen as the core, while provincial sites throughout the empire are

regarded as the periphery. In contrast, this study looks at microvariation between the

immediate core of the Inca capital and the sites surrounding the capital, what might

be considered “semi-periphery” in a world systems perspective (Kuznar 1996:7). The

four sites in and immediately adjacent to Cuzco city that comprise the Inca “core”

part of the sample are Sacsahuaman, Kusicancha, Qhataqasapatallacta, and Qotakalli.

The remaining seven sites make up the “inner-periphery” part of the sample, derived

from locations throughout the department of Cuzco at a distance of 30 to 150 km

from Cuzco city (Figure 4.1).

52
Figure 4.1. Map of Cuzco sites

53
The inclusion of core and periphery sites was necessary to compare urban and

provincial populations. Based on the hypotheses presented in Chapter 3, populations

are expected to experience different circumstances depending on their location within

an imperial system. These conditions, which vary based on numerous factors, can

have a profound impact on health. For the core populations, such variables include

the effects of aggregated living, increased infection in highly-trafficked areas, and an

influx in resources from periphery exploitation. For the peripheral populations,

important factors under consideration include possible health detriments due to

enforced labor, demographic changes from state-directed migration, and the influence

of food subsidies on nutrition levels.

Sites were also chosen to include several different time periods, so that

comparisons could be drawn between pre-Inca and Inca populations (Table 4.2).

Samples from the Early Intermediate Period (200 BC-AD 700) and Middle Horizon

(AD 700-1000) provide a baseline for health profiles in the Cuzco region prior to the

rise of the Inca Empire. The sites from the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1400)

and the Inca Imperial Period/Late Horizon (1400-1532) present the means to

investigate biological impacts of the rise of the Inca Empire. Several of the sites

analyzed were occupied during more than one period; these stratified sites prove

useful in viewing changes in frequency of pathological conditions.

54
Table 4.2. Skeletal material by time period and sample size

Time Period (following Site Region Sample


Rowe and Menzel 1967) Size
Early Intermediate Period Chokepukio Cuzco Valley 24
(200 BC-AD 700) Wata Anta 12
Sub-Total 36
Middle Horizon (AD 700- Chokepukio Cuzco Valley 10
1000) Cotocotuyoc Huaro Valley 45
Qotakalli Cuzco Valley 3
Sub-Total 58
Late Intermediate Period Chokepukio Cuzco Valley 17
(AD 1000-1400) Aqnapampa Quiquijana Valley 7
Kusicancha Cuzco Valley 1
Cotocotuyoc Huaro Valley 28
Sub-Total 53
Late LIP/Early Inca (AD Qotakalli Cuzco Valley 344
1290-1420)
Inca- Late Horizon (AD Chokepukio Cuzco Valley 89
1400-1532) Aqnapampa Quiquijana Valley 7
Kusicancha Cuzco Valley 20
Sacsahuaman Cuzco Valley 43
Colmay Anta 61
Kanamarca Espinar 38
Machu Picchu Urubamba 7
Qhataqasapatallacta Cuzco Valley 28
Qotakalli Cuzco Valley 13
Sub-Total 306
Indeterminate Temporal Chokepukio and Cuzco and 58
Affiliation Aqnapampa Quiquijana Valleys
Total Individuals 855

To identify temporal changes in the frequency of pathological conditions, the

burials were divided into three groups: pre-Inca, early Inca, and Inca. The pre-Inca

group was composed of burials from six sites that spanned the Early Intermediate

Period, Middle Horizon, and Late Intermediate Period—this pre-Inca group totaled

147 burials. The Late LIP/Early Inca group consisted of 344 burials from one site,

55
Qotakalli, radiocarbon-dated to AD 1290-1420. Finally, the Inca group comprised

nine sites with 306 burials from the Late Horizon.

Collapsing sites into a “pre-Inca” group was necessary to achieve large

sample sizes for statistically sound interpretations. Regrettably, combining pre-Inca

groups obscures differences among these populations; however, each pre-Inca group

could not be analyzed separately because of the small sample sizes. Therefore, the

pre-Inca groups were analyzed together as a baseline for comparison to the later Inca

group. In the future, continued excavations will increase the sample size of pre-Inca

Cuzco burials, allowing for an examination of differences among pre-Inca

populations.

Sampling Challenges
Several issues emerged in analyzing the large skeletal sample, including

biased recovery, differential preservation, and commingled remains. In terms of

biased recovery from incomplete retrieval of skeletons, excavation of human remains

at archaeological sites has changed throughout the 20th century: in many early

excavations, skeletal elements were either ignored entirely or only partially collected,

with archaeologists saving the skull and disregarding postcranial elements (Heizer

1974; Mensforth 1990:91; Ubelaker 1999; Verano 2003a:66). As a result, those

samples excavated from the first half of the 20th century may often be lacking in

postcranial material.

Only one site in the present sample, Colmay, was excavated during this

nascent period of archaeology and thus subjected to biased collection procedures. In

56
1901, Max Uhle collected 61 skulls from the site of Colmay for curation in UC

Berkeley’s Hearst Museum, yet he did not save the associated post-cranial material or

mandibles (Uhle 1909, vol. 9:20-23). Despite the lack of postcranial material, the

sample is excellently preserved and offers a wealth of information on cranial vault

modification, trepanation, and pathological conditions. The other ten sites in the

sample were excavated from 1994 to 2006 with an emphasis on complete collection

and conservation of skeletal remains.

Differential preservation hampered analysis for a few sites in the sample.

Burials listed as “poor” condition were soft, friable, and likely to disintegrate upon

touch. In contrast, elements considered in “excellent” condition were sturdy and

withstood removal and transportation. While the majority of burials exhibited

excellent preservation, the Aqnapampa and Machu Picchu skeletal remains were

poorly preserved from exposure and weathering. At Aqnapampa, the poor

preservation resulted from looting that led to exposure on the ground surface. Though

these bones were situated inside chullpas (burial structures) and thus spared from

modern-day agricultural and animal-grazing damage, their exposure to climatic

elements affected overall condition. The poor preservation can also be attributed to

the location of the site on an alluvial fan with overall humid conditions (Melissa

Chatfield, personal communication, 2006). Due to these conditions, many bones

showed cracking and exfoliation of the periosteal layer of bone. At Machu Picchu, the

human bones from caves were damaged by carnivore disturbance, root action, acidic

soil, and humidity (Miller 2003:9; Verano 2003a:72). When recovered, the long

57
bones were missing epiphyses with extensive damage, and the cranial fragments

showed flaking and pitting. Though taphonomic processes hampered data collection

of a small number of burials from Aqnapampa and Machu Picchu, certain conditions

such as dental stress markers and cranial modification could be observed at these

sites.

A third sampling challenge was the commingling of remains at one site,

Qotakalli, which necessitated a separate methodology to determine minimum number

of individuals (MNI) and pathological frequencies (see Methods of Data Collection

below). It was particularly important to establish a working methodology for

Qotakalli, because the site produced the single largest number of burials (360) within

the sample. As a core site dated to the Early Inca period, the Qotakalli burials are

central for understanding changes in health during the rise of the Inca Empire. While

the commingled remains presented a challenge in sorting individuals, the chosen

methodology (described below) facilitated comparison among the commingled and

non-commingled sites.

A discussion of the site with commingled remains, Qotakalli, and the ten other

sites follows in the section on site description. For each site, presented in order of

distance from the core, the location, excavation details, and contextual information

are presented. The information for each site varies based on availability and

completeness of published reports; for some sites, archaeologists produced extensive

accounts with details and interpretations from excavations, while in other cases scant

information was available.

58
Site Description- Core Sites

Kusicancha
Kusicancha is a sacred site located adjacent to the Temple of the Sun

(Coricancha), 200 meters from Cuzco’s Plaza de Armas. Covering an area of 6,048

square meters, the site was designed using the Inca architectural plan of the cancha, a

rectangular compound of buildings around an open courtyard (Hyslop 1990:16-18).

Underlying the Inca buildings, a Late Intermediate Period Killke occupation level

contains remnants of walls, canals, and burials with associated cultural material.

Excavations at Kusicancha in 2002 revealed 17 burials found in two sectors

(Tomayconsa 2002). Two burials from Kusicancha dated to the Late Intermediate

Period with Killke artifacts, while the rest were Late Horizon. Both stratigraphic and

contextual criteria assisted in separating the two interment periods: Killke burials

remained beneath the Inca contexts associated with Killke structures and ceramics,

while the Inca burials were found in the interior of rectangular buildings and in open

areas near the Inca canchas. Inca burial pits consisted of oval-shaped shallow

depressions of prepared earth, and all included grave goods. The shallow nature of the

interments suggests that the bodies received post-mortem attention involving

ceremonial offerings, a religious practice also reported at the nearby site of

Sacsahuaman (Solis 1999). Burial artifacts included ceremonial ceramic vessels,

personal ornaments such as metal tupu pins, tweezers, small metal plates, necklace

beads, spherical metal mirrors, and textile instruments of worked bone.

The site’s significance lies in its location in the heart of Cuzco, next to the

main Temple of the Sun (Coricancha). In the ceque system, an arrangement of shrines

59
symbolically located on a grid radiating from the epicenter of Cuzco, the site

represents the first shrine (huaca) on the fifth ceque of Chinchaysuyu. Adjacent to

Coricancha, the site housed priests and others serving the Temple of the Sun, and also

functioned as a storage space for offerings and idols brought from all parts of the Inca

Empire for annual festivals. Further underscoring the importance of the Kusicancha,

the site served as the birthplace of the Inca ruler Topa Inca Yupanqui (Bauer

2004:135).

Sacsahuaman
The site of Sacsahuaman is located in Cuzco province at an altitude of 3,569

meters above sea level. Positioned on an open hillside immediately above the city of

Cuzco, Sacsahuaman contains plazas, dwellings, worship sites, storehouses, roads,

bastions, watchtowers, aqueducts, and cemeteries. In some accounts of Inca history,

the emperor Pachacuti constructed the city of Cuzco in the shape of a puma, with

Sacsahuaman at the “head” and the Coricancha as part of the body (Rowe 1967).

Other chronicles assert that Pachacuti’s son Topa Inca built the “fortress” of

Sacsahuaman in six years, beginning construction four years after his return to the

city of Cuzco following an uprising in Collasuyo province (Betanzos 1996:155

[1577]). Archaeological evidence appears to support Pachacuti’s involvement in the

site’s inception, with construction continuing under Topa Inca (Julien 2004:34; Niles

1999:260).

INC-led archaeological excavations in 1999 uncovered 43 individuals in

elaborately prepared tombs from the Suchuna sector in the northwest corner of

60
Sacsahuaman (Solis 1999). The Suchuna cemetery sector contained a well-finished

artificial platform constructed to support the burials and surrounding funerary

structures. The forty tombs appeared as ovoid-shaped clay structures with dimensions

of approximately 60 cm wide by 80 cm high, within which most individuals were in

situ primary inhumations, positioned in a sitting posture and tightly flexed (Solis

1999). The majority were single interments, while three tombs contained two burials

each. The tombs had been sealed following interment, and most contained burned

organic material, consisting of vegetable matter, carbonized maize kernels, and

chunks of carbon; in some instances similar burned material was collected from

outside the structures.

An assemblage of 201 burial artifacts was recovered during the 1999

excavations, of metal (127), ceramic (49), shell (15), bone (6), stone (3), and wood

(1). In analyzing the distribution of "classic" tupu pins among the burials, no

correlation with size or number of tupus was found, and tupu pins were included with

both sexes in this burial sample (Andrushko et al. 2006). The presence of tupu pins in

the majority of cases together with some textile remains indicates that the bodies were

wrapped in garments prior to interment. Although gold was not recovered, the

miniature pottery vessels, presence of silver and spondylus shells, and structured

tombs indicate a cemetery of a highly regarded sector of society. The burned deposits

around the tombs appear to represent offerings made after the tombs were sealed,

during ceremonies conducted when revisiting the grave. Site archaeologists surmise

61
that these burned offerings included aromatic plants and coca that served to sustain

the dead in their other-worldly journeys (Solis 1999).

Interpretations of Sacsahuaman's function have varied widely. Originally, the

Spanish viewed it as a fortress, based on their preconceptions of military construction

and on the presumed defensive function of the the vast polygonal ramparts that

compose the most visible Inca structures (Betanzos 1996:155-158 [1577]). However,

more recent site interpretations point to additional functions as a Temple of the Sun

and public arena for state rituals (Espinoza 1987). Guaman Poma de Ayala refers to

the religious significance of the site in three sections of his “El Primer Nueva

Corónica y Buen Gobierno” (1936:337 [339], 405[407], 641[655]), and other

chroniclers such as Cieza de León (1985 [1533]) and Garcilaso de la Vega (1986

[1609]:bk.7, ch. XI) describe Sacsahuaman as a Royal House of the Sun with a vital

role in the central workings of the Inca Empire.

The Suchuna sector of Sacsahuaman is associated with the eighth huaca

(shrine) of Calispuquio (Solis 1999), a huaca that belonged to the royal clan (panaca)

of Topa Inca. In Rowe’s (1946:203) chronology, Topa Inca was the tenth king and

reigned from AD 1470 to 1490, during which the Calispuqio huaca was likely

constructed. The proximity of the burials to this huaca indicates that this was an area

of great ceremonial significance, within a site of primary importance to the Inca

Empire.

62
Qotakalli
The site of Qotakalli is located 4.5 km southeast Cuzco’s Plaza de Armas

(district San Sebastián), along the banks of the Huatanay River at an altitude of 3,344

meters above sea level. The site covers an area of 1,380 meters and contains the

remains of 78 rectangular buildings along with ceramic scatters of Inca and Qotakalli

(local Middle Horizon style) pottery. Luis Barrera Murillo conducted surface survey

and artifact collection from the site in the 1970s, where he identified Qotakalli as the

type site for the local Middle Horizon pottery, chronologically following Chanapata

in the ceramic typology of the region (Barreda 1995:41). Analyses by Lyon (1978)

and Dwyer (1971:136) place Qotakalli ceramics as the antecedent of the Killke type,

the Late Intermediate Period style found throughout Cuzco.

In 2002, the INC excavated five rectangular buildings with an average

dimension of 5 x 11 meters, constructed from a base of square stones (Benavides

2003). The INC continued their excavations in 2003 and 2004 and found a domestic

Inca occupation along with storage facilities and funerary contexts (Bustinza 2004).

These excavated areas revealed a well-planned urban infrastructure in a grid pattern

of houses, streets, passageways, and plazas.

A total of 360 individuals were recovered from Qotakalli in two separate

contexts. Sixteen burials were found as primary interments outside of the Inca

buildings, interred as single, flexed and articulated burials. In contrast, 344 secondary

burials, disarticulated and commingled, were uncovered within one Inca building

(Recinto #75). Radiocarbon dates from the primary and secondary burials reveal a

63
temporal difference: three of the primary single burials date to the Middle Horizon

(AD 690-960, 2 Sigma calibrated date), while the secondary burials from Building 75

date to the late LIP/Early Inca period (AD 1290-1420, 2 Sigma calibrated date). The

earlier dates substantiate Barreda’s (1973) assertion that the site was occupied in the

Middle Horizon and later resettled by the Inca.

The burials of Recinto 75 represent a unique reburial event during which

hundreds of individuals were removed from their original interment place and

relocated into one structure (Benavides 2003). The skeletal remains were hastily

reburied as evidenced by the disarticulated position, multiple individuals in one

grave, the general lack of artifacts, and the loss of many small bones. The skeletons

were not buried at a great depth, but rather were placed on the floor and covered with

approximately 20 cm of sediment. Grave goods were mainly small personal items

such as tupu pins, needles, and spindle whorls.

Those people reburied in Recinto 75 died long before the reburial event,

which occurred during the latest occupation of Qotakalli. Radiocarbon dates from two

burials within Building 75 indicate that the individuals died as long as a century or

two before the reburial event occurred. While the main site occupation is placed from

AD 1400-1450, the secondary burials were likely transported and reinterred during

Late Inca times, possibly during abandonment of the site (Benavides 2003). Once the

burials had been placed inside and covered with sediment, the door was sealed to

prevent further disturbance. The intentional sealing of the building led to excellent

preservation of the skeletal remains.

64
The site’s significance is clear—Qotakalli was a sacred site located on the

Collasuyo line of the ceque system. This shrine was positioned as the second huaca

of the seventh ceque that follows a linear direction from Qotakalli towards

Huanacauri. Archaeologists concluded the buildings were largely constructed for

domestic use, based on the remains of Inca ceramics, stone tools, instruments for

weaving and food production, faunal remains including camelids, guinea pigs, and

birds, and hearth contexts of carbon and ash (Bustinza 2004). Along with residences,

the site also contained workshops and storage areas, and internal sub-divisions within

several buildings indicated spatial partitions for cooking, storage, and other activities.

The archaeological evidence reveals a diverse diet of meat from camelids, birds, and

guinea pigs (cuy), supplemented by potatoes, maize, and other cereal grains.

Qhataqasapatallacta
The site of Qhataqasapatallacta is located 15 km southwest of Cuzco city in

the district of Santiago, adjacent to the hillside of Qompo Wanakauri. At 3,500 meters

above sea level, the site covers 29.82 hectares within an urban environment, where

modern construction and agriculture pose a constant threat to the site’s preservation.

The site was initially surveyed by Barreda (1973), who described the Inca buildings

of worked stone, alleyways, and plazas, along with surface ceramic fragments of

Killke, Lucre (LIP), and Inca types.

The INC excavated four rectangular buildings with an area of 9 x 6 meters

each in 2002. The recovered artifacts, along with architecture and type of

construction, indicated an Inca occupation (Pilares 2002). The ceramic assemblage

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consisted mostly of large vessels (80-90 centimeters in height) used to store grain and

chicha, while the small rectangular buildings functioned as storage units and living

spaces. Excavations in 2003 revealed additional rectangular buildings of worked

stone and vestiges of adobe buildings, arranged in a typical architectural pattern with

artificial platforms, alleys, patios and supporting walls.

Twenty-eight burials were recovered at Qhataqasapatallacta in a sacred ritual

area with a stone ushnu (elevated ceremonial platform) where ritual and funerary rites

were performed. Most burials were found within the perimeter of several Inca

buildings, often in the corners, and the Inca practice of burying individuals in large

ceramic vessels was documented at this site.

Qhataqasapatallacta generally functioned as a residence and storage area for

grains and other tribute materials coming into Cuzco from peripheral regions.

Evidence of domestic activities included textile tools, discarded faunal bones, hearths,

wide-mouth ceramic vessels for chicha preparation, and fragments of daily-use

ceramic plates and bowls. Specifically prepared structures with ventilation shafts

served as warehouses for storage of maize, potatoes, and other harvested foods. The

site also had a religious purpose based on evidence of ceremonial ceramic fragments

and ushnu constructions, where ceremonies focused on ancestor veneration and the

sacred aspects of maize (Pilares 2002). Significant discoveries at the site included the

presence of peanuts indicating trade from the eastern Amazonian regions, and

camelid and dog burial offerings that point to a ritual purpose for certain animals

(Bustinza 2003).

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Site Description- Peripheral Sites

Chokepukio
The site of Chokepukio, covering approximately one square kilometer, is

located 30 km southeast of Cuzco in the Lucre Basin, at an average altitude of 3,142

meters above sea level. First occupied around 400 BC, Chokepukio was continuously

inhabited over two millennia. Data from excavations suggest that a small farming

community occupied the site from at least 400 BC until the intrusion of the Wari

Empire (McEwan et al. 1995). The Middle Horizon featured a local Qotakalli

occupation with simultaneous use by the Wari indicated by ceramics and shrines.

During the Late Intermediate Period at Chokepukio, large-scale monumental

architecture was constructed in the form of niched hall buildings, whereas in the

subsequent Inca occupation, a series of small houses formed a small village around

the abandoned LIP buildings (McEwan et al. 1995). The domestic architecture

followed the typical Inca cancha pattern, with rectangular buildings composed around

a common courtyard (Niles 1999:273).

A total of 176 burials were recovered from Chokepukio during field seasons

from 1994 to 2005. Burials were most frequently found in tightly-flexed and flexed

positions, and were rarely interred in prepared tombs, but rather tucked into corners

of older buildings, placed into small rooms, and positioned in superficial graves.

Grave associations were generally uncommon, and when present, usually consisted of

small personal items like tupu pins or refuse items such as small ceramic sherds and

obsidian flakes (Andrushko et al. 2006).

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The Inca practice of interring individuals in ceramic vessels was encountered

in a few instances. Two large vessels containing four individuals (three adults and one

juvenile) and two adults, respectively, were buried side by side; the bones were found

mixed and disarticulated, indicative of secondary burials. In two other cases, very

young children were found buried in ceramic vessels. In contrast to the secondary

burials in the large vessels, these juvenile interments represented primary burials with

articulated skeletal elements.

One distinctive group of burials from the 2004 field season is an assemblage

of seven individuals between the ages of 3 to 11 years, mostly centered in the 5 to 6

year range. These children were buried together, tightly wrapped with textiles and

rope and interred with a large number of artifacts. These burials may represent an

event of ritual child sacrifice, and are currently undergoing further study, including

isotopic analysis (Gibaja et al. 2005).

This multi-component site was used in various times for domestic, political,

and ceremonial purposes (McEwan et al. 2002). During the LIP, the large niched

temples hosted groups for feasting and political alliance formation. Later on, though

the site retained religious significance in the Late Horizon, an examination of

mortuary practices shows that individuals were not given high status burial

(Andrushko et al. 2006). Most of the Late Horizon activities centered on agricultural

production for subsistence and labor tribute, and craft manufacture with a ceramic

production area (Chatfield 1999).

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Wata
Wata is located in the district of Warocondo, Anta Province, 45 km northwest

of the city of Cuzco at an altitude of 3900-4040 meters above sea level. Bordered by

the Warocondo River and the Pomatales Valley, the site is positioned high upon a hill

and surrounded by three concentric walls of fortification (Kendall 1985:321; Rowe

1944:53).

During the Yale University/National Geographic expeditions in 1914-15,

George MacCurdy and Hiram Bingham visited Wata and described several skeletal

remains visible on the ground surface: “on top of the point 200 yards west of the

saddle, lay a lot of bones including the broken skull of a youth with Aymara

deformation… [we] discovered an open cave in which were two skulls; one of these

had three artificial apertures and one deep indentation” (MacCurdy 1923:225). The

investigators also report finding two trepanned skulls and a cranium with “Aymara”

deformation in a separate cave from Wata (ibid: 227).

INC archaeological excavations from 2002-2004 uncovered occupation

spanning the Early Intermediate Period, Late Intermediate Period, and Late Horizon,

based on the presence of Chanapata, Lucre and Killke, and Inca ceramics,

respectively (Peña 2004). Architectural remains include residential areas, storage

buildings, terraces, and funerary contexts, with 12 burials recovered from Early

Intermediate Period contexts.

Through multiple occupations, the site function changed over time as a

reflection of increasing sociopolitical complexity. The Early Intermediate Period

group engaged primarily in agricultural and pastoral activities, leaving the remains of

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rustic residential adobe buildings, hearth features, and fragments of domestic pottery.

During this time the adjacent hill of Willkapata was used as a sacred space for

ceremonial rites. Following a hiatus in the Middle Horizon, Wata was reoccupied in

the LIP as an administrative center with political and religious functions, with

Willkapata again serving as a shrine for the site (Peña 2004). The Inca subsequently

co-opted this space and continued to use Willkapata in a religious capacity to

maintain control over the local populace (ibid). Wata’s strategic location—

equidistance from the Cuzco Valley, the salt mines of Maras, and the more temperate

fields of the lower elevation Urubamba Valley—favorably positioned the site in

respect to essential resources including coca, maize, and salt. Wata thus functioned

within a vast trade network of valuable natural resources for the Inca.

Cotocotuyoc
The site of Cotocotuyoc is located 46 km southeast of Cuzco at an elevation of

3,200 meters. Established south of the mountain Viracochan in the eastern part of the

Huaro Valley, the site covers an area of 45 hectares and is surrounding by a large

fortification wall, within which lies groups of buildings with small rooms and long

parallel corridors. Surface survey conducted in 2000 (Glowacki and Roman 2000)

documented substantial evidence of Wari ceramic vessel fragments as well as stone

tools such as axes and bolas.

Seventy-three burials were encountered within the Middle Horizon and Late

Intermediate Period components at Cotocotuyoc during the 2005 and 2006 field

seasons. This burial assemblage consists of 45 Wari burials along with 28 burials

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associated with Lucre material culture. One Wari structure revealed evidence of floor

tombs covered by stone lids, though the contexts had been looted (Glowacki

2002:271).

Founded during the early part of the Wari occupation of Cuzco, the site

occupation continued through the last phase of the Middle Horizon (circa 1000 AD),

during a time of supposed violent conflict that required active defense of the Wari

communities (Glowacki and McEwan 2001:42). Several site characteristics indicate a

settlement braced for intergroup conflict: a fortification wall, recovery of weaponry

artifacts, and the site location above the valley floor, situated with strategic views of

the valley. The stone tools recovered may have served as defensive weapons, or

alternatively could have been used in activities such as hunting (Glowacki 2002:272).

These archaeological data provide evidence for precipitating factors of Wari

collapse in the Cuzco region. Investigations into the terminal phase of Wari

occupation at Cotocotuyoc indicate a population under duress, where political

instability from environmental disruptions translated into substandard architecture

and artifacts due to limited material resources (Glowacki 2005). Material evidence of

violent conflict supports the notion that warfare and political instability contributed to

the collapse of the Wari Empire in Cuzco (Glowacki 2002, 2005).

Colmay
The site of Colmay is located 35 kilometers west of Cuzco (four kilometers

northeast of Chinchaypuquio in the Anta Province) at an elevation of 3,485 meters.

Several large Inca rectangular buildings and surrounding platforms at the site exhibit

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the imperial Inca architectural style of Pachacuti, with interiorly-inclining walls, a

trapezoidal door, and high-quality worked stone. The site’s main building displays an

angular rock that resembles the well-known 12-sided rock in the city of Cuzco.

During initial site survey, Uhle described the edifices as “one-roomed Incaic

buildings of huge blocks, and at the side of them, 20 meters away, a cave tomb

opened about 70 years ago with all the bones mixed” (Uhle 1909 [vol. 9]:20-23).

Uhle collected 61 skulls from the site in 1909, mostly from the cave tombs

mentioned in his field notes, though no postcranial elements were collected and no

sub-surface excavations were carried out. Surface artifacts recovered from the site

included two wooden llama vessels, fragments of basketry, a comb, a wooden textile

needle, and some selected fragments of “Incaic” pottery (Uhle 1909 [vol. 8]:69-73).

More recent reconnaissance of the site in August 2006 revealed well-preserved

architecture obscured by vegetative overgrowth, caves with stone architecture built

into the natural walls, and surface ceramic sherds. The 2006 site survey found no

visible human remains in any of the cave contexts.

As Uhle did not complete any actual excavations, very little is known about

site chronology or function. Colmay may have served as an Inca tambo, a resting

station along the Inca transportation system, based on its proximity to an Inca road

and architectural design (Arguedas 1992). Conversely, the site’s finely-worked

architecture, impressive views high above the Anta Valley, and presence of modified

caves for funerary use suggest that the site may have functioned as an imperial estate

and mortuary complex.

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Aqnapampa
The site of Aqnapampa is located southeast of the Cuzco and Huaro valleys in

the Quiquijana Valley, approximately 80 kilometers from Pikillacta. Aqnapampa is

found adjacent to the town of Moqoraise and 5 km from the town of Quiquijana, in

the district of Cusipata (Quispicanchis province, department of Cuzco).

Surface survey and excavations in July 1999 documented 44 structures

including rectangular buildings, along with patio spaces and associated terraces and

cultivated fields. Architecture at the site includes large 5 x 5 meter structures, local

chullpas from the LIP measuring 1.5 x 2.2 meters, and undisturbed colonial chullpas

containing burials and fragmented ceramic vessels (Chatfield 2007).

These chullpas contained the skeletal remains of 36 individuals, many of

which were found in disturbed and commingled contexts with overall poor

preservation of the bones. Melissa Chatfield (personal communication, 2006)

attributes the poor preservation to the site’s location on an alluvial fan amidst humid

conditions, with exposure on the ground surface adding to the weathering and poor

preservation.

Machu Picchu
The site of Machu Picchu is located 80 km northwest of Cuzco in the district

of Machupicchu, Urubamba province, at an altitude of 2,450 meters above sea level.

The site covers an area of 32,592 hectares and is surrounded by the hills of Huayna

Picchu, Machu Picchu, and Putucusi, and the valley of Collpani. Hiram Bingham

“discovered” the site in 1911 and referred to it as the “Lost City of the Incas.” In

1912, George Eaton conducted an analysis of 164 burials from an area near the

73
Sacred Plaza and from cave deposits around Machu Picchu peak (Eaton 1916). In the

succeeding decades, the INC carried out several studies with the support of

UNESCO, which recognized Machu Picchu as a World Heritage site in 1983.

The INC’s Cultural Patrimony Project (1994 to 1998) uncovered an

assemblage of 15 individuals from Caves 1-9 (unavailable for study due to reburial)

and seven individuals from Cave 10 (included in this study). Cave 10, located

southwest of the trail to the Inca Bridge, contained skeletal material and associated

artifacts of ceramic vessels, copper tupu pins and needles, and one turquoise bead.

Recent interpretations of the site highlight its function as a royal seasonal

estate for the emperor Pachacuti and as a locus of religious activity (Burger and

Salazar-Burger 1993, Hyslop 1990). These data, along with architectural evidence of

shrines, ritual caves, temples and ceremonial fountains, position Machu Picchu as a

residential and ceremonial estate rather than a military settlement (Miller 2003:45).

Specific structures at Machu Picchu also served as observatories for solar alignment

and other phenomena (Dearborn and Schreiber 1986; Dearborn et al. 1987; Reinhard

2002).

Kanamarca
Kanamarca is located 147.5 km southeast of the city of Cuzco in the district of

Alto Pichigua, Espinar Province, at an elevation of 3900 meters. The site was

mentioned in ethnohistoric documents by Cieza de León (1985 [1533]), who noted

that the Inca peacefully incorporated the Kanamarca region through strategic alliance,

74
in contrast to the militaristic force necessary to suppress strong resistance by the

Collas and Lupacas of Lake Titicaca.

INC investigations of ten rectangular buildings in 2004 revealed an extensive

Inca occupation with residential and storage buildings and a variety of domestic and

ceremonial artifacts. Cultural material included agricultural and textile production

instruments and stone-working tools, along with mixed ceramic assemblages of both

the local Late Horizon and imperial Inca styles.

A total of 38 burials were found at Kanamarca, all dated to the Inca

occupation of the site. Elaborate stone tombs were recovered, one of which contained

a single mummy bundle with associated spondylus necklace and polychrome Inca

vessels. This older adult female exhibited a perimortem trepanation, with the excised

section of bone reinserted into the surgically-created cavity and an organic poultice

placed over the wound site, indicating medical treatment at the time of death (see

Chapter 7).

Based on the architectural and archaeological evidence, Kanamarca

functioned for both residential and ceremonial purposes. Mixture of the local and

imperial Inca ceramics in the same contexts indicates that the local style persisted

even as imperially-produced pottery diffused into daily use. Foods cultivated in

adjacent fields included quinoa and potatoes, supplementing a diet of cuy and camelid

meat and bone marrow (Benavides 2004:143). The spondylus shell grave goods

associated with several burials provides evidence of an active trade route from the

coast into the highlands.

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Methods of Data Collection

To document the biological impacts of the Inca Empire, specific skeletal

conditions that reflect environmental stress and disease were chosen for analysis.

Evidence for traumatic injury and trepanation was documented to reveal the role of

warfare in the emergence of the Inca Empire. In addition, cranial modification and

strontium isotope analyses were undertaken to identify migrations in the Cuzco

region.

Data collection on skeletal remains followed standards outlined in Buikstra

and Ubelaker (1994) and the Global History of Health Project Codebook

(http://global.sbs.ohio-state.edu/global.php). A new method was used for assessing

the minimum number of individuals (MNI) and frequencies of skeletal conditions in

collections of commingled remains, described below. Recording methods for the

cultural practices of cranial vault modification and trepanation are also detailed.

Finally, the methods of strontium analysis, completed by colleagues at the University

of Alberta, are presented for the study of migration in the Cuzco region.

Age Assessment
In this study, subadult age determination followed Moorrees and colleagues

(1963) for dental crown and root development and Ubelaker (1999) for dental

eruption. Metopic suture and mandibular suture fusion helped to differentiate

newborns from infants of later post-partum developmental phases (> 1 year). Long

bones provided age estimates based on epiphyseal fusion rates to the metaphyseal

portions of the shafts, while measurements of long bones with unfused epiphyses

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were also used to determine age based on standardized rates of growth (Ubelaker

1999).

These combined criteria produced age designations within a one-year range.

All subadults in this study were thus classified in one-year increments, from 0-1 year

old infants to 17-18 year old adolescents. When only a few elements of a subadult

individual were available, the category of “Subadult Other” was used based on

overall size of elements or width of the cranial vault (e.g., Subadult Other [2-4

years]).

Adult aging methods followed Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994), with some

criteria weighted more heavily than others. The aging technique deemed most

accurate, and therefore preferred when the pubic bones were preserved, was the

Suchey-Brooks method (Brooks and Suchey 1990; Pasquier et al. 1999; Telmon et al.

2005; Tocheri et al. 2002:4). In the absence of the pubic symphyses, the pelvic

auricular surface was used (Lovejoy et al. 1985). These two pelvic aging techniques

produced mean ages that were grouped into four categories: young adult (18-25

years), young middle adult (26-35 years), old middle adult (36-45 years), and old

adult (46+ years).

When only the cranium was available for study, cranial vault sutures provided

a general age determination. The lambdoidal, sagittal, coronal, and spheno-temporal

sutures were used to assess suture closure (from zero closure to complete

obliteration). The cumulative scores for each cranium was given a S-value from the

Standards tables corresponding to a mean age (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994:38), and

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classified into three broad age categories: young adult (S0-S1, 18-25 years), middle

adult (S2-S4, 26-45 years), and old adult (S5-6, 46+ years). Though these categories

are broader than the age categories from pelvic techniques, they are somewhat

commensurate: the young and old adult categories are similar for both aging systems,

while the Middle Adult category (from suture closure) subsumes the Young Middle

and Old Middle Adult categories (from pelvic changes).

An age category of Adult-Other was necessary when the cranium and pelvis

were missing from a burial. When present, vertebral and clavicular rates of fusion

provided lower age limits, such as the fusion of the vertebral epiphyseal rings to the

centra (> 26 years) and the fusion of the sternal end of the clavicle (> 26-30 years).

Dental wear proved unreliable as an age criterion, as attrition rates were inconsistent

within and among populations.

Sex Determination
Sex determination incorporated multiple criteria from the pelvis, cranium, and

mandible (outlined in Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994). The most heavily weighted

characteristics were those comprising the Phenice Method of the pubic bone: ventral

arc, subpubic concavity, and ischiopubic ramus ridge (Phenice 1969). Other sexually

dimorphic characteristics of the pelvis examined included the greater sciatic notch,

preauricular sulcus, and auricular surface elevation. For the skull, the areas of the

nuchal crest, mastoid process, supra-orbital ridge, mental eminence, and mental shape

at gonial angle were examined for sexual dimorphism. Overall body size and

robusticity aided in confirmation of sex determination.

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All adults and subadults of post-pubescent age were designated as male,

female, or indeterminate due to lack of elements. Individuals younger than 16 years

of age were not assessed for sex, as sexually dimorphic characteristics are not

manifest in skeletal elements of pre-pubescent juveniles.

Analysis of Health Indicators


The conditions of dental enamel hypoplasias, cranial porosities,

osteoperisostitis, and stunted growth (from femur length) were documented as part of

the overall “health index” of an individual (Steckel et al. 2002). This comprehensive

evaluation of health, when analyzed for the aggregated sample, provides a broad

understanding of health, stress, and disease processes for prehistoric Cuzco

populations. However, before describing the types of stress markers examined, an

exploration of the methodological challenge of the “Osteological Paradox” is

presented regarding the utility of stress markers as indicators of compromised health.

Osteological Paradox
The use of skeletal lesions to assess health is complicated by the “Osteological

Paradox” (Wood et al. 1992). Wood and colleagues’ (1992) seminal work confronts a

basic assumption of osteological analysis, that an individual exhibiting more skeletal

lesions reflects poorer health than one without lesions. The inherent contradiction is

that an individual with more lesions may actually have been healthier than an

individual without lesions. While the individual with lesions survived the stress

events that resulted in pathological markers, the individual with no lesions possibly

died quickly, before stress markers could develop. However, it is equally possible that

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an individual with no lesions simply never experienced the stress event. As the

paradox illustrates, two vastly different scenarios—one involving rapid death from a

stress event, the other reflecting complete absence of a stress event—result in a single

outcome: no observed lesions. Consequently, the paradox complicates interpretations

of past stress events, disease prevalence, and population mortality.

The “Osteological Paradox” is created by three underlying factors:

demographic nonstationarity, selective mortality, and hidden heterogeneity in risks

(Wood et al. 1992:344). First, demographic nonstationarity refers to changes in

population growth due to immigration or fertility and mortality rates. As a result of

these population influxes, an increase in the number of juveniles in a skeletal sample

may reflect increased fertility rates, rather than increased mortality due to elevated

stress and disease. Though seemingly counter-intuitive, age distributions more often

reflect fertility patterns than mortality levels. A second factor, selective mortality,

addresses the issue that skeletal collections, by their very structure, contain only those

individuals who died at a specific age. As such, skeletal samples are innately

unrepresentative of the living population from which they are derived. This biased

representation results in a skewed understanding of pathological frequencies, often

overestimating the prevalence of the skeletal conditions. Third, hidden heterogeneity

in risks indicates that skeletal samples contain individuals with dissimilarities in

frailty and susceptibility to disease (Wood et al. 1992:345). Uncertainty introduced by

idiosyncratic frailty levels, differences in individual immunity, and overall survival

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rates from varying types of stress events all combine to complicate the direct link

between skeletal lesions and health.

One example of the “Osteological Paradox” is the Rochester, New York

poorhouse population of 1826-1863 (Higgins et al. 2002). The study, which combined

osteological analysis with historical records and census data, found that newly

admitted individuals to the Monroe County Almshouse died so quickly that their

skeletons often did not develop observable lesions. Though the Rochester skeletal

collection overall did not exhibit many skeletal pathological indicators, the longevity

and death rates from historical records show a population ravaged by disease amid

poor, crowded conditions (Steckel et al. 2002:74). Without the presence of

documentary evidence indicating rampant infectious disease among poorhouse

residents, an osteological assessment might presume a relatively “healthy”

population, based on the absence of skeletal lesions.

Despite this example of the “Osteological Paradox,” researchers have shown

that the paradox is not a general phenomenon, but rather reflects events of large and

sudden environmental upheavals (Steckel and Rose 2002b). These exceptional events

can be identified by combining paleopathological data with paleodemography and

contextual information (Steckel and Rose 2002b:586). Furthermore, to address issues

raised by the “Osteological Paradox,” researchers have increasingly turned to a

comprehensive evaluation of health, creating indices of health based on several

skeletal markers (Steckel et al. 2002). By combining multiple indications of health

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such as stunted growth, dental disruptions, infections, and anemia-related skeletal

lesions, a composite measure of health is created for accurate health reconstructions.

Research on the Western Hemisphere Project has resolved many of the

problems of the “Osteological Paradox” through examination of over 12,500

individuals from 65 sites (Steckel and Rose 2002a). In most cases analyzed by the

Western Hemisphere Project, comparison of the health index with life expectancy

showed an overall link between skeletal lesions, low health indices, and short life

expectancies (Steckel and Rose 2002b:586). This correlation provides evidence

against the “Osteological Paradox.” Use of the health index can also help to account

for diseases that are not recognizable from osteological analysis alone. For example,

although several acute conditions such as smallpox, measles, or yellow fever will not

leave their mark on skeletal elements, these diseases can contribute to stunted growth

or other measurable skeletal conditions included in the health index (Steckel et al.

2002:65).

Dental and Skeletal Markers of Stress


Having assessed the utility of stress markers as health indicators, we now

consider the specific conditions and data collection methods. The conditions studied

here are dental enamel hypoplasias, cranial porosities, osteoperiostitis, and stunted

growth. Enamel hypoplasias, growth disturbances in childhood enamel production,

may result from nutritional deficiencies or diseases that strain an individual’s

metabolism. Their presence thus provides evidence of non-specific stress in

populations (Goodman and Rose 1991; Hillson 2000). In this study, linear enamel

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hypoplasias were examined visually and recorded by presence and quantity per tooth

crown. The standard for documenting hypoplasias followed the Walker method

described in the Global History of Health Project Codebook (2006:15): “a hypoplasia

is present only if the indentation can be felt with your fingernail.” Only defects

observed on the incisors and canines were scored, as these are the teeth most often

affected by hypoplasias (ibid). Following the Global History of Health Project

Codebook, only linear defects were documented, excluding pit type lesions.

Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis can be viewed macroscopically as

enlarged diploë and thinned cortical bone with small scattered foramina. Cribra

orbitalia presents in the orbital area, while porotic hyperostosis is found on the

posterior parietals and occipital. Data collection standards for cribra orbitalia and

porotic hyperostosis follow Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994) in documenting the

location, degree, and amount of healing. Degree scores range from 1 (indistinct

porosity) to 3 (coalescing lesions with vault expansion) (Buikstra and Ubelaker

1994:121). The lesion margins are used to evaluate healing: sharp edges with woven

bone indicate an active condition, while rounded, sclerotic edges indicate significant

healing.

Osteoperiostitis is the inflammation of the periosteal layer of a bone, often due

to Staphylococcus and/or Streptococcus bacteria (Larsen 1997:83). Identification of

osteoperiostitis in this study was based on appearance and degree of new bone

deposition, location and pattern of affected elements, and amount of healing. Healing

rates were classified in a tripartite scheme: 1 denoted active infection with a woven

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bone appearance, 2 reflected a healed condition with sclerotic bone deposition, and 3

encompassed both active and healed states of osteoperiostitis. The differing patterns

of element involvement and lesion distribution were used to distinguish traumatic vs.

hematogenous (blood-borne) etiology. Associated expansion of the cortical bone

indicated osteitis, while presence of a cloaca reflected osteomyelitis, the severest

form of bone infection. In this study, these conditions facilitated the investigation into

how urbanism and increased aggregated living conditions prompted transmission of

bacterial infections.

Femur length assessment provides a measure of stress, since disruptions

during development will prevent an individual from achieving maximum potential

height (Lambert 1993). The femur was chosen as a means to assess stunted growth in

this study, as it represents the most reliable bone for estimates of stature (Krogman

and Iscan 1986). Femur length was assessed through use of an osteometric board, and

the maximum length of the femur was recorded for all adult individuals exhibiting

fused epiphyses.

There are varying standards for identifying stunted growth using femur

lengths. Some researchers designate stunting for any individual whose maximum

femur length is greater than one standard deviation below the mean (Hinkes 1983). A

more conservative estimate, which better accords with evidence from clinical data

(Khan et al. 1996), assesses stunted growth using a maximum length two standard

deviations or more below the mean (Bradley 1998). The latter formula is used in the

present study to identify “stunted” individuals.

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Joint Disease
Joint disease is one of the most frequently encountered skeletal pathological

conditions, reflecting repetitive physical activities and age-related degeneration of

soft tissues (Jurmain 1977; Larsen 1997:162). In bioarchaeological studies,

degenerative joint disease is indicated by osteophyte growth, macroporosity, and

eburnation from bone-on-bone contact following hyaline cartilage deterioration in

synovial joints (Bridges 1992:68). In this study, six appendicular joint locations were

recorded for presence of joint disease: shoulder, elbow, wrist/hand, hip, knee, and

ankle/foot. Since degenerative changes rarely occur before the epiphyseal plates have

fused (Jurmain 1990:84), only adult individuals aged greater than 18 years were

assessed for joint disease. Because degenerative joint disease generally increases with

age, joint disease frequencies were compared to average age-at-death of sub-

populations to isolate age influences from environmental factors. Joint disease

severity was categorized as “slight” or “pronounced,” guided by skeletal illustrations

from Brothwell (1981).

The vertebral column also exhibits degeneration over time, leading to the

skeletal manifestations of vertebral osteophytosis and osteoarthritis. For this study, all

vertebral elements—cervical, thoracic, and lumbar, along with the superior sacrum—

were observed for evidence of spinal joint disease. Documentation of spinal

osteoarthritis followed the same criteria of appendicular degenerative joint disease:

osteophyte growth, macroporosity, and eburnation (Brothwell 1981; Rogers et al.

1987).

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A two-tiered designation was created to describe vertebral joint degeneration.

If degenerative changes involved only osteophyte formation, the condition was

termed “slight.” The second stage of the process, termed “pronounced,” incorporated

osteophyte formation, macroporosity, and eburnation.

Trauma
In this study, traumatic injuries were recorded by location, size and shape,

evidence of healing and infection, and patterning of trauma in the skeleton. Long

bone fractures were assessed for location (proximal, middle, or distal joint), severity

(complete vs. partial), presence of pseudoarthroses (malunion or false joint),

alignment of the bone, and type of fracture.

The identification of healing featured prominently in the data collection on

trauma. Fractures were documented in one of three stages of healing: none, partial

(on-going at the time of death), and complete (scored in the database as 2, 3, and 1,

respectively). An injury with no signs of healing will exhibit sharp margins without

bone deposition, often accompanied by radiating fracture lines, crushed bone

surfaces, and an absence of flaking (White 1992); these characteristics indicate that

trauma occurred around the time of death. Partial healing is demonstrated by the

presence of woven bone in a callus formation (Roberts and Manchester 1995). During

this process, bone is continually laid down to repair the fracture site, and the

orientation of the new bone fibers is more haphazard than that of remodeled bone

(Ortner and Putschar 1985:62). With complete healing, the injured area may exhibit

86
an altered morphology, yet the bone surface will be smooth, indicating that the injury

site has been fully remodeled.

Frequency of each type of traumatic injury was tabulated, analyzed for

patterns based on age and sex, and compared among sites using the chi-square and

Fisher’s exact statistics; comparisons made between earlier and later burial

populations were assessed to identify significant diachronic changes.

Analysis of Commingled Remains


One site in the study, Qotakalli, featured several secondary burials with the

commingled remains of multiple individuals. At Qotakalli, distinct clusters of

commingled individuals, possibly representing family groupings, were identified

within one Inca building. Each grouping, denoted as a funerary context (“CF”,

contexto funerario), was catalogued and collected separately for transport to the

laboratory. Laboratory analysis continued using the CF designation, with MNI

established for each CF based on minimum number of skeletal elements and

assessment of age categories. The MNI for each CF was then summed to produce a

total MNI for the site.

An example from Qotakalli clarifies the methods used to establish MNI. In CF

22, a total of 12 individuals were represented in the commingled remains excavated

from one discrete area within the Inca building. The skeletal elements were first

separated into adult and subadult categories. Within the subadult elements, it was

determined that three individuals were present: one infant (0-1 year), one subadult (2-

4 years), and one adolescent (16-17 years) with unfused epiphyses at the long bones.

87
Turning to the adult commingled assemblage in CF 22, the bones were sorted by

element and side, with the greatest number being nine adult right humeri. The right

humeri thus became the basis for establishing the adult MNI at nine individuals.

Adding this number to the three subadults, we arrived at a total of 12 individuals for

the assemblage from CF 22. This practice was repeated for all CFs, numbered 1

through 58, to achieve a total MNI for the site of 344 individuals. An additional 16

single primary burials excavated the following year in 2004 increased the site MNI at

Qotakalli to 360 individuals.

To calculate pathology frequencies for commingled individuals, two

quantifications had to be made. First, the quantity of each bone was tabulated and

grouped by age. For certain regions of the body, this calculation is a straightforward

undertaking: for example, each individual has one right and one left femur. This

becomes more difficult in those areas of the body where multiple bones make up a

skeletal region, such as the ribs, hands and feet, and vertebrae. To calculate a “rib

MNI,” the total number of ribs per side of the body was summed and divided by 12,

thus producing the minimum number of individuals possibly represented by the rib

assemblage. The small bones of the hand and foot were similarly added up

collectively, rather than counting each element, which would prove useless in

factoring frequencies (Hutchinson 2002:206). Each vertebral type—cervical, thoracic,

and lumbar—was summed and divided by the normal number of elements per person

(seven, twelve, and five, respectively) for the “vertebral MNI,” which served as a

88
baseline to deduce frequencies of vertebral elements affected by spinal joint disease

(Tung 2003:223-225).

The second quantification involved adding up the number of pathologically-

affected elements for each condition and dividing by the total number of observable

elements (Waldron 1994:55). For example, to calculate the frequency of Colles’

fractures of the distal radius, the number of left radii exhibiting the fracture was

summed and divided by the total number of left radii in the sample. The process was

repeated with all elements, both sides, for indications of trauma and osteoperiostitis.

Data analysis of appendicular joint disease followed a similar protocol, with

slight modification. Joint disease analysis, by its very nature, focuses on the

interaction between two or more skeletal elements. However, in commingled

assemblages, it can be nearly impossible to ascertain which bones belong to a specific

individual. In some instances it may be feasible to recognize corresponding elements

by matching pathological conditions that mirror one another. Yet this endeavor can be

hindered by many factors, including damage to the elements and degenerative

changes that affect only one element of the joint, in which case no “mirroring” would

be present on the corresponding element. Subsequently, attempting to identify a

single “joint” in commingled assemblages can be a futile enterprise.

To circumvent these problems in the present study, only one bone was chosen

to represent each joint. The proximal and distal surfaces of the humerus were selected

to represent the shoulder and elbow, respectively. For the wrist region, the distal

radius was chosen. For the hip and knee, the proximal and distal femoral articular

89
regions were used, respectively, and the distal tibia served to represent the ankle

region. These elements were chosen as they were most likely to resist post-

depositional damage. It is believed that this method preserves the maximum amount

of data available for joint disease, and allows for comparison to other populations,

whether commingled or composed of single-individual burials.

Cultural Modification
Cultural modification practices in this sample included trepanation, the

surgical removal of part of the skull, and cranial vault modification. Data collection

on trepanation conformed to the recommendations of John Verano (personal

communication, 2002). Complete documentation of the trepanations incorporated the

following variables: location, perforation shape, perforation dimensions (endocranial

vs. ectocranial), associated trauma and infection, impact to sutures, inferred impact to

musculature, amount of healing (none, short-term, or long-term), and method of

modification (drilling, scraping, grooving, sawing). These variables were tabulated

and compared with other studies to recognize patterns involving location of

trepanation, associated trauma, and sex affiliation.

Standards for cranial vault modification followed Torres-Rouff (2003), with

the two main forms of Andean modification identified as annular and tabular,

differentiated by the amount of parietal expansion. In tabular modification, opposing

pressure on the frontal and occipital bones, through the use of boards and pads, leads

to lateral expansion of the parietal bones and a bulbous appearance. In contrast,

annular modification usually involves circumferential binding that restricts parietal

90
expansion and results in an elongated, conical morphology. These two forms are

further distinguished by slope of the occipital bone as determined by angle of applied

pressure. When pressure is applied to the superior lambda region, the posterior part of

the cranium has an erect vertical slant; pressure applied inferiorly to the occipital

lends a sloping, oblique angle to the occipital. Thus, four types of cranial vault

modification are possible: tabular erect, tabular oblique, annular erect, and annular

oblique.

Each cranium was assessed for anterior modification and posterior

modification on a scale of 1-4 (with 4 denoting the most extreme expression).

Anterior modification focused on the slope of the frontal bone, which ranged from the

unmodified rounded appearance, to intentionally flattened, to a frontal concavity in

the most extreme expression. Posterior modification was similarly assessed for degree

of divergence from the normal, rounded morphology of the occipital. These scores

were then collapsed into two categories, slight and pronounced, in order to quantify

the severity of modification: the slight category encompassed scores of 1-2, while

pronounced modification included scores of 3 and 4. If one area was deemed

pronounced while the other was slight (i.e., a score of 2 for the anterior portion and 3

for the posterior portion, or vice versa), the cranium was considered pronounced in

severity. Following Torres-Rouff (2002), any slight modification that would be

obscured by soft tissue and hair (i.e., virtually invisible in a living person) was not

documented.

91
Strontium Isotope Analysis
Strontium isotope analyses of dental and skeletal tissues have emerged as an

important tool in addressing issues of migration (Katzenberg and Harrison 1997).

Strontium isotope ratios in soils vary markedly, and these values are reflected in the

plants of each region and in the animals consuming those plants. At the end of the

food chain, humans will carry the signature isotopic ratios of their local region. As

such, strontium is particularly useful in residence studies because the 87Sr/86Sr isotope

ratio is directly related to the local geology, depending on the age and composition of

the subsurface bedrock that produces soil (Katzenberg 2000:320).

For the strontium analysis, 59 human tooth samples and 10 cuy tooth samples

were analyzed at the Radiogenic Isotope Facility at the University of Alberta,

Edmonton from September 2005 to September 2006 (Appendix Table A.9). The

majority of the human tooth samples were premolars, which contain enamel that

forms between 2 and 6 years of age. If the premolars were missing, another tooth type

was substituted. Laboratory methods for the strontium isotope analysis followed

standardized protocol, with steps taken to ensure that contamination did not affect the

results. These methods are detailed by Buzon and colleagues (in press). Accuracy and

reproducibility of the analytical protocol were verified by the repeated analysis of a

100 ppb solution of the NIST SRM 987 Sr isotope standard during the course of this

study; this yielded an average value of .710242 ± .000041 (2s standard deviation; n =

13 analyses) and is indistinguishable compared to the accepted standard value of

.710245 (Faure and Mensing 2005:78). To verify that contamination had not occurred

92
from post-depositional strontium sources, we examined the correlation between
87
Sr/86Sr values and strontium concentration (Figure A.3; Budd et al. 2000; Horn and

Müller-Sohnius 1999).

93
Chapter 5. Demography

Paleodemographic Analysis

Paleodemography, the study of past populations’ vital characteristics, is an

important aspect of osteological research (Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970; Angel 1969;

Moore et al. 1975). Using the basic variables of age and sex, demographic studies

produce essential data on age-specific mortality, life expectancy, and age-specific

probability of death, among other statistics; these statistics can help distinguish a

relatively healthy population from one undergoing stress and premature death (Alesan

et al. 1999; Buikstra and Mielke 1985; Drusini et al. 2001). Furthermore, skewed sex

ratios may reveal cultural patterns such as exogamy, warfare-related deaths, and

political interventions into domestic life. Despite its recognized value,

paleodemographic analysis has numerous limitations, and its accuracy relies upon

assumptions that are often problematic (Bocquet-Appel and Masset 1982; Corruccini

et al. 1989; Jackes 1992; Lampl and Johnston 1996; Wood et al. 1992).

In this chapter, the limitations of demographic analyses are explored in their

relevance to the present study. It is concluded that a full-scale demographic analysis

cannot be completed, due to issues of sample size and population stability.

Nevertheless, the sex and age-at-death data are useful for viewing differences among

the Cuzco sites. Consequently, demographic patterns are documented here for the

aggregated sample and for individual sites. The Late Horizon sites are specifically

examined for demographic anomalies that may reveal imperial Inca influence. To

94
further view how imperial influence may have altered demography, the site of

Sacsahuaman is examined as a case study.

Limits to Demographic Interpretation


Several conditions are necessary to ensure a valid demographic analysis

(Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970; Owsley and Bass 1979; Ubelaker 1999; Vallois 1960).

Age and sex determinations must be accurate for correct demographic assessments

(Buikstra and Konigsberg 1985; Meindl et al. 1983; Walker et al. 1988). In addition, a

large, representative sample is required to counteract the effect of sampling

anomalies. Moreover, sample biases, in the form of cultural or taphonomic processes,

must be identified and accounted for (Paine and Harpending 1998). As a final

requirement, researchers must confirm that the population was either stationary or

stable, without major influxes or departures (Acsádi and Nemeskéri 1970; Weiss

1973; Wood 2003). 3 This assumption is often problematic, as it can be invalidated by

growth rate changes or migration (Johansson and Horowitz 1986; Sattenspiel and

Harpending 1983:489; Wood et al. 1992:344). Migration creates a non-stationary

population, resulting in a cemetery that does not represent the original living group. If

any of these conditions are not met, a demographic analysis cannot be conducted.

In the present study, the sample size condition could not be met, negating the

possibility of a full-scale demographic analysis. While this study features a large

aggregated sample of 855 individuals, the sample comprises 11 sub-populations that

do not represent a single population, varying in space and time. Sample sizes from

3
Though see Paine (2000) and Bonneuil (2005) for alternative approaches without an assumption of
stability.

95
each site are too small to avoid biases of sampling and recovery (Ubelaker 1999). In

addition, two samples are known to be non-representative, due to partial recovery by

archaeologists and environmental degradation (Colmay and Machu Picchu,

respectively). As a result, the sites cannot support statistical demographic analysis.

An additional requirement, the assumption of stationarity/stability, could also

not be confirmed. At least one population in the sample was non-stationary: isotope

analysis proves that migration occurred at the site of Chokepukio during the Late

Horizon (Chapter 8). Due to migration, compounded by small sample sizes, a

complete assessment of vital characteristics cannot be carried out using the current

samples.

Though a formal statistical analysis is not appropriate here, some general

demographic trends warrant consideration. These trends offer some indication of Inca

imperial influence on demography, which may be examined in future studies.

Results of Demographic Analysis

Sex Distribution
All 855 individuals were analyzed for demographic data. In the aggregated

sample, the sex distribution corresponds to the expected 1:1 ratio, with a male to

female ratio of 1:1.03 (Table 5.1). However, some sites feature a skewed sex ratio.

Five sites have a sex ratio greater than 1:1.3: Kusicancha, Sacsahuaman, Kanamarca,

Chokepukio and Wata. While the first three sites show an overrepresentation of

females, the latter feature a greater number of males than females.

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Table 5.1. Sex distribution of the Cuzco sites

Site Males Females Indet. Male/Female Sex Ratio


Wata 6 3 3 2:1
Chokepukio 48 32 96 1.5:1
Cotocotuyoc 23 18 32 1.28:1
Qotakalli 81 69 210 1.17:1
Machu Picchu 0 1 6 --
Colmay 23 23 15 1:1
Qhataqasapatallacta 10 10 8 1:1
Aqnapampa 8 10 18 1:1.25
Sacsahuaman 12 29 2 1:2.42
Kanamarca 2 13 23 1:6.5
Kusicancha 2 14 5 1:7
Total: 215 222 418

Age Distribution

Aggregated Sample
The age distribution of the entire sample displays three salient characteristics

(Table 5.2). First, juveniles make up 29% of the entire sample. Second, over one-

quarter (27%) of juveniles fall into the infant category (0-1 year), while the other 73%

are between the ages of one and 18 years. Essentially, infants comprise the largest

portion of the juvenile sample. Third, middle adults make up the majority of the adult

population, with young adults and old adult appearing in approximately equal

frequencies.

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Table 5.2. Age distribution of the Cuzco sites

Infant Sub- Young Middle Old Adult


(0-1 Adults Adults Adults Adults Other
Site year) (1-18 (18- (26-45) (46+) (Indet.)
years) 25)
Qotakalli 34 57 17 98 25 129
Kusicancha 1 2 2 10 3 3
Sacsahuaman 0 1 4 30 1 7
Chokepukio 17 67 13 39 12 28
Kanamarca 8 16 2 9 2 1
Wata 0 3 4 5 0 0
Colmay 0 9 13 26 10 3
Aqnapampa 1 4 1 8 2 20
Qhataqasapata- 1 2 1 13 5 6
llacta
Cotocotuyoc 5 20 9 22 4 13
Machu Picchu 0 0 0 0 0 7
Total: 67 181 66 260 64 217

Late Horizon
Among the Late Horizon burials, a contrasting pattern emerges with respect to

juveniles: some sites have an overrepresentation of juveniles, while others show a

dearth of children. At the site of Kanamarca, juveniles make up the majority of the

sample (63%); only slightly less skewed, 40% of the Chokepukio Late Horizon

burials were juveniles (36/89). On the opposite side of the spectrum, the percent of

juveniles at Sacsahuaman is 2%, with only one 4-5 year old among 42 adults.

Likewise, the Kusicancha sample includes only three subadults: a 0-1 year old, a 6-7

year old, and a 15-16 year old—the other 18 burials from Kusicancha are adults.

A similar pattern is evident when infants are considered alone. While the

Kanamarca sample includes eight individuals aged 0-1 year, the Sacsahuaman

98
collection features no infant burials. Infants are also absent from the Late Horizon

Colmay and Machu Picchu sites.

Discussion

Implications of Differential Age Distributions


In the aggregated sample, the age distribution appears consistent with data

from other pre-modern populations (Guy et al. 1997:222): almost one-third (29%) of

the combined sample is juveniles, with 25% of these juveniles aged 0-1 year (Figure

5.1). This type of distribution is known as a J-shape pattern, with a high infant

mortality, a decrease in mortality during later childhood, and a subsequent rise

throughout adulthood (Weiss 1973). The J-shape pattern predicts that mortality rates

will drop after the first year of life, and is typical for pre-Columbian New World

populations (Drusini et al. 2001:166; Storey 1985:526).

30

25
% of Individuals per Age Category

20

15

10

0
Subadults Young Adult Young Middle Old Middle Adult Old Adult
Adult

Figure 5.1. Age distribution of the combined sample

99
Some of the Cuzco sites deviate from the J-shaped pattern. At Kanamarca,

infants represent one-third of all juveniles, and juveniles outnumber adults 24 to 14

(63%). This excess of juveniles, particularly infants, could represent an increased

infant mortality rate due to poor health. However, an overrepresentation of juveniles

does not necessarily correlate with higher infant mortality—an increase in infants

may actually reflect a higher fertility rate (Wood et al. 1992:344). With more infants

born, a greater number will die in their first year, though the rate of infant mortality

remains constant.

In the opposite pattern, three Late Horizon sites feature no infants. With the

first two sites, Colmay and Machu Picchu, the samples cannot be considered

representative due to sampling biases. At Colmay, Max Uhle collected adult skulls

along with a small number of juveniles. As a result, the dearth of infants reflects

Uhle’s biased recovery methods, rather than a demographic deviation. At Machu

Picchu, the lack of infants relates to environmental conditions: the burials from

Machu Picchu caves suffered from exposure, root action, acidic soil, and other factors

that degraded the bones. Infant bones, if any were present, were likely destroyed by

taphonomic forces (Guy et al. 1997). Because of these human and environmental

processes, the dearth of infants in the skeletal samples cannot be assumed to reflect a

characteristic of the actual populations.

Conversely, the scarcity of infant burials at Sacsahuaman appears cultural. Of

the 43 burials from Sacsahuaman, only one is a juvenile aged 4-5 years. This age

distribution was not influenced by biased recovery or taphomony, as archaeologists

100
systematically excavated a random sample established through a grid system and all

burials exhibited excellent preservation (Solis 1999:13). Based on the random

sampling methods and good condition of the bones, the burials may be considered

representative of the cemetery population. Therefore, the observed skewed age

distribution suggests that Sacsahuaman contained an artificial burial population. This

case study will be examined at the end of this chapter regarding the influence of the

Inca Empire on population demography.

Implications of Differential Sex Distributions


Five sites show a skewed sex ratio: three with excess females (Kusicancha,

Kanamarca, and Sacsahuaman), and two with an overabundance of males

(Chokepukio and Wata) (Figure 5.2). Unfortunately, no conclusions can be drawn

about Wata, given the small size (12) and unrepresentative nature of the sample.

Archaeologists have excavated many burials at Wata over the years, with only a

fraction available for analysis (MacCurdy 1923:225; Elva Torres Pino, personal

communication, 2004). Due to partial recovery, the skewed sex ratios may not be

culturally significant.

The cultural implications for the sex ratios at Chokepukio and Kanamarca are

similarly unclear. Chokepukio hosted a number of migrants during the Late Horizon

(see Chapter 8), which may have played a role in the overrepresentation of males,

possibly through emigration of women. At Kanamarca, the excess of females may be

a sampling error or a true demographic characteristic. The current sample of 38

individuals is incomplete, as archaeologists have just begun a multi-year project at the

101
site. With continued archaeological investigation, additional data will help resolve the

issue of skewed sex ratios.

3
Ratio of Males to Females

Males
2
Females

0
ay
a

li
io

a.

ca
pa
c.

an

a
u
al
at

ch
ch
uk

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oc

ar
lm

am
ak
W

an
ep

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ot

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ot

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hu

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sic
ok

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Figure 5.2. Sex distribution by site

On the other hand, the differential sex distribution at Kusicancha and

Sacsahuaman may be culturally significant. The sites share a number of

characteristics, including an excess of females, a dearth of juveniles, and great

significance within the Inca realm. Both of these sites served as sacred spaces for

religious ceremonies within the Inca capital of Cuzco: Kusicancha housed attendants

and priestesses working at the Temple of the Sun, the most important temple of the

Inca (Tomayconsa 2002), while Sacsahuaman also functioned as a Temple of the Sun

and public arena for state rituals (Espinoza 1987).

The similarities between Sacsahuaman and Kusicancha suggest a cultural

implication for the skewed demographics. The excess of females may have resulted

from artificially created populations of women serving the state. Imperial

102
prescriptions, detailing an individual’s living space and obligations, may explain the

observed sex distributions. To further explore the extent of Inca influence on

population structure, the case study of Sacsahuaman is presented here. (A full

discussion of this site is presented in Andrushko et al. [2006]: “The Burials at

Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio: A Bioarchaeological Case Study of Imperialism from

the Capital of the Inca Empire.”)

Case Study: Sacsahuaman


As described in Chapter 2, Inca policies served to uproot individuals and

groups through labor rotations and resettlement. This movement of people throughout

the empire resulted in a restructuring of traditional populations; in essence, Inca

policies artificially created communities whose demographic profiles deviated from

the normal distribution. The site of Sacsahuaman may reflect the demographic

influence of Inca imperial policies, with a skewed sex distribution of 70% females. In

addition, there is only one juvenile represented among 43 individuals in the sample.

The demographic profile appears related to cultural factors: rather than reflecting a

large community of all ages and both sexes, the Sacsahuaman cemetery is comprised

almost exclusively of adult individuals with an excess of females.

Burial attributes were analyzed for the 43 individuals in this sample, which

revealed an elite cemetery with high status individuals interred in prepared tombs.

The burials displayed a diversity of grave goods, including miniature painted ceramic

vessels, silver and copper tupu pins, and metal beads. Given their elaborate mortuary

treatment, the female burials likely represent elite females.

103
Multiple interpretations for the identity of these females are possible. The

surplus of females may indicate a burial place for the many wives and sisters of the

Inca. The Inca emperor had a principal wife, known as the Qoya (often his full sister),

along with a harem of secondary wives (Rowe 1946:257). While the Inca emperor’s

and principal wife’s mummies were venerated after death and publicly paraded

around during festivals (D’Altroy 2002:97), much less is known about the burial

treatment and location of the emperor’s secondary wives. Each emperor may have

had a place where his other wives were buried, with the Suchuna sector of

Sacsahuaman serving as either the burial place of Topa Inca’s wives or those of a

subsequent ruler. As Cieza de León noted in his chronicle regarding elite burials

(1984:196 [1533]), “in the vicinity of Cuzco they bury their dead seated…dressed and

adorned with much finery.” This description closely matches the burial position and

associated artifacts of the Sacsahuaman burials.

However, none of the burials had artifacts of gold, a material that Julien

argues would be ubiquitous in the graves of the empire’s highest status individuals

(2004:33, 44). The mummies of the Inca rulers and primary wives were adorned with

gold and silver upon burial, but were stripped of their luxury items when Cuzco was

conquered by the Spanish (MacCormack 2001a:342). As the Sacsahuaman tombs

showed no evidence of looting, the absence of gold would suggest that these females

were not wives of an emperor. Instead, these burials could be the wives of other Inca

elites: polygyny among the Inca nobility was common, and a surplus of wives

reflected a man’s wealth and prestige (Rowe 1946:252). These wives would be

104
expected to have elaborate burials, but possibly without the greatest of luxury items

such as gold adornments.

Alternatively, the overwhelming number of females in the Sacsahuaman

cemetery may represent a group of mamacona, women employed at the royal estates

of the Inca to assist in training the aclla (“Chosen Women”) (Rowe 1982:107;

Guaman Poma 1936:298 [300] [1615]). Mamacona (esteemed mothers) served as

priestesses in the state cult of the Sun (Cobo 1990:172 [1653]) and instructed young

girls in religious and occupational duties (Silverblatt 1987:83). In some instances

these priestesses were allowed to participate in or conduct religious services, but

usually were kept cloistered to serve the Inca ruler and queen (Betanzos 1996:74

[1577]); Cobo 1990:174 [1653]).

Though the presence of men in the Sacsahuaman cemetery shows that this

area was not exclusively used for female members, it was designated more often for

females at the elite levels of the state than for males. The demographic distribution of

the cemetery deviates from the normal distribution expected of a community burial

ground, which may reflect the segregated arrangement of the mamacona living

without children or marriage partners.

Conclusions
Demographic information can be used to assess life expectancies and

deviations due to imperial intervention, social upheaval, or disease. However, before

vital statistics can be assessed a number of assumptions must be met. These

assumptions include accurate age and sex determinations, large sample sizes,

105
demographic stationarity/stability, and identification of sample biases. The

requirements of large sample sizes and demographic stationarity could not be met in

the current study, and so demographic analyses of vital statistics were not applied.

In the absence of these analyses, it is possible to identify some demographic

patterns that are of biocultural significance. Certain sites revealed a skewed sex

distribution, and at least two exhibited a dearth of subadults. At some sites, these

deviations were attributed to taphonomic forces, including partial recovery and

destructive environmental influences. One the other hand, in at least one site, the

demographic deviation appears related to cultural influences. At the site of

Sacsahuaman, deviations from the norm may reflect, in part, Inca imperial influence

on the population. This influence appears to have resulted in an altered demographic

profile, as seen in the predominately adult female burial population at Sacsahuaman.

106
Chapter 6. Health, Occupational Stress, and Trauma

In this chapter, dental and skeletal conditions are examined for information on

disease and malnutrition, occupational stress, and warfare in prehistoric Cuzco

populations. The chapter explores the causes and consequences of three broad disease

categories: non-specific stress indicators, joint disease, and trauma. Within each of

the three categories, several pathological conditions are available for study. For each

pathological condition, a description and etiology are presented, followed by results

with correlations by sex, age, location, and temporal period. 4 In the discussion

section, the results are contextualized to illuminate biological changes occurring with

the rise of the Inca Empire.

Non-Specific Stress Indicators

Four conditions—dental enamel hypoplasias, cranial porosities (cribra

orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis), osteoperisostitis, and stunted growth (from femur

length)—were documented to measure health status (Steckel et al. 2002). These four

conditions are often referred to as “non-specific” stress indicators, since they usually

result from some unknown combination of malnutrition and disease (Roberts and

Manchester 1995). Despite the unspecified nature of their underlying causes, these

4
As noted in the Materials and Methods chapter, the frequency for each pathological condition is
determined by the number of affected individuals divided by the number of observable individuals.
Some burials were incomplete and could not be observed for all conditions; therefore, the number of
observable cases varies with each condition.

107
stress indicators provide important information on health, nutritional deficiencies, and

disease in prehistoric populations (Lewis and Roberts 1997).

Linear Enamel Hypoplasias

Description and Etiology


Enamel hypoplasias result from growth disturbances that disrupt enamel

formation, leading to the deposition of a thinner-than-normal band of enamel (Jenkins

1978). These thinner bands, interspersed with thicker regions of enamel deposited

during normal periods of development, are visible as grooves in the labial dental

surface. The linear grooves indicate childhood growth disruptions, since tooth crown

development occurs between infancy and 7 years of age for permanent incisors,

canines and first molars (Goodman and Martin 2002:22). Growth disruptions may

result from malnutrition or from diseases that deplete the body of resources necessary

for normal development (Goodman and Rose 1991; Hillson 2000).

Results
Among the Cuzco burials, there are 16 cases of linear enamel hypoplasias out

of 349 individuals (4.6%). Hypoplasias do not correlate with age: subadults and

adults have similarly low frequencies (5.7% and 4.4%, respectively). In the

aggregated sample, males show a higher frequency than females, 7.5% vs. 2.9%, but

this difference is not statistically significant (Fisher’s exact, p=0.106).

No significant temporal or geographic differences exist in hypoplasia

frequencies. The frequency is 50%-50% between core and periphery sites, and cases

are evenly distributed throughout the time periods. The earliest time period shows a

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5.3% prevalence that decreases slightly to 3.0% in the Late Horizon, though this

change is not statistically significant (χ2=2.59; df=2; p=0.274).

Hypoplasias do not correlate with other pathological conditions. The stress

indicators of osteoperiostitis and cranial porosities do not show any significant

relationship with hypoplasias, and stunted growth—a stress indicator measured

through the mean values of femur length—is not overrepresented among individuals

with hypoplasias. Regarding other pathological conditions, there is no significant

correlation between hypoplasias and cranial trauma, long bone trauma, postcranial

joint disease, and trepanation. Moreover, hypoplasias exhibit no evident patterns with

presence or type of cranial modification.

Along with hypoplasia frequencies by individual, frequencies were also

tabulated by tooth. Following the “Global History of Health” codebook, only incisors

and canines were examined, as these are the teeth most likely to be affected (Steckel

et al. 2006:16). Of these teeth, the upper and lower canines show the highest

frequency of hypoplasias in the Cuzco sample (Table 6.1). For most cases (13/16,

81%), the teeth exhibited only one linear defect, while three individuals had two

hypoplastic lines per tooth, indicating multiple stress episodes.

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Table 6.1. Hypoplastic lesions by tooth type

Number of Total Number


Tooth Hypoplastic Teeth of Teeth Percent Affected
Upper Central Incisor 2 131 1.5
Upper Lateral Incisor 3 168 1.8
Upper Canine 8 235 3.4
Lower Central 1 163 0.6
Incisor
Lower Lateral Incisor 0 208 --
Lower Canine 8 254 3.1

Cranial Porosities

Description and Etiology


Cranial porosities comprise two conditions: cribra orbitalia and porotic

hyperostosis. Cribra orbitalia manifests as small circular lesions on the orbital roofs,

while porotic hyperostosis causes similar lesions on the posterior parietals and

occipital (Angel 1966; Larsen 1997:30; Ortner and Putschar 1985; Palkovich 1987;

Stuart-Macadam 1985; Stuart-Macadam and Kent 1992).

Porotic hyperostosis has been linked to anemia, a deficiency in red blood cells

(RBC), hemoglobin, or total blood volume (Stuart-Macadam 1987, 1992a). In

response to chronic or severe anemia, the body shifts RBC production to

extramedullary sites outside the bone marrow. One of these extramedullary sites is

the posterior parietal/occipital area of the cranium. When RBC production occurs in

the parietals/occipital, it causes expansion of the cranial marrow, visible as enlarged

diploë and thinned cortical bone with small lesions. These small lesions are referred

to as porotic hyperostosis and are used by bioarchaeologists as an indication of stress

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(Blom et al. 2005; Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Hill and Armelagos 1990; Mensforth

et al. 1978; Ubelaker 1992; Walker 1986).

One commonly-cited cause for porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia is iron

deficiency anemia, often attributed to a dietary intensification of maize (El-Najjar et

al. 1976; Holland and O’Brien 1997:184; Larsen 1997:35). Maize intensification has

been linked to iron deficiency because it contains phytates that block iron absorption

(Hurrell 2002; Klepinger 1992; Sandford 1992:85). In addition, the food resource

itself contains little iron, in contrast to iron-rich foods such as animal protein,

legumes, and spinach. As a result, maize-intensive diets with low iron intake have

been linked to iron-deficiency anemia resulting in cranial porosities.

Though iron deficiency has often been cited as a cause for porotic

hyperostosis (El-Najjar et al. 1975, 1976; Grauer 1993:204; Lallo et al. 1977;

Moseley 1961; Salvadei et al. 2001; Von Endt and Ortner 1982), molecular research

indicates that iron deficiency does not lead to increased red blood cell production and

subsequent marrow expansion (Brugnara 2003; Han et al. 2001). Rather than

resulting from iron deficiency, porotic hyperostosis may be caused, in some cases, by

hemolytic anemias. With hemolytic anemia, red blood cells are destroyed faster than

the bone marrow can produce (Rosenthal 1995:2162); in chronic hemolytic

conditions, the body reverts to RBC production in the posterior cranial regions,

causing marrow expansion (Ross and Logan 1969) that is visually apparent as porotic

hyperostosis. Hemolytic anemias may result from insufficient intake of nutrients

(such as Vitamin B12 and folate) (Antony 1995; Martini and Ober 2001:633), from

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chronic diarrhea due to bacterial infection that leads to insufficient absorption of

required nutrients in the intestines (Walker 1986), and from infestation of the fish

tapeworm Diphyllobothrium latum (Bathurst 2005).

Cribra orbitalia, on the other hand, may have different underlying causes than

porotic hyperostosis. The condition is known to result from inflammation and

osteoporosis (Wapler et al. 2004), and may also reflect Vitamin C deficiency: along

with bleeding gums and fatigue, a main sign of scurvy is bleeding behind the eyeballs

(retrobulbar hemorrhage) that can cause orbital porosity (Ortner et al. 1999). Vitamin

C deficiency provides a fitting explanation for those cribra orbitalia cases that lack

cranial marrow expansion (Ortner et al. 1999). Altogether, cribra orbitalia and porotic

hyperostosis, though likely separate in terms of etiology, nevertheless are linked as

non-specific indicators of malnutrition and disease.

Results
Cribra orbitalia was seen in 18 of 495 individuals (3.6%), expressed in both

the slight and pronounced forms. Porotic hyperostosis in the posterior cranial region

was documented in 14 of 529 observable cases (2.6%). Both conditions were found in

two individuals, CH 90 and QT 36-3. Combining the two conditions, 5.2% of

individuals in the sample were afflicted by cranial porosities. Regarding severity, in

the cribra orbitalia cases six were slight and 12 were pronounced, while the porotic

hyperostosis cases were evenly split with seven slight and seven pronounced

instances.

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In comparing cribra orbitalia with age and sex, there is a slight

overrepresentation of juveniles and young adults with the condition, compared with

fewer than expected cases in the middle adult category—yet this correlation is not

statistically significant. Similarly, there is no significant age correlation with porotic

hyperostosis, though the opposite trend is observed: juveniles exhibit porotic

hyperostosis less frequently than adults. There is no correlation with sex for either

condition.

The two conditions were collapsed into one variable for statistical comparison

by time period and location. By time period, the frequency is highest in the pre-Inca

groups at 7.1%, drops to 4.9% in the Early Inca group, and increases slightly to 5.8%

in the Late Horizon. Statistically speaking these frequency shifts are not significant,

as there is almost no difference in the expected and observed counts by temporal

period. When separated by location, the combined sample reveals a higher frequency

in the periphery than in the core (6.9% vs. 4.1%). The contrast in location becomes

more apparent when the Late Horizon cases are isolated, with 2.4% frequency in the

core and 7.7% in the periphery (though not statistically significant: Fisher’s exact,

p=0.139).

When compared to other pathological conditions, the presence of cranial

porosities does not correlate with osteoperiostitis, long bone fractures, postcranial

degenerative joint disease, spinal joint disease, or differences in femur length. As

mentioned above, enamel hypoplasias show no significant relationship with cranial

porosities.

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In comparing the stage of healing within cases of cranial porosities, 43.3% of

the combined cases were unhealed and 56.7% were healed. There is a statistically

significant correlation (Fisher’s exact, p= 0.009) between healing and age, with more

unhealed cases in juveniles and more healed cases in adults. There is no difference in

healing when compared to sex, temporal period, or location for the entire sample.

Among Late Horizon cases only, there are more unhealed cases in the core and more

healed cases in the periphery, yet the samples sizes are small, and the difference is not

statistically significant (Fisher’s exact, p=0.128).

Osteoperiostitis

Description and Etiology


Osteoperiostitis is the inflammation of the periosteal layer of a bone, often due

to Staphylococcus and/or Streptococcus bacteria (Larsen 1997:83). The condition

may ensue from systemic, blood-borne (hematogenous) bacterial infection or from

trauma such as soft tissue wounds and compound fractures, in which the bone breaks

through the skin and exposes the injured area to infection (Lewis and Roberts 1997).

Systemic infection is usually expressed on several long bone shafts simultaneously,

while osteoperiostitis localized on one element usually signifies a traumatic etiology

(Martin et al. 1991:128; Robb et al. 2001:219). In extreme cases, infection can

progress to pus production, expansion of cortical bone, and cloaca formation for pus

drainage, a condition known as osteomyelitis.

Osteoperiostitis often increases in situations of unsanitary hygienic conditions

and dense population aggregation (Steckel et al. 2002). As such, the condition is

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analyzed here to assess the influence of aggregated living conditions, urbanism, and

imperially-driven settlement changes.

Results
Osteoperiostitis was observed in 50 of 449 individuals (11.1%). It correlates

significantly with age and sex: it is more likely to occur in adults than juveniles

(10.0% vs. 1.1%, χ2=18.57; df=1; p≤0.0001) and in females than males (13% vs.

4.3%, χ2=9.16; df=1; p=0.002).

While most other variables show no relationship to osteoperiostitis, there is a

significant exception with location. Core groups are far more likely to exhibit

osteoperiostitis than those in the periphery during the Late Horizon (19.8% vs. 6.1%,

χ2=9.25; df=1; p=0.002). Apart from location, no significant patterns were detected

with temporal period or with the pathological conditions of cranial porosities and

stunted growth.

Because osteoperiostitis may result from an infected injury, evidence of

trauma was examined for each individual affected by osteoperiostitis. Indeed, in ten

of the 50 cases of osteoperiostitis, the individual also presented evidence of long bone

fracture. However, in the other 40 cases there was no evidence of trauma, indicating

an infectious etiology for the majority of the cases.

Along with osteoperiostitis frequency by individual, the condition was also

quantified per bone. When viewed by bone, the samples from the commingled site of

Qotakalli could be included; these data had to be excluded in the “by individual”

analysis, since commingled remains cannot be attributed to a single individual. By

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considering each element separately, the Qotakalli data could be used, which enlarges

the sample size and allows for a greater understanding of osteoperiostitis patterning

throughout the body (Appendix Table A.3).

Osteoperiostitis is most common on the tibia, followed by the lower limb

bones of the fibula and femur. Of the upper limb bones, the ulna is the mostly likely

affected. On all of these bones, stage of healing was documented as active, healed, or

mixed; the “mixed” designation refers to active periostitis along with some areas of

healing, indicating a chronic, on-going infection at the time of death. Active or mixed

periostitis was most commonly seen on the tibia, while all the other elements showed

fewer than 2% active/mixed. The majority of osteoperiostitis cases were healed.

Stunted Femoral Growth

Description and Etiology


Stunted long bone growth is evidence of stressful living conditions that

prevented a person from achieving their maximum height (Lambert 1993). Though

height is influenced by genetic variation, environmental factors play a more

significant role (Malcolm 1974). Environmental factors include inadequate nutrition

and disease— with malnutrition, the individual receives too few nutritional resources

to fuel growth processes, whereas with disease, the body must divert those resources

to the costly demands of fighting the illness. Malnutrition and disease may act in

synergy; for example, infections that limit the body’s ability to process nutrients will

lead to malnutrition that further inhibits growth (Steckel et al. 2002:144). Demands

placed on the body through physical work may also draw nutritional resources away

from normal growth processes.

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Growth disturbances are particularly damaging during two main periods—

infancy and adolescence—in which the majority of long bone development occurs

(Eveleth and Tanner 1990). The resultant “stunted” growth, with long bones that are

significantly shorter than those of healthy individuals, indicates compromised health.

For this study, the femur was chosen to assess stunted growth, as it represents the

most reliable bone for estimates of stature (Krogman and Iscan 1986).

Results
Femur length was analyzed to identify individuals with stunted growth. Femur

samples were first separated by sex, revealing expectedly different means between

males and females, 414.6 mm vs. 396.7 mm, respectively (Table 6.2; Appendix

Figure A.1 and A.2).

Table 6.2. Femur length descriptive statistics- entire sample (in mm)
N Min. Max. Mean Std. Dev.
Male Femur Length 51 365.00 460.00 414.6176 23.71447
Female Femur Length 57 360.00 445.00 396.6579 19.52177

As described in the methods section, a stunted person is one whose maximum

femur length falls two or more standard deviations below the mean (Bradley 1998).

Applying this standard to the means and standard deviations from Table 6.2, any male

with a femur length 47.4 mm below the mean—translating to a femur length of 367.2

mm—is considered “stunted.” For females, two standard deviations is 39.0 mm, so

any value below 357.6 mm constitutes a “stunted” individual.

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In the entire sample, only one male was identified as stunted using this

formula: a 26-35 year-old from the Late Horizon core site of Qhataqasapatallacta (QH

812). This individual exhibited dental caries, large abscesses, and antemortem tooth

loss, but no skeletal stress indicators. The only skeletal condition was one button

osteoma, a usually benign neoplastic growth of bone, located on the occipital.

Along with this one stunted individual, there were three other individuals

within five millimeters of the “stunted” cutoff. Burial QH 764, a 26-35 year-old

female from the same site as QH 812, exhibited caries, abscesses, and antemortem

tooth loss, along with evidence of incipient joint disease on the left knee. AQN 23 is a

male with one carious lesion and one possible Schmorl's node (spinal joint disease)

from the Late Intermediate Period occupation of Aqnapampa, a periphery site.

Finally, from the Late Horizon core site of Sacsahuaman, the female SS 31 was found

with dental caries, antemortem tooth loss, and active osteoperiostitis on the mandible

related to the dental conditions. None of these cases displayed other conditions that

might indicate compromised health, such as cranial porosities, osteoperiostitis, or

dental enamel hypoplasias.

As an additional measure, femur length distributions were tabulated by

temporal period and location, employing a two-sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov Test.

The Kolmogorov-Smirnov tests revealed no differences when comparing all time

periods. However, in the Late Horizon group there were slight differences by

location: the core groups exhibited a lower mean femur length than the periphery

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groups, for both sexes (t=-1.995; df=41; p= 0.053 for females, t=-1.786; df=22;

p=0.088 for males) (Table 6.3).

Table 6.3. Late Horizon femur length by location (in mm)

N Min. Max. Mean Std. Dev.


Core Females 27 360.00 441.00 393.8333 18.89851
Periphery Females 16 369.00 445.00 406.3125 21.32751
Core Males 11 365.00 427.50 401.2273 20.62930
Periphery Males 13 382.00 458.00 419.6154 28.34472

To summarize, in analyzing femur length as a proxy for stunted growth, two

males and two females were identified as “stunted,” one from an LIP site and three

from Late Horizon core sites. Femur length does not correlate with temporal period,

indicating the distribution of femur lengths did not change substantially over time. In

the Late Horizon, there is a tendency for females to have greater femur lengths in the

periphery relative to the core. The same is true for males, but to a lesser degree of

confidence.

Discussion of Non-Specific Stress Indicators


Non-specific stress indicators include linear enamel hypoplasias, cranial

porosities, osteoperiostitis, and stunted growth. These conditions have been the focus

of myriad archaeological studies, many of which document an increase in stress

indicators coinciding with subsistence shifts toward agricultural intensification

(Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Larsen 1997:51). With agricultural intensification, diets

often became more restrictive and less nutritional, with a reliance on cereal grains that

contributed to ill health. Compromised health may have also resulted from sedentism,

119
as populations were brought into closer contact with viral, bacterial, and parasitic

infections from accumulated waste and water contamination (Armelagos 1990).

Even if a child survives a stress event, damaging repercussions continue into

adulthood. Childhood stresses will result in a smaller body build because the body

does not receive adequate nutrition to support normal growth. Though a smaller build

may not appear detrimental, substantially smaller individuals are more likely to suffer

from both infectious and chronic diseases later on in life (Fogel and Costa 1997).

Fogel and Costa (1997:60) illustrate how stunted adults—even those who are

healthy—will wear out more quickly and have a greater chance of dying prematurely,

drawing an analogy to the breakdown of mechanical engines.

Fogel and Costa’s findings are supported by the work of Barker (1992, 1998),

who has demonstrated that many adult conditions—including heart disease and

stroke—have a foundation in developmental problems experienced during infancy

and childhood. Childhood malnutrition involving protein-calorie deficiency can cause

lasting central nervous system damage, as do iodine and iron deficiencies during fetal

and infant development (Chávez et al. 1995; Lozoff et al. 1991; Martorell et al. 1990).

These deficiencies have a prolonged effect, many years after the individual recovers.

These findings have a significant implication for bioarchaeological studies:

stress events must be recognized not for only their role in childhood mortality, but

also as a lasting influence on adult morbidity and mortality. Stress markers are

therefore important factors in understanding health, both in terms of the

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environmental factors causing childhood death and the permanent, detrimental impact

to adult life quality and expectancy.

A number of conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of stress indicators

in the Cuzco samples. First, the combined data suggest a relatively “unstressed”

population. The frequencies of three stress indicators are in the low single digits:

4.6% for linear enamel hypoplasias, 5.2% for cranial porosities, and 3.7% for stunted

growth. Since stress indicators generally result from a combination of nutritional

deficiency and disease, their relatively low frequencies suggest that these conditions

did not widely affect the Cuzco populations.

Conversely, osteoperiostitis was a more prevalent affliction among Cuzco

groups, observed in 11.1% of the population. Notably, core populations in the Late

Horizon exhibit significantly higher frequencies than in the periphery. The Cuzco

evidence suggests that habitation in the populous urban capital had some negative

health consequences, a finding that supports other bioarchaeological studies revealing

the detriments of population aggregation (Armelagos 1990; Storey 1985). Aggregated

living environments, contaminated water, and insufficient waste management

promote increased bacterial transmission, resulting in a greater prevalence of

superficial bone infections. While individuals living in the Inca core might be

expected to have better health than those in the periphery, in at least one aspect, it

appears that health in the Cuzco capital region was compromised.

Along with an overall higher prevalence, osteoperiostitis shows a sex bias in

this study with females exhibiting significantly higher frequencies. This pattern was

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identified earlier at the site of Sacsahuaman (Andrushko et al. 2006) and persists

throughout the entire Cuzco sample. In the Sacsahuaman study, it was hypothesized

that the enclosed living conditions of females working for the state contributed to the

high frequency of osteoperiostitis. Other activities such as specific types of craftwork,

greater exposure to unsanitized kitchen and bathroom areas, and child care could have

increased infection of common Staphylococcus and/or Streptococcus bacteria in

females.

Finally, while osteoperiostitis is more prevalent in the core, the opposite is

true for cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis. The higher frequency in the

periphery might suggest nutritional deficiencies with reduced access to resources at

provincial sites. However, the results do not support a conclusion of widespread

deficiencies, as only a small number of individuals exhibited cranial porosities.

Furthermore, the demographic data indicate that individuals with cranial porosities

often survived the stressful childhood events that led to these conditions. If only

juveniles were observed with cranial porosities, one might conclude that children

were summarily dying from the stressful events. Yet in this sample both juveniles and

adults are affected with cranial porosities, and the healed cases in adults indicate that

individuals often survived stressful childhood events. The small percentage of

peripheral populations with cranial porosities, along with the healed cases exhibited

by adults, suggest that nutritional deficiencies did not substantially affect these

groups.

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Joint Disease

Appendicular Joint Disease

Description and Etiology


Joint disease reflects repetitive physical activities and age-related

degeneration of soft tissues (Jurmain 1977; Larsen 1997:162). The condition

commonly results from the “wear and tear” of aging, exacerbated by physical

activities, although rheumatoid arthritis and metabolic disturbances can accelerate

degeneration (Jurmain 1977). In addition, joint disease may ensue following bone

fractures that disturb joint congruency, leading to osteoarthritis that persists long after

the fracture has healed.

Because joint disease has many underlying causes, drawing behavioral

interpretations can be problematic (Weiss and Jurmain 2007). Researchers may

routinely attribute joint disease to activity, yet these interpretations often fail to

account for other causes, including age, heredity, body weight, autoimmune disease,

and trauma (Jurmain 1991b, 1999; Weiss and Jurmain 2007; Steckel et al. 2002,

Weiss 2005). Of these causes, age is a primary influencing factor: an older population

will usually exhibit a higher frequency of joint disease, which may be incorrectly

attributed to increased physical activity. As such, the age factor must be controlled

when comparing joint disease frequencies between populations.

When these factors are carefully considered and controlled for, joint disease

can reveal activity patterns in prehistoric groups (Jurmain 1991b:249; Walker and

Hollimon 1989). Within these groups, males and females may differ in joint disease

123
frequencies when the two sexes engage in dissimilar activities (Hollimon 1992).

Activity patterns will also vary by subsistence practice, yet no consensus exists on the

relationship between joint disease and foraging vs. farming strategies. In some

studies, hunter-gatherers exhibit higher joint disease frequencies, while others report

higher frequencies in agriculturalists (Larsen 1995:200). Since subsistence strategy

does not predictably influence joint disease, each region must be studied separately to

document local environmental influences on degenerative conditions. Through a

synthesis of these regional studies, patterns may be discerned regarding subsistence

patterns, physical activities, and joint disease.

Results
In this study, joint disease was documented in six joint regions—shoulder,

elbow, wrist/hand, hip, knee, and ankle/foot. The condition was identified using three

physical characteristics: osteophyte growth (bony spurs), macroporosity (porous areas

from the destruction of the joint surface), and eburnation, polish on the joint surface

from bone-on-bone contact following hyaline cartilage deterioration (Bridges

1992:68).

Of 263 individuals analyzed (juveniles and commingled remains excluded),

60 individuals (22.8%) were documented with joint disease. The affected individuals

show significant differences from unaffected individuals by age: old adults

predominate in the joint disease group, while young and middle adults are

underrepresented (χ2=22.69; df=2; p≤0.0001) (Figure 6.1). In looking at sex

differences, though males and females are similar in joint disease frequency (24.8%

124
and 21.3%, respectively), males are more than twice as likely to exhibit pronounced

joint disease; in contrast, females are more likely to have a slight version of the

condition (χ2=6.23; df=1; p=0.013).

100

90

80
% in Age Category with DJD

70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
Y oung A dult Middle A dult Old Adult

Figure 6.1. Degenerative joint disease by age category

Joint disease increases over time, from 18.2% in the pre-Inca populations to

24.4% in the Late Horizon. Along with an increased frequency, significant location

differences are evident: periphery groups exhibit a higher frequency (33.3%) than

those in the core (17.6%) during the Late Horizon (χ2=5.29; df=1; p=0.022). This

location difference is a not apparent in the pre-Inca populations, where no statistical

difference exists between the core and the periphery.

Despite these significant temporal and geographical patterns, no interpretation

can be made until the influence of age is controlled for. Therefore, the average age-at-

death of the two Late Horizon populations was calculated: 36.21 years for the core

and 36.31 years for the periphery. These calculations show that the core and

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periphery average age-at-death is almost identical. A similar match is also apparent

when viewing arthritic individuals only. The average age-of-death for the arthritic

individuals shows no difference: 39.39 years in the core, 39.35 years in the periphery.

These data indicate that the periphery populations do not exhibit a higher frequency

of joint disease merely due to an overall older population.

In comparison to other skeletal conditions, joint disease is highly correlated

with spinal joint disease (χ2=20.95; df=1; p≤0.0001) and with long bone traumatic

fractures (χ2=13.30; df=1; p≤0.0001), indicating trauma’s influence on the non-

congruency of joints resulting in arthritis. To measure the effect of trauma on severity

of joint disease, a chi-square calculation was made: though there are more cases of

severe joint disease in individuals with long bone fractures, the correlation is not

significant (χ2=1.13; df=1; p=0.287).

Joint disease does not correlate with cranial trauma, osteoperiostitis, or

temporomandibular joint syndrome. While it may seem surprising that joint disease

does not co-occur with temporomandibular joint syndrome, given that they are both

in the joint disease category, the non-correlation suggests there are different causes

for each condition. Of the many causes of appendicular joint disease, occupational

activity can have a large influence, while for joint disease of the mandible,

masticatory activities or extramasticatory activities such as the use of teeth as tools

contribute to the condition (Hodges 1991).

Along with an analysis of joint disease by individual, the condition was also

quantified by element (Appendix Table A.4). Quantification by element provides

126
important data because physical activities have a differential effect on various joints.

Based on information from a number of studies, the elbow joint most frequently

exhibits degenerative changes due to activity, followed by the knee, while the hip and

shoulder rarely display functional/occupational effects (Jurmain 1991b:249). For the

Cuzco study, when joint disease is viewed by element the individuals from Qotakalli

could be included, which enlarges the sample size. The Qotakalli site was excluded

from the “by individual” analysis since the commingled remains could not be

attributed to a single individual.

The most common anatomical sites for postcranial degenerative joint disease

are the knee, followed by the ankle/foot and wrist/hand, and the elbow. In terms of

severity, the sites most likely to have pronounced joint disease are the knee, the

wrist/hand, and the elbow. The only difference between presence/absence and

severity is that, despite a slightly greater frequency overall of ankle/foot joint disease,

these cases are more likely to be slight, whereas the elbow cases are more likely to be

pronounced.

Asymmetry is an important factor in isolating activity influences from other

causes of joint disease (Jurmain 1991b:249). Asymmetry manifests in differences

between the right and left side, and in this study, side differences are most apparent

for the elbow and wrist/hand, and least apparent in the hip and ankle/foot.

Spinal Joint Disease

Description and Etiology


The vertebral column, composed of interlocking elements separated by

intervertebral discs, provides support and structure to the skeleton. Within the

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vertebral column, primary articulations occur between the vertebral bodies and at the

superior and inferior articular joints. Joint degeneration due to mechanical stress

narrows the joint space and weakens muscle attachments, leading to the skeletal

conditions of osteophytosis and osteoarthritis. Osteophytosis results from strain on

the anterior longitudinal ligament caused by disc herniation (Resnick and Niwayama

1983); consequently, osteophytosis develops at the ligament attachment sites on the

anterolateral margins of the centrum. Osteophytosis is distinct from spinal

osteoarthritis, which refers to cartilage degeneration at the articular facets, though

they may occur in tandem. Osteoarthritis involves the breakdown of cartilage that

manifests as macroporosity and eburnation, conditions also evident in appendicular

joint disease.

Similar to appendicular joint disease, spinal joint disease has multiple causes,

including activity, age, and heredity. As a degenerative condition, spinal joint disease

increases in older adults, though trauma or disease may accelerate joint deterioration.

Spinal joint disease has been associated with physical stress from carrying and

strenuous locomotor activities in archaeological populations (Bridges 1994;

Rodriguez-Martin 1995). However, some argue that spinal conditions reflect

biological factors more than activity patterns (Knuesel et al. 1997). For this study,

spinal joint disease is analyzed in conjunction with appendicular joint disease, using

the same morphological criteria of osteophyte growth, macroporosity, and eburnation

(Brothwell 1981; Rogers et al. 1987).

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Results
Of 235 individuals (juveniles excluded) observed for spinal joint disease

(SJD), 100 (42.6%) displayed some form of the condition on either the vertebral

centra or articular facets. Spinal joint disease increased in frequency and severity

from the cervical to lumbar vertebrae (Table 6.4). The cervical spine shows fewer

cases, while the lumbar spine exhibits a higher frequency with more severe cases.

Table 6.4. Percentage of elements showing slight or pronounced SJD

Element Absent Slight Pronounced Total Affected


# % # % # % # %
Cervical 177 78 11 4.8 39 17.2 50/227 22
Thoracic 176 69.3 31 12.2 47 18.5 78/254 30.7
Lumbar 133 52.6 33 13.1 87 34.3 120/253 47.4

Several trends noted for appendicular joint disease are also apparent for spinal

joint disease. Spinal joint disease correlates with age, with many more old adults

exhibiting the condition (Figure 6.2). The condition varies by sex—48.5% of males

vs. 41.4% of females—but this is not statistically significant (χ2=1.09; df=1;

p=0.296). When the Late Horizon cases are isolated, the same trend for appendicular

joint disease becomes apparent: the periphery groups display a higher frequency than

in the core (60.3% vs. 39.2%, χ2=5.97; df=1; p=0.015). This increased periphery

frequency is not related to age; in fact, the average age-at-death for periphery

individuals is less than in the core, 35.86 years vs. 36.90 years. Similarly, when only

individuals with spinal joint disease are considered, the mean age-at-death is less in

the periphery than in the core, 37.57 years compared to 40.16 years.

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100

90

80

% of Age Category with SJD 70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
Y oung Adult Middle A dult Old A dult

Figure 6.2. Spinal joint disease by age

Discussion of Joint Disease


Clearly, age has a major influence on the expression of both appendicular and

spinal joint disease in the Cuzco sample. However, a number of factors suggest that

an activity-based interpretation is appropriate to explain increased joint disease

frequencies in the Late Horizon. First, the age factor has been identified and

controlled for in Late Horizon core and periphery populations. Individuals residing at

peripheral sites show higher spinal joint disease frequencies with a younger age-at-

death than those living in the core. Similarly, the periphery populations are more

likely to have appendicular joint disease, though the average age-at-death is not

greater than in core populations. Second, sex differences are apparent in both

datasets: for appendicular joint disease, males are more likely to display a severe form

of the condition, while for spinal joint disease, males have a higher overall frequency.

Third, specific joints, including the elbow and knee, show a higher frequency of

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degenerative changes; these joints are most likely to reflect activity patterns, as

opposed to the hip and shoulder (Jurmain 1991b:249). Finally, asymmetry is also

apparent among the right and left sides of each element, primarily in the elbow,

another indication of activity-related joint disease.

Based on these factors, behavioral interpretations may be considered. The

possibility arises that Late Horizon core populations were involved in less physical

activities, serving the state in administrative or ceremonial occupations. In contrast,

joint disease in the periphery may relate to more rigorous physical labor and

occupations imposed by the state. The sex differences possibly reflect a division in

the types of labor being accomplished, with males involved in construction or

agricultural work that translated to greater severity in joint disease.

Trauma

Trauma, defined as any bodily wound or injury (Roberts and Manchester

1995:65), includes fractures, joint dislocation, perimortem cranial injuries, and

cutmarks indicative of scalping (Merbs 1989; Ortner and Putschar 1985). These

conditions are used to identify cultural patterns ranging from activity-related fractures

to warfare and ritual sacrifice. Recognizing these patterns requires an

interdisciplinary approach, combining osteological evidence with medical and

forensic data. For example, medical information provides knowledge on healing rates

for fractures, while forensic data offers the means to differentiate types of cranial

wounds (Berryman and Haun 1996; Kaufman et al. 1997). By adopting an

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interdisciplinary approach, osteologists can undercover information crucial for

interpreting trauma patterns in past populations.

To recognize trauma patterns, osteologists identify and document specific

injury characteristics. These characteristics, such as location of injury and amount of

healing, are used to differentiate accident-related injuries from those resulting from

violence (Walker 1997, 2001b). For example, violence in the form of battered-child

syndrome is indicated by child injuries to the cranium, forearms, and legs in varying

stages of healing (Walker 2001b). Interpersonal violence can be observed in facial

injuries (e.g., broken nasal bones) and healed depressed cranial fractures (Walker

1989, 1997), which have been observed throughout the course of human evolution

(Merbs 1989:166; Walker 1989). In contrast, intergroup violence is more commonly

recognized by lethal injuries such as massive cranial fractures, projectile point

injuries, blunt force trauma from clubs and stones, and cutting wounds from metal

weapons (Novak 2000; Walker and Steckel 2002). Further evidence of violence may

be found in “parry” fractures of the ulna, which result from an individual raising their

arm to ward off a blow and receiving blunt force trauma to the ulna; however this

determination must be made critically, as many ulna fractures may not be “parry”

fractures (Judd 2004).

Additional information on cultural patterns of violence can be gained from

data on sex and age, which provide a social context for observed patterns. For

instance, a child with multiple healed and unhealed injuries may be the victim of

child abuse, though in archaeological contexts these cases rarely occur (Walker

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2001b:591). The overrepresentation of adolescent or young-adult males with violent

injuries may indicate a “draft-age” group involved in warfare. In further examining

sex differences, a higher frequency of males with violent injuries points to chronic

intergroup conflict, while the presence of females among the injured may indicate a

situation of surprise raids or group massacres (Bovee and Owsley 1994; Boylston et

al. 2000; Hollimon and Owsley 1994; Willey 1990).

Trauma patterns in this study were assessed by separating injuries into cranial

and postcranial categories, the latter of which includes long bone fractures and rib

fractures. The following sections present a description of each category with results,

followed by a discussion of observed patterns.

Cranial Trauma

Description and Etiology


Cranial fractures feature a break in the skeletal tissue of the cranial vault or

face, commonly accompanied by trauma to the adjacent soft tissues (Aufderheide and

Rodriguez-Martin 1998:20). Important features of cranial trauma include shape,

severity, size, and presence of radiating fracture lines (Gurdjian et al. 1950). The

shape of cranial fractures varies from blunt round and blunt ovoid to edged and

crushed. Severity refers to the impact to the diploë, ectocranial, and/or endocranial

surfaces, while size encompasses the total surface area of the trauma. Presence of

radiating fractures, and their location in relation to suture lines, helps to determine the

type of force and possibly the category of weapon used (Crist et al. 1997). Additional

attributes, including crushing and peeling, cutmarks, and embedded projectile objects,

provide important information for understanding the context of injuries.

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Results
Ninety-six individuals were observed with cranial injuries, out of 627

individuals examined (15.3%). Among these 96 individuals, several had more than

one injury; for a total of 135 injuries. These injuries were examined for specific

characteristics including type, healing, location, shape, size, and other attributes.

Injuries were separated into two main types, cranial vault and facial region

fractures, and subsequently differentiated within each category. The cranial vault

injuries can be divided into three types: depressed cranial fractures, complete cranial

fractures, and cutmarks. The first type is characterized by a depression on the

ectocranial vault, often due to blunt force trauma. Frequently, these wounds are

shallow and do not involve the endocranial surface. They are rarely lethal, and may

appear in multiple instances per individual. In the present study, there were 93

depressed cranial fractures. Four individuals had four depressed fractures each, the

greatest number per individual recorded.

The second type, complete cranial fractures, is differentiated from depressed

cranial fractures by severity. These injuries are more severe than depressed cranial

fractures and involve the endocranial surface. They are more frequently accompanied

by radiating fracture lines, which result from excessive force applied to the cranial

vault—because of this excessive force, complete cranial fractures may be fatal. These

wounds can have a circular, linear, or irregular morphology, depending on the

weapon used. Further characteristics include bone fragments adhering to the fracture

site and an altered morphology to the cranial region. Complete cranial fractures were

seen in 15 instances in the Cuzco samples.

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The third type of vault injury, cutmarks, was found in five individuals. In all

cases, the cutmarks occurred at or around the time of death (perimortem) and show no

indication of healing. Two individuals had additional perimortem cranial fractures,

while another exhibited a healed depressed cranial fracture. The final two individuals

did not show any associated injuries.

In addition to the vault fractures, facial injuries were also documented: 13

cases of nasal fractures and nine instances of non-nasal facial fractures. Five

individuals with nasal fractures also exhibited non-nasal fractures to the face.

When all fracture types are combined, the injuries cluster on the anterior

region, with a tendency toward the left side. The anterior section—encompassing the

frontal bone, anterior parietals, and facial region—was targeted in 70.1% of the cases,

compared to 29.9% on the posterior cranium (posterior parietals and occipital). The

left side of the cranium was most often affected (48.5%), followed by the right side

(38.1%). Only a small portion of the injuries were recorded on the middle third of the

cranium (13.4%).

Fracture shape varies among four main types (of those injuries whose shape

could be discerned): the majority were circular (63), followed by oval (33), irregular

(9), and linear (8). When depressed cranial fractures are considered alone, the circular

shape occurs almost twice as frequently as the oval shape, 60 circular vs. 32 oval,

with one irregular-shaped fracture.

Fracture size (in area) also displays variation, evident in the descriptive

statistics of range, kurtosis, and skew. The range is 16.41 cm2 based on a minimum

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area of .05 cm2 and maximum of 16.46 cm2. Kurtosis—the measure of a peak’s

height and the weight of its tails (Ruppert 1987)—is 6.924, a high value indicating a

“sharper” peak (keptokursis). The skewness is also positive, which reflects

asymmetry from the mean. In this case, the asymmetry refers to a longer than normal

tail extending to the right (Figure 6.3).

40

30
Number of Cases

20

10

0
0 2 5 8 10 12 15

Area in sq. cm

Figure 6.3. Histogram of fracture size by area (cm2)

As depicted in the histogram above, most cranial fractures concentrate on the

smaller side of the distribution. This concentration yields an average area of 2.3572

cm2, with a standard deviation of 2.82806. The 5% trimmed mean is 1.9789 cm2,

while the median is 1.3200 cm2. When grouped into small (0-5 cm2), medium (5-10

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cm2), and large (10+ cm2) categories, 85% of the fractures fall into the small

category, while 12% are medium-sized, and only 3% are large.

The final injury attribute under examination is amount of healing. As

mentioned above, the five cutmark cases were all perimortem, with no healing—these

injuries occurred at or around the time of death. In addition to the cutmarks, nine

other cranial injuries were perimortem fractures, differentiated by a homogenous

color, crushing, radiating fracture lines, and lack of flaking or other signs of recent

damage. Apart from these 14 cases, all other cranial injuries showed significant

healing, indicating that trauma was not lethal for the majority of cases (89.6%,

121/135).

Next, the patterns of age, sex, and geographic/temporal data are examined.

Cranial trauma is highly correlated with sex, seen in 29.1% of males but only 16.8%

of females (χ2=8.14; df=1; p=0.004). The male/female ratio for cranial trauma is

1.55:1, a significant deviation from the 1:1.03 male/female ratio in the entire sample.

The sex bias is also apparent when facial fractures are considered alone. The male

frequency of non-nasal facial fractures (2.5%) is significantly greater than the female

frequency (0.3%) (Fisher’s exact, p=0. 014); males also exhibit nasal fractures at a

greater than expected frequency (6.6% vs. 3.2% for females), though the correlation

is not statistically significant (Fisher’s exact, p=0.250).

Age is another influencing factor in cranial trauma. Juveniles make up only

4.1% of the cranial trauma group, a highly significant difference compared to adults

(Fisher’s exact, p≤0.0001). In separating the adult categories, cranial trauma is

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overrepresented in the young adult and old adult categories, and underrepresented in

the middle adult categories (χ2=9.95; df=2; p=0.007).

Regarding other pathological conditions, cranial trauma is highly correlated

with trepanation, the surgical removal of part of the cranium (χ2=29.13; df=1;

p≤0.0001, see Chapter 7). Individuals with cranial trauma are also more likely to have

postcranial trauma (χ2=7.36; df=1; p=0.007). Conversely, cranial trauma does not

correlate with cranial porosities, temporomandibular joint syndrome, rib fractures,

osteoperiostitis, or joint disease.

When comparing trauma by time period and location, significant patterns

emerge. Cranial trauma increases from 8.3% in pre-Inca times to 18.0% in Early Inca

times (χ2=5.58; df=1; p=0.018). This frequency drops slightly to 17.2% in the Late

Horizon, but remains elevated compared to pre-Inca populations. Among the Late

Horizon cases, there is a significant difference in location, with more cranial trauma

occurring in the periphery than in the core (22.8% vs. 6.8%; χ2=10.28; df=1;

p=0.001) (Figure 6.4).

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25

% of Individuals with Cranial Trauma


20

15

10

0
Pre-Inca Early Inca Late Horizon LH Core LH Periphery

Figure 6.4. Cranial trauma by time period and location

Postcranial Trauma

Description and Etiology

Postcranial fractures vary widely based on the type of force―compressive,

bending, or shearing―placed on the bone. Long bone fractures can be categorized as

complete or incomplete, simple, communited, or compound, and spiral, “greenstick,”

compression, avulsion, impacted, oblique, or transverse (Merbs 1989:162). Fractures

resulting from other bone-weakening conditions are termed pathologic (Buikstra and

Ubelaker 1994:120), with underlying causes including osteoporosis, rickets, Paget’s

disease, and neoplasms.

Long bone fractures may be conflict-related (as described above with the

ulnar “parry” fracture) or accident-related, such as the Colles’ fracture of the distal

radius, which occurs when an individual attempts to break a fall by extending their

arm. Accident-related fractures increase in conditions of rugged terrain and strenuous

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physical labor, and may result in permanently restricted mobility and dexterity

(Larsen 1997:110). Further problems can result if the injury becomes infected or if

the fracture disturbs skeletal congruency, as osteoarthritis may ensue.

Long Bone Fracture Results


Long bone fractures—documented for the clavicle, humerus, radius, ulna,

femur, tibia, and fibula—were seen in 30 of 440 individuals (6.8%). No perimortem

fractures were documented, and only three fracture cases showed on-going healing at

the time of death. The rest of the cases showed long-term healing with callus

formation and remodeling.

No juveniles displayed evidence of long bone fractures. Within the adult

categories, young and middle adults have fewer than expected number of fractures,

while old adults have a higher frequency, possibly from an accumulation of fractures

over a lifetime (Figure 6.5). While males were slightly more likely to have long bone

fractures (13.6% vs. 9.4%), this difference is not statistically significant (χ2=1.09;

df=1; p=0.298).

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20

18

% of Age Category with Long Bone Fractures


16

14

12

10

0
Young Adult Middle Adult Old Adult

Figure 6.5. Long bone fractures by age

Evidence for violent injury in the long bones was low, with ulna fractures

between 1% and 2.1%, and few of these could qualify as “parry” fractures. Rather,

the ulna fractures were located distally, and associated with Colles’ fractures of the

radius. Colles’ fractures were the most commonly observed, with a radius fracture

frequency of approximately 4%, followed by the fibula and clavicle (Appendix Table

A.6).

No significant patterns are evident over time or by location when considering

long bone fractures in the entire sample, and no significant difference exists between

the core and periphery when the Late Horizon cases are isolated. This lack of

correlation differs from the cranial trauma results, which show an increase in cranial

trauma over time and a greater number of cases in the periphery than in the core.

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Rib Fracture Results
Rib fractures were seen in 31 of 354 individuals (8.8%). There is no bias in

terms of side of the body, with right and left ribs equally affected. Most of the rib

fractures are well-healed, with less than 2% in a state of on-going healing. There is a

statistically significant difference in rib fractures vs. sex, with males more likely to

have rib fractures than females (17.7% vs. 6.7%, χ2=6.24; df=1; p=0.012). Adults are

overwhelmingly more likely to exhibit rib fractures (Fisher’s exact, p=0.001), yet

there are three sub-adult instances of rib fracture (Table 6.5, Figure 6.6). While no

significant correlation exists with temporal period or location, during the Late

Horizon there is a higher frequency of rib fractures in the periphery compared to the

core (11.3% vs. 5.9%, χ2=1.68; df=1; p=0.195).

Table 6.5. Juvenile rib fractures

Burial Number Age Time Period # of elements and side Healing


KN 25 0-1 year Inca Five (minimum), both Short-term
CH 93 0-1 year Inca One, left side Short-term
QT 33-2 5-6 years Early Inca One, unsided fragment Long-term

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Figure 6.6. Juvenile rib fractures in Kanamarca infant

Discussion of Trauma
In bioarchaeological analysis, trauma data yield valuable information on

cultural behavior—economic strategies and settlement patterns may influence the

prevalence of trauma, while gender differences provide clues regarding interpersonal

violence. Trauma frequencies that shift over time may reveal changes in physical

activities or intergroup conflict. These studies must rely on meticulous description

and documentation, allowing for the accumulation of a large database through which

statistical relationships can be assessed.

In this study, three conclusions can be drawn based on the cranial trauma data.

First, adult males were most frequently affected. Based on archaeological studies

linking cranial trauma to interpersonal aggression (Merbs 1989:166; Walker 1989),

the sex-bias suggests a violent etiology (as opposed to an accidental cause). Second,

the significant increase in cranial trauma from the pre-Inca to Early Inca periods may

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indicate that violence rose during the time of Inca state development. The

implications of this increase are explored below. Third, cranial trauma occurred in the

periphery more often than in the core, suggesting heightened violence outside of the

urban center during the Late Horizon. Possibly, violent conflict predominated away

from the capital in peripheral regions during imperial attempts to subjugate and/or

quell rebellion. 5

The second conclusion, that cranial trauma increased during the Early Inca

period, addresses the role of warfare in the Empire’s development and expansion.

Scholarly interest in Inca warfare stems primarily from readings of Spanish colonial

documents, which describe constant conflict among Cuzco groups that empowered

the Inca through success on the battlefield (Rowe 1946:274). This accumulation of

power, highlighted by Inca victory over their Chanca enemies, transformed the Inca

polity into a state (Rowe 1946:204). Once established as a state, the Inca used their

military might to conquer and expand their domain; these conquests are recorded in

colonial documents, which contain descriptions of battlefields, trophy parts, weapons,

war shrines, and insignia (Arkush and Stanish 2005; Cieza de León 1985 [1533];

Cobo 1990 [1653]; Guaman Poma 1936[1615:153,194]; Niles 1999:61-62; Rowe

1946:279; Verano 1997b:246; Verano et al. 1999:66). Biological evidence of Inca

warfare—in the form of lethal skeletal injuries—has been observed in some sites

5
A similar pattern was hypothesized for the Wari Empire, however, the results did not bear out: Wari
heartland and hinterland populations exhibited approximately equal levels of trauma, indicating core
and periphery inhabitants faced similarly violent circumstances (Tung 2003).

144
(e.g., Altamirano et al. 2006), revealing the consequences of violent Inca conquest in

provincial regions.

Does the Cuzco evidence support these claims of intense, sustained warfare in

the core region? Cranial trauma frequencies do increase over time, peaking in the

Early Inca period. In addition, injuries were most often recorded on the anterior, left

side of the cranium—a pattern attributed to face-to-face violent conflict (MacCurdy

1923:258; Standen and Arriaza 2000:246; Torres-Rouff and Costa 2006:64; Tung

2003:216). The majority of injured individuals were adult males, a demographic

group most often associated with warfare (Seeman 1988). Finally, several injuries

within the cranial trauma sample appear weapon-related, distinguished by their larger

size, endocranial involvement, presence of radiating fracture lines, linear or irregular

morphology, cutmarks and/or disfigurement to the surrounding area. Of the 23

individuals observed with possible weapon-related injuries, 22 were found in either

Early Inca or Inca contexts. Altogether, the data conclusively link these cranial

fractures to violence. Given that the injuries cluster in the Early Inca period, there is a

likelihood that warfare intensified during the time of Inca state development.

On the other hand, cranial injuries affected only a portion of the population,

and those with possible weapon-related injuries constitute an even smaller sub-set.

Cranial trauma was documented in 15.3% of the entire group, with possible weapon-

related or cutmark injuries seen in 24.0% of those with cranial trauma. Subsequently,

only 3.7% of the entire Cuzco sample exhibits possible weapon-related injuries. The

other injuries—constituting the majority of those observed—were nonlethal and

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relatively small, more characteristic of interpersonal or ritual violence than actual

warfare. In summary, the physical evidence confirms the occurrence of violence

resulting in significant and/or lethal injuries, but suggests that it was not widespread.

That the physical evidence does not indicate widespread warfare is a striking

contrast to the extensive depictions in Spanish colonial documents. The paucity of

physical evidence suggests exaggeration of Inca warfare in Spanish accounts, an

opinion expressed by Morris (1998:304), who proposed that chroniclers interpreted

Inca expansion through a lens of Western ethnocentricity. Applying a belief system

that equated conquest with violent subjugation, Spanish chroniclers may have

overstated the prevalence of Inca warfare. Contrary to these accounts, Morris believes

the Inca avoided costly, protracted warfare during most of their reign, citing a dearth

of weapons from sites such as Huanuco Pampa. He concludes that intensified military

coercion may have emerged in the last phase of Inca domination, as evidenced by

fortresses along the empire’s frontiers (Morris 1998:306). In reevaluating the

ethnohistoric and archaeological evidence, Morris suggests that archaeological

inquiry shift from a focus on widespread warfare toward the Andean custom of

ritualized battles.

Ritualized conflict is well-known among modern Andean groups, often

referred to as “tinku”. This custom involves a planned encounter of two adjacent

communities, usually at a symbolic confluence—the convergence of two rivers, or

junction of territorial boundaries (Parsons et al. 1997:7; San Martin 2002). Upon

meeting, adult males engage in physical fighting, exchanging blows while onlookers

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cheer, sing, and enjoy the general festivities (Orlove 1994). Though occasionally

lethal, in most cases the participants’ injuries do not result in death (Bandelier 1910;

Bolin 1998).

Tinkus may be held for a number of reasons, including to ensure prosperity,

exact revenge, gain prestige, entertain, defend territory, or exert indigenous identity

(Arkush and Stanish 2005:13). This social negotiation may also serve as catharsis,

where the ritual release of aggression prevents an escalation to serious conflict and

loss of life.

Modern observations of tinku have been used to interpret conflict in pre-

Columbian times. Ritual violence is often cited to explain ambiguous signs of

aggression, in cases where archaeological evidence of warfare is inconclusive

(Arkush and Stanish 2005:7). Yet the division of “ritual” vs. “real” violence creates a

false dichotomy that underestimates the complexity of ancient Andean conflict. In

actuality, ritual permeated many aspects of violent interactions, from the small-scale

to the largest battles. Rather than categorize violence as “ritual” vs. “real” (i.e.,

organized warfare), Arkush and Stanish (2005:11) suggest that evidence of violence

should be examined based on degree of intensity (i.e., propensity for destruction).

Following Arkush and Stanish’s suggestions, the Cuzco cranial injuries are

not categorized as “ritual” or “real.” Rather, a distinction is drawn between small,

nonlethal injuries and severe or lethal wounds typical of large-scale warfare: massive

cranial fractures with radiating fracture lines, blunt force trauma from clubs and

stones, and cutmarks from metal weapons (Novak 2000; Walker and Steckel 2002).

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The Cuzco sample shows a small number of possible weapon-related injuries, along

with a majority of small, nonlethal injuries. These injuries could have resulted from

interpersonal aggression, planned tinku events, low-intensity intergroup conflict,

organized warfare, or some combination thereof. The variation witnessed in Cuzco

injuries suggests more than one type of violent encounter, rather than solely tinku-

type events or organized warfare. While the type of violence responsible for the

Cuzco injuries remains ambiguous, one fact is clear: dispute resolution was often

mediated not through peaceful exchanges, but rather through violent encounters.

Similar patterns of violent interaction have been documented in other Andean

bioarchaeological studies. Among Late Intermediate Period Chilean groups, cranial

trauma frequencies increased amidst conditions of social change and resource stress

(Torres-Rouff and Costa 2006). An analogous situation is seen with late Nasca period

(pre-Middle Horizon) populations, where elevated trauma rates and trophy taking

correlated with resource stress and population aggregation (Kellner 2002:131).

Among Wari burials, Tung (2003) identified two types of violence: evidence for

structured combat emerged from cranial trauma patterns at the ceremonial site of La

Real, in contrast to evidence for violent raids at the provincial site of Beringa. In an

additional study, Standen and Arriaza (2000) similarly attributed Chinchorro trauma

patterns to low intensity, violent confrontations between males, possibly as a result of

resource disputes or funerary-related “mock” fights.

When assessed collectively, these studies suggest that nonlethal cranial trauma

was the standard result, rather than the exception, of violent encounters in the ancient

148
Andes, a pattern similar to that noted in prehistoric California groups (Lambert 1994;

Walker 1989). These nonlethal, violent encounters often increased with changes in

political complexity or during periods of stress, reflecting their importance as a means

of social mediation among pre-Columbian Andean societies.

Though these cranial injuries were rarely fatal, they were by no means

insignificant, in many cases requiring medical intervention. Cranial trauma can cause

brain swelling that leads to headache, vomiting, seizure, and possible death. To

alleviate these symptoms, intra-cranial pressure must be relieved surgically by

removing a portion of the skull. The Inca practiced this type of surgery—known as

trepanation—with great success; an in-depth analysis of trepanation is presented in

the next chapter.

In contrast to the cranial trauma results, which highlight the prevalence of

violence among Andean groups, the long bone fractures appear to be accidental.

These fractures show no significant patterning with sex, age, temporal period, or

location. Furthermore, the majority of fractures occurred at the distal radius, a

common accident-related fracture location (Colles’ fracture).

The third trauma category, rib fractures, yields no definitive insights on

cultural behavior, as they may have been accident-related or conflict-related. Rib

fractures do display two trends that accord with the cranial trauma data: males were

more likely to exhibit rib fractures, and there is a greater prevalence in the periphery

compared to the core. Despite these similarities, any conclusions remain tentative.

The increase in rib fractures in the periphery may relate to harder physical labor, or to

149
the violence documented with cranial trauma. Neither of these scenarios can be

confirmed: rib fractures do not show statistically significant correlations with either

joint disease or cranial trauma. As such, connections between rib fractures and

patterns of activity or violence remain tenuous.

One pattern within rib fractures does merit additional consideration—the

presence of rib fractures in three children, one 5-6 year-old and two infants. The two

infants displayed only short-term healing, suggesting they died of their wounds. With

the older child, the rib fracture had healed, revealing the injury occurred at an earlier

age. In modern times, juvenile rib fractures often indicate intentional abuse, as these

fractures are unlikely to occur from accidental falls (Walker 2001b). While no

cultural interpretation can be drawn here, it is apparent from at least one case that the

infant sustained massive wounds before dying (Figure 6.6).

Conclusion

In summarizing the three disease categories studied here, non-specific stress,

joint disease, and trauma, the following trends are apparent. The population overall

appears relatively “unstressed,” with low frequencies of cranial porosities, linear

enamel hypoplasias, and stunted growth; the low frequency of these conditions

indicates that nutritional deficiency was rare. Negative health impacts from

agricultural intensification, which may lead to restrictive diets and malnutrition

(Cohen and Armelagos 1984; Larsen 1997:51), are not apparent here. Nor is there

much evidence to suggest that periphery populations suffered disproportionately from

malnutrition compared to those in the core.

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On the other hand, individuals were afflicted by bacterial infection in the form

of osteoperiostitis. This condition was particularly apparent in the Late Horizon core

region, likely reflecting changes brought about by urbanization and aggregated living.

Females suffered disproportionately from osteoperiostitis, which may be related to

sex-specific occupations or childcare duties that increased exposure to bacteria.

With joint disease, the Late Horizon periphery populations displayed more

appendicular and spinal joint disease, at a younger age than the core populations.

These conditions were also seen more frequently—and with greater severity—in

males. The increase in joint disease coincided with the development of Inca tribute

policies that demanded payment in labor. Given the timing of this increase, along

with the age and sex patterns, the prevalence may reflect arduous physical activity

resulting from imperial tribute obligations.

In the category of trauma, cranial fractures increased over time and were most

often seen in adult males. The injury attributes reveal a tendency for left side,

anteriorly positioned fractures, and these injuries were more commonly found in

periphery populations than in the core. Furthermore, 23 individuals were seen with

possible weapon-related injuries, consisting of cutmarks, complete fractures with

radiating lines, and perimortem blade wounds. Collectively, these patterns are

indicative of violent conflict.

Though these data suggest that some individuals were affected by warfare-

related trauma, the majority of cranial injuries were small and nonlethal. These

injuries possibly ensued from ritual battles like the “tinkus” witnessed

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ethnographically in Peru and Bolivia. Tinkus provide a frequently-applied analogy for

cranial trauma in the Andes, yet this analogy must be applied critically to avoid the

false dichotomy of “ritual” vs. “real” violence. Ritual permeated most violent

encounters in the Andes, from small, circumscribed meetings to large, organized

battles. The Cuzco trauma patterns suggest that both types of events—and likely

others—contributed to the variety of cranial injuries observed in this sample.

In conclusion, distinct changes occurred in Late Horizon populations through

settlement reorganization, population aggregation, and heightened conflict. Though

nutritional deficiency was low, individuals in the core region suffered from bacterial

exposure, likely as a result of aggregated living conditions. Enforced labor at

peripheral sites possibly caused an increased frequency of joint disease. Finally,

cranial trauma patterns reflect an increase in violence during Early Inca and Late

Horizon times. This violence likely spanned encounters from small-scale skirmishes

to large-scale warfare, and underscores the role of aggression as a means of social

mediation.

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Chapter 7. Trepanation in the Cuzco Region

Introduction

Prehistoric trepanation, the surgical removal of part of the cranium, was first

identified in Cuzco in 1865 by E. George Squier (Finger and Fernando 2001; Weiss

1958:559). Since its initial discovery, trepanation has been documented in prehistoric

and historic contexts across the globe, from Neolithic Europe and the Melanesian

Islands to the Near East and parts of Africa (Campillo 1984; England 1962; Lastres

and Cabieses 1960; Lisowski 1967; Tello 1913; Weber and Wahl 2006; Zias and

Pomeranz 1992). Explanations for trepanation include medical reasons, often to

alleviate trauma-induced intracranial swelling, and cultural purposes, as a cure for

mental disorders and a release of evil spirits (Ortner and Putschar 1985:95; White

2000:389).

In Peru, trepanation occurred as early as 400 BC among the Paracas culture of

the south coast and continued through the rise of the Inca Empire (AD 1400-1532)

(Verano 2003b). Though trepanation is not mentioned in colonial documents on Inca

culture, it was undoubtedly performed at the time of European conquest in AD 1532

(Rowe 1946:313). Along with its long time depth, trepanation had a broad

geographical distribution in pre-Columbian South America, concentrated in certain

regions such as Paracas on the southern Peruvian coast, Haurochiri in the central

highlands, and Cuzco in the southern highlands (Stewart 1958:475).

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The present study of trepanation returns to the location of initial discovery

with an analysis of 855 Cuzco-region burials. Through this analysis, a number of

questions may be addressed regarding preferred methods, survival rates, and possible

causes for the ancient surgical procedure in the Inca capital of Cuzco.

The study results suggest that Cuzco-region medical practitioners mastered

the technique of trepanation with a high rate of patient survival and an impressive

knowledge of cranial anatomy. These practitioners avoided certain areas of the

cranium and preferred a method, circular scraping, that reduced the likelihood of

damage to the cerebral meninges and sinuses. Survival rates show a significant

increase over time, an improvement that may reflect the formal training of trepanation

practitioners. In many instances, practitioners appear to have used trepanation as a

treatment for cranial injury, although other therapeutic and ritual motives may have

existed.

Previous Trepanation Analyses in the Cuzco Region

George MacCurdy (1923) documented several trepanned crania in his analysis

of 341 skeletons from the Urubamba Valley. The trepanned crania constituted 17% of

the total sample, with one skull exhibiting healed perforations from five separate

trepanning episodes. MacCurdy found that cranial trauma often accompanied

trepanations and linked these conditions to Inca warfare, asserting that a prevalence

of left sided injuries reflected face-to-face combat with right-handed foes (1923:259).

MacCurdy identified stellate-pointed clubs as the primary weapon responsible for

cranial fractures, and concluded that in the “period of strife” during the Late Horizon,

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the Inca perfected trepanation to treat individuals with severe cranial injuries

(ibid:259).

While 17% of individuals exhibited trepanations in MacCurdy’s sample, no

examples were found at Machu Picchu, located just 13 km from one of MacCurdy’s

sites (Eaton 1916). MacCurdy (1923:288) attributed this disparity to sex differences

between the sites, with more females at Machu Picchu and a greater number of males

in the Urubamba sample. However, this alleged female overrepresentation originated

from an erroneous study of the Machu Picchu burials by Eaton (1916); once

reanalyzed, the Machu Picchu sample was found to have a more normal distribution

of sexes, rather than an overabundance of females (Verano 2003a). Verano’s results

also revealed little evidence of trauma and confirmed the absence of trepanation

among Machu Picchu individuals. He concluded that the lack of evidence for these

conditions suggested less exposure to violence and non-involvement in the site’s

defense (Verano 2003a:99), a conclusion that highlights the connection between

trepanation and violent trauma.

Another study of trepanation was completed by Quevedo (1939, 1942), who

studied 55 crania from the site of Kinsarumiyoc in the Calca region, 20 kilometers

north of Cuzco. Quevedo found 11 skulls with trepanation, 83% of which showed

long-term healing (Quevedo 1942:55). He determined that trepanations were mainly

performed in response to cranial trauma, carried out by trained practitioners with

knowledge of cranial anatomy.

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Results

All 11 sites in the Cuzco-region study were included in the trepanation

analysis, six of which contained the remains of trepanned individuals. The six sites

yielded a combined sample of 709 individuals, yet only 411 individuals met the two

criteria of the trepanation study: sufficient cranial vault material to view any possible

trepanation (isolated temporal bones excluded), and an age-at-death greater than 5

years (infants and juveniles younger than 5 years showed no evidence for the

procedure and were not included in the tabulation of frequencies).

Of the 411 individuals that met these two criteria, 66 (16.1%) exhibited at

least one complete trepanation with perforation (Table 7.1). An additional three

crania displayed regions of scraping (healed) without perforation. The number of

perforations per cranium varied from one to seven, for a total of 109 perforations

recorded (Table 7.2, Figure 7.1).

Table 7.1. Trepanned individuals in the Cuzco sample

Site Cranial MNI # of Trepanned Individuals Frequency


of Trepanations
Qotakalli 195 34 17.4%
Chokepukio 83 7 8.4%
Colmay 59 21 35.6%
Cotocotuyoc 35 2 5.7%
Aqnapampa 21 1 4.8%
Kanamarca 18 1 5.6%
Total 411 66 16.1%

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Table 7.2. Number of trepanations per cranium

Trepanation Count # of Individuals Total # of Perforations


per Individual
1 40 40
2 15 30
3 8 24
4 2 8
7 1 7
Total: 66 109

Figure 7.1. Individual with seven trepanations

Shape, Size, and Location


The trepanations varied in shape and size, with 67 circular, 41 oval or

irregularly circular, and one rectangular. The circular trepanation diameters ranged

from 0.203 to 6.0 cm, with an average of 2.212 cm. The oval trepanation dimensions

varied from 0.278 to 7.344 cm (anterior-posterior) and 1.68 to 5.249 cm (medial-

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lateral). The lone rectangular trepanation dimensions were 3.984 cm (anterior-

posterior) by 3.901 cm (medial-lateral). Based on these dimensions, trepanation area

was calculated and plotted by time period (Table 7.3).

Table 7.3. Area of trepanned perforations by time period (in cm2)

Temporal Period # of Trepanations Mean Std. Dev. Min Max


LIP 6 5.784 2.827 2.8491 8.699
Early Inca 59 3.448 4.185 0.032 21.010
Late Horizon 44 8.256 8.542 0.073 28.274
Total 109 5.513 6.702 0.032 28.274

Though a reduction of trepanation size over time has been documented

(Verano 2003b), the results show the largest area for Late Horizon crania, as opposed

to earlier groups (Table 7.3). In addition, the Late Horizon group exhibits the highest

standard deviation in trepanation area, revealing greater variation in perforation size

in the Late Horizon.

Certain cranial regions were preferentially chosen as surgery sites. The medial

and left sides of the cranium show the highest number of trepanations, with 67 and 30

perforations, respectively. In contrast, the right side of the cranium was chosen for

only 12 of the 109 trepanations (11%). The primary bone selected was the parietal

(79), followed by the frontal (24) and the occipital (6). No trepanations were

documented on the temporal bones.

While certain areas were selected for trepanation, other regions were avoided.

In the majority of cases (89%), the cranial musculature was circumvented, with only

12 instances (11%) of inferred impact to the muscular regions. Sixty-five trepanations

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(60%) did not impact the sutures, while 40% crossed at least one suture line. These

patterns suggest knowledge of the cranial anatomy and intentional avoidance to limit

soft tissue damage (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo 2000:943).

Trepanation Methods
Of the four types of trepanation methods identified among Andean skeletal

collections (linear cutting, scraping, circular grooving, and boring [Verano 2003b]),

circular grooving and scraping were most evident in this sample (108 of 109

perforations). With scraping, a wide section of bone is scraped away on the

ectocranial surface compared to a smaller area on the endocranial surface. In contrast,

circular grooving involves the removal of a round plug of bone through circular or

ovoid incisions. These two methods can be difficult to differentiate, particularly in

healed trepanations, as both techniques may result in external beveling to the

trepanation margin. In those cases clearly resulting from the scraping method, the

amount of scraping was not constant—some show a small area of scraping

surrounding the perforation, while in other cases a small perforation was observed

amidst a much larger area of scraped bone. This variation is seen in the wide range of

values recorded, with regions of scraping ranging up to 8.993 cm in diameter.

The only other method of trepanation observed was rectangular incised

grooving (also called crosscut sawing or linear cutting [Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994;

Verano 2003b]). This method was observed in an old adult (46+ year-old) female

from Kanamarca, discovered with a covering of organic material over the trepanned

area. When the material was removed, the trepanation could be viewed as a

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rectangular hole (Figure 7.2). Within this rectangular hole, the excised piece of bone

was reinserted and fastened to the skull with a poultice (Figure 7.3). Around the hole,

deep grooves remained as evidence of the sawing method for the incisions, which left

cutmarks along the margins of the perforation and on the excised piece of bone. The

cutmarks do not show signs of healing such as remodeling or reactive bone. Based on

the lack of evidence for reactive bone, the trepanation procedure occurred around the

time of death, and the individual did not survive the surgery.

Figure 7.2. Rectangular incised trepanation- unhealed

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Figure 7.3. Excised bone from trepanation with cutmarks

Healing, Infection, and Trauma


The rate of healing was separated into three categories: (1) no biological

response, such as the rectangular trepanation described above, (2) short-term healing

with slight remodeling and reactive bone growth, and (3) long-term healing with

extensive remodeling and rounding of margins (Verano 2003b:231). The third

category comprised the majority of cases, with long-term healing documented in 89

instances for an overall survival rate of 83%. In contrast, short-term healing was seen

in one case, with no healing in 19 cases (Figure 7.4). Aside from the 109 complete

trepanations, three additional cases were identified as “attempted” trepanation, with a

scraped ectocranial region but no perforation. These three cases showed significant

healing, indicating that the surgery had not been halted due to the patient’s death.

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Figure 7.4. Circular trepanation- unhealed

Infection immediately adjacent to the trepanned area was seen in only three

individuals (4.5%). In two cases the inflammation was only partially healed at the

time of death, while in the third case the infected region showed long-term healing.

Cranial trauma and trepanation show a highly significant statistical correlation

(χ2=29.13; df=1; p≤0.0001). Forty-four percent of the trepanned sample (29

individuals) showed evidence of cranial trauma; in five of these cases, the injury

involved perimortem fracture and/or radiating fracture lines around the trepanation

site (Figure 7.2, 7.5). Two other individuals displayed healed fractures abutting the

margin of the healed trepanation. These seven individuals provide direct evidence for

trepanation performed to treat skull fracture, while the other cases of healed cranial

injuries suggest an indirect link to trauma. Cranial trauma may have occurred at an

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even higher frequency among trepanned individuals, since the surgery can obliterate

evidence of injury by removing the area of fractured bone (Verano 2003b:233).

Figure 7.5. Perimortem trepanation with fractured inferior border

In contrast, other pathological conditions do not correlate with trepanation.

One of these conditions is mastoiditis, an infection of the mastoid bone caused by

inner ear inflammation (otitis media). Though this condition can cause earaches,

headaches, swelling and fever, these symptoms apparently did not prompt surgical

intervention. Trepanation also does not correlate with long bone fractures, rib

fractures, long bone osteoperiostitis, appendicular joint disease, spinal joint disease,

temporomandibular joint syndrome, and cribra orbitalia/porotic hyperostosis.

Demography
The age and sex of the trepanned individuals indicates which segments of

society received the surgery. The sex distribution is 35 males, 19 females, and 12 of

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indeterminate sex, an overrepresentation of males (male/female ratio of 1.84:1) that is

statistically significant (χ2=4.20; df=1; p=0.041). In the age distribution, only one

non-adolescent juvenile exhibited a trepanation, a 7-8 year-old from Chokepukio

(Table 7.4).

Table 7.4. Age distribution of trepanned individuals

Age Number of Individuals Percent of total sample


Juvenile (7-18 years) 1 1.5%
Adolescent (16-18 years) 3 4.5%
Young Adult (18-25 years) 9 13%
Middle Adult (26-45 years) 33 50%
Old Adult (46+ years) 13 20%
Adult Other (age range 7 11%
indeterminate)
Total: 66 100%

Figure 7.6 reveals two salient characteristics of the age distribution of

trepanned individuals. First, the age distribution of the entire trepanned sample forms

a bell-shaped curve displaying a skewed left tail, which reflects the statistically

significant underrepresentation of juveniles (Fisher’s exact, p=0.024). Second, when

viewing only individuals with perimortem trepanations, the age distribution shifts

slightly to the left side, representing a greater percentage of adolescents and young

adults. The difference between these two distributions may reflect the age at which

most individuals were trepanned: while healed trepanations could have been received

many years before an individual’s death, a perimortem trepanation (by definition)

occurred around the time of death. These results suggest that trepanations were more

often performed on adolescents and young adults than old adults and were not

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practiced on very young children, results that would be expected if trepanation were

used to treat traumatic injuries (see discussion below). The Cuzco age and sex

distributions conform to patterns noted in other Andean studies, with approximately

7% juvenile subjects and a 2:1 ratio of males to females (Finger and Fernando

2001:380).

70
% of Individuals in Age Category

60

50 Perimortem
Individuals
40 Only
30 All Trepanned
Individuals
20

10

0
s

lts

ts
le

ul
du
ni

Ad
ve

A
ng
Ju

ld
O
ou
Y

Figure 7.6. Age distribution of the trepanned individuals

Geographic and Temporal Distributions


To view the geographic distribution of trepanation, the six sites with

trepanation were compared to the other five sites in the Cuzco regional study. In the

entire Cuzco sample, there are four sites from the core region of the Inca Empire and

seven from the periphery; for the trepanation sub-set, there is one core site and four

periphery sites, a distribution that is not significantly different from the entire sample.

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However, when only the Late Horizon individuals are considered, a highly significant

distinction emerges: only one case derives from a core site, while the other 28

individuals are from the periphery (Fisher’s exact, p≤0.0001). This geographic

distribution indicates that trepanation was not restricted to the core, but rather

flourished in the inner periphery sites around the Inca capital.

The temporal distribution reveals a later time of emergence in Cuzco than in

other Andean regions. This temporal distribution revealed no trepanned individuals

from either the Early Intermediate Period or the Middle Horizon (200 BC- AD 1000).

Following the Middle Horizon, three Late Intermediate Period (LIP) burials are seen

with trepanations from Chokepukio (CH 44) and Cotocotuyoc (CC 61 and 62). Next,

the sole individual from Aqnapampa is loosely dated through associations to the

LIP/Early Inca period. Following in the temporal sequence are 33 individuals from

Qotakalli, dated through radiocarbon methods to the late LIP/Early Inca period (AD

1290 to 1420). The remaining 29 individuals date to the Inca occupation of the Cuzco

region in the Late Horizon, from the sites of Colmay, Kanamarca, Chokepukio, and

an additional burial from Qotakalli. This temporal distribution accords with other

findings from the Cuzco region, where very little evidence of trepanation has been

found prior to the Late Intermediate Period, apart from one Middle Horizon cranium

at Pikillacta (McEwan 1987:94). This relatively late development of trepanation in

the Cuzco region is striking when compared to other regions such as the south coast

of Peru, where trepanation was practiced as early as 400 BC (Verano 2003b:224).

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A second temporal pattern is apparent in the rate of survival, which appears

low in the earliest trepanation cases from Cuzco but rapidly increases through time

(Table 7.5). The survival rate for the LIP burials is 33%, with two-thirds of the

perforations showing no healing. The survival rate improves to almost 90% in the

subsequent LIP/early Inca period, followed by a slight decrease to an 80% survival

rate with long-term healing in the Late Horizon burials.

Table 7.5. Survival rates of trepanation over time

Number of # of treps % of treps # of


Temporal trepanned with no with no healed % of healed
Period individuals healing healing treps treps
LIP 4 4 66.6% 2 33.3%
Early Inca 33 6 10.2 53 89.8%
Late Horizon 29 9 20% 35 80%

Discussion

Trepanation and Medical Treatment in Prehistoric Cuzco


The results indicate that a successful trepanation practice developed in the

Cuzco region with a high survival rate and few ensuing infections. The high survival

rate corroborates observations from Verano’s study (2003b:231), which found a long-

term healing percentage of 78.1% in the southern highlands, compared to 43.6% in

the central highlands and 36.2% in the south coast. The survival rate may have been

improved by limiting bacterial infection, possibly from the use of antiseptics such as

balsam, saponins, cinnamic acid, and tannin. These substances, also used for

embalming the dead, may have been applied by practitioners for their therapeutic

qualities in fighting infection following trepanation (MacCurdy 1923:246).

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Two types of medical healers practiced in the Inca Empire: the

churihampicamayuc serviced the elite classes, while the sirkak or sangrador (the

bleeder) treated the larger population of commoners (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo

2000:947). These healers likely accumulated a standardized set of successful

trepanation procedures, possibly developed in training schools in Cuzco (Rifkinson-

Mann 1988:414; Rytel 1962:43); using this standardized knowledge, trepanations

were placed in cranial regions that avoided musculature and other vulnerable areas of

the skull, implying a familiarity with cranial anatomy (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo

2000:943). Practitioners recognized vulnerable areas covering the lateral sinuses and

temporal muscles, evident in the lack of trepanations on the temporal bones.

Moreover, surgeons avoided cutting the meningeal vessels and underlying dura,

which would have caused damage to the brain tissue and possibly fatal hemorrhaging

(Quevedo 1942:55). In the event of hemorrhage, circular tourniquets may have been

used for controlling blood loss (Oakley et al. 1959:96; Rytel 1962:44).

While the Cuzco practitioners relied on a standardized set of trepanation

practices, in other regions trepanation methods varied widely. In the Chachapoya

region of northern Peru, Nystrom (2007) documented circular grooving and boring

and cutting trepanations, suggesting that the circular grooving technique contributed

to a higher survival rate. Verano’s (2003b) study found a wide range of techniques

throughout the Andes, with scraping representing the earliest adopted method, linear

cutting most common in the central highlands, and circular grooving developing in

the southern highlands during the Late Horizon. Of the four types of trepanation

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methods identified among Andean skeletal collections, all but one of the Cuzco

trepanations in this sample resulted from the circular grooving and scraping methods.

The scraping method possibly presented a slower, more subtle method that allowed

forces to dissipate over a larger area of the skull, contributing to a higher rate of

healing and survival. The tools utilized for trepanation, including obsidian knives and

metal tumi blades, provided sharp surfaces for precise grooving and scraping, likely

increasing chances for survival (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo 2000:945-6).

Motivations for Trepanation


Scholars have searched for the underlying cause of trepanation since Squier’s

initial discovery in 1865. Proposed causes included cranial fracture, epilepsy, and

childhood seizure disorders, among others (Clower and Finger 2001). The cranial

trauma hypothesis was advanced by physician J.C. Nott, who believed that puncture

wounds, causing fluid build-up and inflammation, required surgical intervention. Nott

dismissed the argument that trepanned skulls often lacked accompanying injury,

noting that the surgery could remove evidence of trauma (Finger and Fernando

2001:375). Nott’s argument found support from anthropologist George MacCurdy,

who asserted that trepanation often obliterated indications of fracture, based on his

analysis of prehistoric Peruvian skulls (MacCurdy 1923:237).

Contrasting the trauma hypothesis, other researchers advanced seizure

disorders as an underlying cause. The seizure disorder hypothesis was championed by

Paul Broca, noted French physician, anatomist, and anthropologist. Broca believed

that childhood seizure disorders, brought on by rapid fever spikes or teething

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episodes, provided the impetus for prehistoric trepanation (Clower and Finger

2001:1422). He attributed healed trepanations in adults to surgeries performed early

in life, possibly during infancy. However, Broca failed to find evidence for infant

trepanations to support his theory, casting doubt on the seizure disorder hypothesis.

Though trepanation appeared unrelated to childhood seizures, it could be

linked to seizures of a different kind. Trepanation was found to relieve seizures of

traumatic origin through the removal of bone fragments and fluid build-up (Finger

and Clower 2001:912). Because trepanation proved efficient for treating trauma-

related seizures, practitioners possibly attempted trepanation for epileptic seizures,

despite its inability to alleviate symptoms caused by genetic or disease-based

epilepsy.

Epileptic seizures were known among the Inca, who termed the condition

Sonko-Nanay (Elferink 1999). Accounts of epilepsy are found in the chronicles of

Garcilaso de la Vega and Guaman Poma, the latter of which contains a depiction of

Emperor Capac Yupanqui’s wife suffering from a seizure (Burneo 2003). Despite the

known presence of epilepsy among the Inca, it is unclear whether they used

trepanation to treat the condition, as no mention of trepanation was made in the

Spanish chronicles.

Though the seizure explanation remains unconfirmed, the cranial trauma

hypothesis is supported here. The Cuzco data show a strong correlation with cranial

trauma, seen in 44% of trepanned individuals. A direct association between

trepanation and skull fracture can only be drawn in seven of these cases where the

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trepanation was placed directly adjacent to a skull fracture. However, the evidence

from the other cases of cranial injury provides an indirect link to trauma, since those

individuals with cranial fractures appear far more likely to have trepanations than

those without trauma. Altogether, the Cuzco evidence does accord with other Andean

studies attributing cranial trauma as a major cause for surgery (Chege et al. 1996;

MacCurdy 1923:257; Verano 1997a, 2003b).

These cranial injuries mostly likely resulted from violent conflict, based on

osteological, demographic, and ethnographic evidence. Osteological evidence shows

that the patterning of Cuzco trepanations, with a tendency towards left sided, anterior

perforations, mirrors the patterning of cranial trauma (see Chapter 6). The left sided,

anterior pattern appears frequently in studies of trauma and trepanation (Jørgensen

1988; Verano 2003b:233), and is often attributed to face-to-face combat with a right-

handed opponent (MacCurdy 1923:259; Standen and Arriaza 2000:246; Stewart

1958; Torres-Rouff and Costa 2006:64; Tung 2003:216). The demographic data

further reveal an overrepresentation of adult males in both the Cuzco trepanation

sample and cranial trauma sample—when the two samples are combined, adult males

constitute nearly 70% of trepanned individuals with cranial trauma. Cranial trauma in

adult males is particularly suggestive of violent conflict, since ethnographic data

show that this segment of society is most often involved in warfare and interpersonal

aggression (Walker 2001a:580). Because adult males are more likely to suffer from

cranial fractures, they are also more likely to require surgery to treat subsequent

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symptoms. Based on these combined data, cranial trauma due to violent conflict

appears to be one underlying cause of trepanations in the Cuzco sample.

Other underlying causes are possible, though less supporting evidence exists

for these conditions than for cranial trauma. One potential cause is mastoiditis,

infection of the mastoid bone due to inner ear inflammation. Mastoiditis was

suggested as a cause for trepanation by Oakley and colleagues (1959:95): “[T]his

seems to be a clear case of an operation undertaken for medical rather than ritual

purposes, for there is definite evidence of mastoid inflammation, with a perforation

through to the external auditory meatus.” As a chronically painful condition with no

externally visible cause, mastoiditis may have prompted surgical intervention to

alleviate patient discomfort. Though no statistical correlation could be made between

mastoiditis and trepanation in this study, there was evidence of mastoiditis in three

trepanned Cuzco individuals. Futhermore, Mann (1991) attributes one case of a

Peruvian trepanation to a chronic ear infection due to cholesteatoma. These data,

along with the anecdotal report from Oakley (1959), suggest a possible connection

between the two conditions.

Of other possible causes, cultural or magico-religious purposes have been

proposed since the earliest discovery of trepanation. These explanations were often

advanced by individuals who shunned medical justifications for trepanation. One

such individual was Sir Francis Galton, the renown 19th century eugenicist, who

believed that prehistoric civilizations could not comprehend the medical benefits of

trepanation, for “it implied more intelligence than savages usually shewed [sic]”

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(Finger and Clower 2001:915). However, Galton’s assertion has been contradicted by

mounting evidence throughout the last century. Increasing research has shown that

trepanation thrived as a practice for treating the symptoms of cranial fracture and

related seizures, and was practiced with an understanding of cranial anatomy and

physiology.

Conclusion

The present study demonstrates that trepanation practices reached a high

degree of success during the Late Horizon in the southern highlands, evidenced by

crania with multiple, well-healed perforations. The Cuzco trepanation analysis has

produced a demonstrable pattern, with perforations predominantly located on the

medial and left sides of the skull. In addition, specific cranial regions were targeted,

with a preference for the frontal and parietals over the occipital and temporal bones.

The pattern also includes the predominate use of the circular scraping and grooving

methods, which produced perforations with an average area of 5.5 cm2 surrounded in

some cases by a larger region of scraped ectocranial surface. Furthermore, areas of

cranial musculature were avoided, likely to facilitate cerebral access and circumvent

areas with a high risk of bleeding and other complications.

Due to the development of a precise, standardized procedure, the trepanation

survival rate exceeded 80% and was accompanied by a low frequency of infection

(4.5%). The standardized patterning, along with a high survival rate, suggests skill

and mastery achieved by trepanation practitioners, who may have been trained

formally in Cuzco and passed their knowledge down through the generations.

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The correlation of cranial trauma with trepanation is supported in this study,

corroborating other Andean studies attributing violence as a primary cause for

trepanation. In addition, the demographic profile reveals an overrepresentation of

adult males and a paucity of juveniles; this demographic distribution lends further

credence to the cranial trauma hypothesis, suggesting that individuals most likely to

engage in conflict were also most likely to receive trepanation. Altogether, this

analysis demonstrates that trepanation represented an important medical treatment in

the Cuzco region, and was practiced with precision and knowledge of cranial

anatomy.

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Chapter 8. Chokepukio Strontium Isotope Analysis

Strontium isotope (87Sr/86Sr) analysis has emerged as an important advance in

identifying prehistoric migrations (e.g., Ericson 1985; Price et al. 1994, 2000, 2002,

2004, 2006; Sealy et al. 1991). Strontium studies involve the analysis of teeth and/or

bone to identify variations in 87Sr/86Sr values, which differ based on local geology

(specifically, the age and composition of local rocks). By comparing human isotope

values to a region’s local biogeochemical signature, strontium analysis can be used to

indicate migrants living in a new locale. This technique has been successfully applied

in the Andes at sites in northern Chile, Bolivia, and Peru (Knudson 2004; Knudson et

al. 2004; Knudson et al. 2005; Knudson and Price 2007; Tung 2003).

Until now, the Cuzco region of Peru has not been examined for strontium

data. As the capital of the Inca Empire, Cuzco hosted a variety of migrant groups,

according to colonial documents (Betanzos 1996 [1557]; Cieza de León 1985 [1553];

Helmer 1955-56:40). Yet no isotopic analyses have been completed to verify these

accounts, or to document how these migrations restructured the composition of Cuzco

populations. This chapter presents the results of a preliminary strontium isotope study

carried out in the Cuzco Valley. The site chosen for study, Chokepukio, was occupied

from the Early Intermediate Period through the Late Horizon (200 BC- AD 1532),

providing the opportunity to document migration before and after the rise of the Inca

Empire.

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Strontium Isotope Analysis in the Andes

The Andean region provides an ideal setting for strontium isotope analysis

due to its varied geology. The Valley of Cuzco and the adjacent Vilcanota Valley

constitute an inter-Andean basin separating the Andean hills to the south and west

and the higher-range slopes to the north and east. The valley floor, formed by the

Quaternary Pleistocene-aged San Sebastián Formation, consists of sedimentary

gravels, alluvial fan sands, mud flows, extended diatomite, loams, clays, and peats.

Within the district of Cuzco, igneous intrusive plutonic bodies of Paleocene origin

have been identified. One such complex located north of the city of Cuzco, the Stock

of Sacsayhuaman, is characterized by medium-to-coarse fractured gray-green quartz

diorite (Salvador and Davila 1994). Though no strontium isotope values have been

published on geologic material from the Cuzco region, 87Sr/86Sr values for the

Arequipa volcanics located just to the south range from .70714 to .70794 (James et al.

1976:Table 1; Lebti et al. 2006). In contrast to the Cuzco region, the southeastern

Lake Titicaca area of Tiwanaku contains bedrock of primarily andesites and igneous

basalts beneath a layer of Quaternary lacustrine and fluvial sediments (Argollo et al.

1996; Binford and Kolata 1996). A third area, the Moquegua Valley, features a late

Cenozoic volcanic composition that differs from Tiwanaku, with a geologically-

defined 87Sr/86Sr range of .7055 to .7068 (Hawkesworth et al. 1982; James 1982;

Rogers and Hawkesworth 1989).

Though geological sources may be used to determine the 87Sr/86Sr value of a

region, faunal sources are preferred (Price et al. 2002; Sillen et al. 1995). Faunal

176
sources more accurately measure biologically available 87Sr/86Sr values, while water

and soil sample 87Sr/86Sr values do not always have a direct 1:1 relationship with

animal tissue. Faunal sources have been used to determine the biologically available
87
Sr/86Sr signatures of several sites in the Andes. The Tiwanaku 87Sr/86Sr signature,

based on analysis of local cuy (guinea pig), shows a mean value of .7097 (n=3, s.d. =

.0006, Knudson et al. 2004). The Moquegua Valley exhibits a faunal 87Sr/86Sr mean

value of .7063 (n=3, s.d. = .0001, Knudson et al. 2004). In the San Pedro de Atacama

region of northern Chile, faunal analysis produced a mean 87Sr/86Sr value of .7076,

which does not overlap with either the Tiwanaku or Moquegua Valley regions (n=3,

s.d = .0001, Knudson 2004:165).

Based on their unique geology, the strontium signatures of these sites can be

used to explore ancient migrations between regions. However, two factors complicate

this endeavor. First, strontium isotope ratios can differ within a region due to

geological microvariation. Because zones are rarely homogeneous, single 87Sr/86Sr

estimates cannot characterize an entire geological zone. Therefore, it is important to

sample more than one site in an area. Second, several areas in the Andes may share

the same 87Sr/86Sr signature, reflecting a similar geological composition. As a result,

determining the original residence of an immigrant is a complex undertaking.

Particular areas can be eliminated based on their 87Sr/86Sr signature, but the specific

location of an immigrant’s homeland may be difficult to ascertain.

177
Results

Four archaeological cuy teeth from Chokepukio provide a local baseline with

an average 87Sr/86Sr value of .70795 and a standard deviation of .00013 (Figure 8.1).

Four additional modern cuy specimens from the nearby site of Tipón yielded an

average 87Sr/86Sr value of .70826 with a standard deviation of .00027, indicating

some microvariation of strontium values in this region of the Cuzco Valley. For

comparison, two cuy specimens from Kanamarca, 147 km southeast of Cuzco,

produced values lower than the Chokepukio faunal average (.70653 and .70665),

revealing a different signature for the Espinar region.

Figure 8.1. Regional distribution of biologically available 87Sr/86Sr values from


sites in the Andes

178
The Chokepukio human 87Sr/86Sr values exhibit a substantial amount of

variability evident in a large standard deviation and range (Figure 8.2). These values

range from .70728 to .72136 with a mean of .71033 (Appendix Table A.8 and A.10).

Descriptive statistics of the human 87Sr/86Sr values illustrate that the skewness

(measure of asymmetry) is highly positive, as is the measure of kurtosis, the

“heaviness” of the tails of a distribution. These measurements indicate that the human
87
Sr/86Sr values deviate from a normal distribution, with many more values above the

mean than below. The asymmetrical distribution is not likely a result of diagenesis, as

the 87Sr/86Sr values display no covariance with the Sr concentration in each sample

(Appendix Figure A.3; Budd et al. 2000; Horn and Müller-Sohnius 1999).

Figure 8.2. Scatterplot of Chokepukio human enamel 87Sr/86Sr values showing


the presence of several possible migrant individuals. Value for Tiwanaku region
is from Knudson et al. (2004)

179
The traditional method for identifying migrants may not be appropriate for the

Chokepukio sample. This method determines a local range as the faunal average ±

two standard deviations, with values outside of the range considered migrants (Price

et al. 1994, 2002). Given the minute standard deviation of the Chokepukio faunal

values (s.d. = .00013), the resulting local range comprises only 19% of the sampled

individuals (11/59), leaving 81% of the sample as ‘non-local’. This local range does

not accord with the faunal data from Tipón—though Tipón is located only 5 km from

Chokepukio, its 87Sr/86Sr mean value (.70826) would be considered non-local.

Because the traditional method does not account for the variation in 87Sr/86Sr values

between Chokepukio and Tipón, alternative techniques merit consideration.

Accordingly, we have taken a more conservative approach to the identification of

migrants, to account for the apparent local variability of 87Sr/86Sr values in this region

of the Cuzco Valley.

A different technique—using descriptive statistical analysis of the human data

(Wright 2005)—appears better suited for the Chokepukio material. In this method,

the data are analyzed for outliers (migrants), which are then separated from the main

(“trimmed”) body of data (locals). The trimmed data, when observed spatially, should

conform to a normal distribution (Wright 2005:560). For Chokepukio, outliers are not

apparent below the faunal average, where the 87Sr/86Sr values appear consistently and

successively distributed (Fig. 8.2). The sequential distribution continues above the

faunal average up to the value of .70906, followed by a series of outliers. Since all the

outliers are above the faunal average, the lowest 87Sr/86Sr values (.70728-.70738)

180
likely reflect local variation in strontium sources. When the outliers are removed, the

human mean more closely matches the faunal mean (Appendix Table A.10). In the

trimmed data set the skewness and kurtosis resemble a normal distribution.

Employing these outlier calculations, we separated the Chokepukio sample

into 37 locals and 22 non-local individuals. The 87Sr/86Sr average for locals is .70829,

with a range of .70728 to .70906, while the 87Sr/86Sr average for non-locals is .71376,

with a range of .70939 to .72136. The local group is composed of individuals from

every temporal occupation at Chokepukio: EIP, MH, LIP, and LH. In contrast, the

non-local group is composed entirely of Late Horizon individuals, with the exception

of one LIP individual. However, the LIP individual represents the lowest value for the

non-local group (87Sr/86Sr = .70938). This value falls into local range when the

standard deviation is considered, thus classifying the LIP individual as a local.

For the EIP and LIP groups, there is relatively little variation among the
87
Sr/86Sr values (Table 8.1). The EIP group 87Sr/86Sr values ranges from .70728 to

.70897, while the LIP group ranges from .70738 to .70939. The within-group

variation is minimal, with standard deviations of .00054 and .00070, respectively. The

values indicate continuity between the earlier EIP group and the later LIP group.

Table 8.1. Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values by temporal phase

Temporal Group Average Standard Deviation


EIP (n = 8) .70792 .00054
MH (n = 1) .70780 N/A
LIP (n = 6) .70840 .00070
Inca (n = 37) .71139 .00428
Males (n = 22) .710610 .00421
Females (n = 12) .713220 .00442

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The results change markedly in the LH group, with a broad range of 87Sr/86Sr

values and several outliers (87Sr/86Sr average = .71139, range .70728 to .72136).

Eighteen individuals display local 87Sr/86Sr values similar to the EIP/LIP groups,

between .70728 and .70906. In contrast, 19 individuals exhibit higher 87Sr/86Sr values

between .70950 and .72136. The difference in 87Sr/86Sr mean between the combined

earlier groups and the LH group is statistically significant at a greater than 99%

confidence level.

Sex differences exist within the LH group, where females show more

variation in 87Sr/86Sr values than males (Figure 8.3). The males have relatively similar
87
Sr/86Sr values, except for three extreme outliers above .720. Females, on the other

hand, show a wider range of values, with a greater mean 87Sr/86Sr value and a slightly

higher standard deviation. Seventy-five percent of LH females identify as migrants,

while only 41% of males in the LH sample are classified as migrants.

Figure 8.3. Distribution of Chokepukio Late Horizon human enamel 87Sr/86Sr


values by sex

182
Possible Influence of Food Importation and Preparation
While 87Sr/86Sr values can fluctuate due to food importation and processing

(Knudson 2004; Wright 2005), these influences likely did not affect the Chokepukio

strontium results. Individuals at Chokepukio may have consumed non-locally grown

imported maize, yet maize consumption does not influence human 87Sr/86Sr values, as

the crop contains little calcium and strontium (Aufderheide and Allison 1995). While

certain marine resources can affect strontium values (Burton 1996), these resources

did not constitute a substantial portion of the local Cuzco diet (Rowe 1946:220).

Additionally, Inca maize processing did not incorporate lime in the manner of the

Maya “nixtamalization,” a process that can influence strontium values (Davidson

1999:534; Wright 2005). Finally, though the consumption of sea salt can alter
87
Sr/86Sr values (Wright 2005:556), sea salt was not consumed by most Cuzco

populations; instead, salt came primarily from the montane salt springs of Cachimayu

outside of the village of San Sebastián (Bauer 2004:7). Because the Cuzco-region

dietary salt was derived from montane rather than marine sources, salt is not expected

to have influenced strontium values.

While the Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values were not significantly affected by food

importation or processing, individuals did ingest some strontium through their diet.

Diets rich in plant sources such as seeds, nuts and legumes—as opposed to meat or

maize—contribute to 87Sr/86Sr levels in humans (Price et al. 1994:323). The native

Andean diet included maize, potatoes and other tubers, quinoa, camelid and cuy meat,

peppers, and beans (Rowe 1946:210). Of these foods, beans constitute the most

183
important source for strontium, because legumes have a high calcium and strontium

content (Burton and Wright 1995:278). These foods likely account for the 87Sr/86Sr

values seen in all sampled individuals at Chokepukio. The slight increase in 87Sr/86Sr

values between the Chokepukio EIP and LIP groups may reflect a wider range of

food procurement zones due to exchange networks established in the Late

Intermediate Period (Bauer and Covey 2002). In the Late Horizon, however, those
87
Sr/86Sr values above the local range likely indicate migration into the Cuzco Valley.

Discussion

Implications of Pre-Late Horizon Results


Though tentative due to a small sample size, the pre-Late Horizon 87Sr/86Sr

values do not reveal evidence of migrants among individuals sampled at Chokepukio.

Strontium isotope values from the EIP, MH and LIP fall into the local range (with the

exception of one LIP individual, whose value straddles the local/migrant division).

These 87Sr/86Sr values are relatively continuous and show little within-group

variation, demonstrated by small standard deviations. Outliers that unquestionably

represent migrants are not apparent in these groups.

Interpretation of these results is complicated by the slight overlap of the

Tiwanaku and Chokepukio local signatures. Knudson (2004) determined the

Tiwanaku 87Sr/86Sr range to span .7087 to .7105, while the present study places the

Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr range at .70728 to .70906. The overlap at the high end of the

Cuzco spectrum and the low end of the Tiwanaku range complicates interpretation:

do these individuals represent locals or migrants? As such, it becomes challenging to

184
categorize the seven individuals within the intersecting values. Despite this overlap,

the pre-Late Horizon individuals appear local, based on the continuity of their values

and similarity to the faunal values from Chokepukio.

State-Directed Migration in the Late Horizon


At Chokepukio, migration during the Late Horizon is confirmed by several
87
Sr/86Sr values above the local range. The timing of these migrations coincides with

the development of the Inca tribute system featuring state-directed migration. The

system involved temporary and permanent relocation, and comprised several different

labor categories, including mitimas (resettled colonies), mita laborers (rotational

workers), yanaconas (hereditary servants), mamaconas (female ritual specialists), and

acllas (“Chosen Women”) (Rowe 1982; Wachtel 1982).

Through the mitima policy, the Inca permanently resettled groups in colonies

outside of their ethnic homelands. This policy affected a significant portion of the

population: in total, an estimated 25-30% was uprooted (D’Altroy 2005:269). Mitima

status did not specify a particular type of occupation (Rowe 1982:96); while many

mitima laborers farmed state lands, others built state works, served in the military, or

produced state crafts (Espinoza 1969:140). Inca policy required mitima laborers to

maintain their traditional styles of dress and headwear, a policy that kept resettled

workers from assimilating into the local culture (Morris 1988:237; Rowe 1982:110).

According to colonial documents, mitima colonies were prevalent in the Cuzco area

(Rowe 1946:270). These colonies included the Cañari and Chachapoya from the

northern region, as well as individuals from the central and southeastern regions

185
(Betanzos 1996:125 [1557]; Cieza de León 1985:67 [1553, cap.XXII]; Covey

2006:215; D’Altroy 2005:281; Julien 1988; La Lone 1985; La Lone and La Lone

1987; Rowe 1982:103).

Complementing the mitima colonists were the yanaconas, camayos (craft

specialists), and mita laborers (Murra 1982; Rowe 1982). In contrast to mitima labor,

mita laborers were not permanently resettled but rather spent a portion of each year

working for the empire. Often mita laborers were called up at seasonal times such as

harvests, returning home after completing their rotations (Gyarmati and Varga

1999:35). As a group with distinct civil status, the yanaconas were typically male

servants who served as personal retainers to the Inca or other nobles (Julien

2000:265; Rowe 1982:97). The yanaconas identified with a particular ruler, often

severing ties to their original ethnic groups (Rostworowski 1999:43). Similar to

yanaconas, camayos served under a single ruler or governor. Camayos worked either

in their homelands or in areas suited to their specific craft (Rowe 1982:103).

Combined, these labor obligation programs comprised the greatest portion of the Inca

tribute system, in which tribute was exacted in labor rather than commodities (Julien

1982:120).

An additional Inca policy focused on acllas (“Chosen Women”), some of

whom were brought to Cuzco for schooling in state religion and craftwork (Costin

1998; Guaman Poma 1936 [1615:300]; Rowe 1982:107). The acllas brewed chicha

(maize beer), wove cumpi (fine cloth), and performed religious rituals. Residing in

segregated communities within regional capitals, their presence aided in the

186
maintenance of Inca ideology in the provinces (Silverblatt 1987). After adolescence,

acllas served as mamaconas, secondary wives of the Inca ruler, or wives of royal

subjects (Cobo 1990:172 [1653]; Rowe 1946:269).

Colonial documentary evidence suggests that several of these policies may

have contributed to the presence of migrants at Chokepukio. According to accounts

from “El Habitat de la Etnia Pinagua, Siglos XV y XVI” (Espinoza 1974), during the

1520s the Pinagua were moved out of the area around Chokepukio and resettled in

two places, Paucartambo and Urco-Urco, while other groups were brought in to work

the vacated lands. Some workers came from Muyna, a nearby site where the Inca

ruler Huascar had established a mitima colony. A yanacona group also resided in the

area and was later relocated to the town of Lucre circa 1570 (Espinoza 1974:175-

176). These yanaconas, referred to as Yanamanche Guascar, may have been

associated with the Muyna mitima colony. There are also brief mentions of

mamaconas and an acllahuasi (“House of the Chosen Women”), though few details

are provided (Espinoza 1974:162, 169, 177, 186, 200). Three years after the Pinagua

were relocated, Atahuallpa allowed them to return from Paucartambo, yet many

refused to leave their new community (Espinoza 1974:201).

Though historical evidence must be cautiously applied to archaeological

interpretations, these testimonies do illustrate the coerced movement of people based

on a system of interconnecting labor policies. The continual reshuffling of groups

across the landscape resulted in a “melting pot” of groups that fluctuated in response

to imperial demands (Rowe 1946:270). This “melting pot” is apparent in the

187
Chokepukio 87Sr/86Sr values, with migrants from several geologically distinct regions

residing at the site.

Sex Differences among Chokepukio Migrants


Sex differences among the Chokepukio migrants include a higher percentage

of Late Horizon female migrants (75% of females vs. 41% of males) and more
87
Sr/86Sr variation within Late Horizon females than males. While most males appear

to originate from geologically similar areas, the females apparently emigrated from

geological regions throughout the empire. The surplus of migrant females is not due

to an overall excess of females, as males outnumber females 22 to 12 among

individuals analyzed from the Late Horizon. Explanations focusing on a dearth of

males, such as warfare-related deaths or relocation (e.g., D’Altroy 2005:289), are

therefore not applicable; rather, reasons for the excess of non-local females must be

explored.

While the presence of mamaconas could explain the migrant female surplus,

the supporting evidence is ambiguous. To elucidate the status and possible

occupations of individuals at Chokepukio, analyses of mortuary practices and

demography were conducted (Andrushko et al. 2006). The mortuary analysis revealed

that Chokepukio individuals were rarely buried in tombs or recovered with grave

goods, and the demographic distribution indicated a population of both sexes and all

ages represented. In comparison, analysis at Sacsahuaman in Cuzco revealed a

cemetery of primarily females in elaborate tombs with high-status artifacts. While the

Sacsahuaman cemetery displays characteristics expected of a mamacona

188
community—women fulfilling highly valued duties to the state—the Chokepukio

individuals resemble a domestic community engaging in subsistence activities and

craftwork (Andrushko et al. 2006:78). However, the “Chosen Women” that became

mamaconas were ranked hierarchically (Silverblatt 1978:48; Rowe 1946:269), so

those with lower social status may not have received elaborate mortuary treatment.

The presence of non-local females at Chokepukio may reflect migration for

the purpose of marriage. The Inca were known to use exogamous marriage practices

as a means of political control (Rowe 1982). To reward workers loyal to the empire,

the Inca gifted some of the “Chosen Women” to males in the army or other

administrative posts (Rowe 1946:252, 269). This gifting of wives—females as

“commodities” (Kolata 1992:234) or “alienable goods” (Silverblatt 1978:48)—would

have resulted in greater numbers of female migrants and communities with “a

particularly cosmopolitan character” (Rowe 1982:108), an apt description of the

Chokepukio results.

Exogamy-dictated migration can be detected through skeletal data that

identify postmarital residence patterns (e.g., Corruccini 1972; Corruccini and

Shimada 2002; Konigsberg 1988; Lane and Sublett 1972; Schillaci and Stojanowski

2003; Spence 1974a, b; Stefan 1999; Tomczak and Powell 2003; see Stojanowski and

Schillaci 2006 for overview). In these studies, the more “mobile” sex (i.e., the sex

category most likely to marry into a different group) is expected to exhibit higher

within-group variation. In studies documenting more female variation, the variation is

189
usually attributed to a patrilocal residence pattern in which unrelated females are

brought into a community (Tomczak and Powell 2003:104).

Though these studies use dental and skeletal morphological data, the same

principle is relevant in stable oxygen isotope analyses (Spence 2005:189; White and

Spence 1998; White et al. 2004) and can be applied to strontium isotope analyses as

well. Strontium analysis at the Tiwanaku colony of Chen Chen found a high number

of female migrants, a pattern that suggested exogamy-dictated migration (Knudson

2004:136). At Chokepukio, the 87Sr/86Sr variation indicates that many Late Horizon

females originated from geologically different regions, and were possibly brought in

as marriage partners. These sex differences may reflect the Inca use of marriage as a

political tool, a possibility that will benefit from additional consideration in future

studies.

Conclusions

This study underscores the value of strontium isotope analysis for identifying

migrations, using a case study from the Cuzco Valley site of Chokepukio. The results

show definitive evidence for migration during the time of Inca imperialism, with

individuals emigrating from diverse locations. The Late Horizon data reveal a higher

percentage of female immigrants with greater intra-sex variation; it is suggested that

females were relocated either for marital purposes or to fulfill imperial obligations.

Colonial documentary evidence confirms the occurrence of state-directed migrations

into the Chokepukio region as a result of Inca imperial labor policies. Future analyses

will supplement the results from the present study (see Chapter 10), which highlights

190
the use of strontium isotope analysis as a powerful tool for identifying ancient

Andean migrations.

191
Chapter 9. Cranial Vault Modification

Cranial vault modification, the intentional reshaping of the head, was

practiced by many ancient New World populations who altered their head shape as

symbol of beauty, a sign of group affiliation, a marker of status, or a means of

socialization (Blom et al. 1998; Duncan 2005:144; Marino and Gonzales-Portillo

2000:943; Tiesler 1999; Torres-Rouff 2003). Specifically for the Andean region,

cranial modification served as a sign of affiliation for pre-Columbian groups (Cobo

1990 [1653]; Garcilaso de la Vega 1986 [1609]; de las Casas 1892 [1561]). Since

modification must occur in early childhood when the cranial bones are malleable, this

practice constituted an irreversible symbol of group membership that accompanied a

person throughout their life.

Because cranial modification symbolized group membership, it may be used

as evidence for past migrations: if an individual resettled in a new locale, their head

shape may differ from that of the local populace. Multiple modification types can

therefore indicate a mixture of ethnic groups in an area, while a single modification

type suggests ethnic unity within a region (Blom 1999). In this chapter, cranial

modification patterns are documented to identify variations among Cuzco region

sites, possibly reflecting migration into the Inca capital.

The goals of this study are four-fold: (1) construct a preliminary typology of

cranial vault modification in the Cuzco region, using pre-Inca samples to determine

the standard modification form prior to the Late Horizon, (2) document changes in

192
cranial vault modification patterns that occurred with the rise of the Inca Empire, (3)

compare patterns of cranial vault modification with the Chokepukio strontium data

(Chapter 8) as complementary methods for identifying population movements, and

(4) contrast cranial vault modification in the Cuzco region to patterns documented in

other areas of Peru, Bolivia, and Chile (Blom 1999, 2005a; Torres-Rouff 2002, 2003).

These comparative data are examined to illustrate how cranial modification varied

throughout the Andean region based on social and political influences.

Cranial Vault Modification in the Andes

Cranial modification types in the Andes can be classified into two main forms:

annular and tabular (Figure 9.1; Dembo and Imbelloni 1938; Antón 1989:254).

Annular modification, achieved through circular binding, was practiced by several

groups, including the Colla people of the Lake Titicaca region (Julien 1985:219).

Cobo (1990 [1653]:200) describes the modification of the cranium by this Aymara

group:

The Collas made their heads long and pointed… they bound their heads
tightly with bandages which were left in place until the children were four or
five years old. By this age, their heads were hardened and molded to the
shape of their headgear: long, tapering, and without a nape.

In contrast, Cobo notes that “some nations widened their foreheads. They would

squeeze their heads by securely tying on small boards to make their foreheads wide”

(ibid). This type of modification refers to the tabular form, which results in parietal

expansion from compression on the frontal and occipital bones. The tabular and

annular modification forms were achieved using boards, ropes, padded cushions, and

leather straps (Marino and Gonzales-Portillo 2000:943).

193
Figure 9.1. Superior view of tabular and annular forms
(after Antón 1989, courtesy of Christina Torres-Rouff)

Early in the 20th century, anthropologists identified multiple cranial

modification types in Late Horizon samples from the Cuzco/Urubamba region (Eaton

1916; MacCurdy 1923; Quevedo 1942). Both occipital flattening (tabular) and

“Aymara” (annular) modification were documented at Machu Picchu, suggesting a

diverse ethnic composition (Eaton 1916:94); this hypothesis received further support

when the Machu Picchu collection was reanalyzed in 2003. In the reanalysis, Verano

(2003a:90) found a mixture of modification forms, composed of 33 (55%) crania

without modification, 13 (21.7%) with occipital flattening, and 14 (23.3%) with

annular deformation. Craniometric analysis was used to confirm the diverse

geographic origins of the Machu Picchu inhabitants, who were likely resettled

194
through Inca tribute policies to work as servants and caretakers at the royal estate

(Verano 2003a:90-91).

Contrasting the diversity seen at Machu Picchu, only one modification form

was documented in MacCurdy’s (1923) analysis from the Urubamba river drainage

area, southeast of Machu Picchu. Of 341 skeletons, 43% showed cranial modification,

exclusively of the “Aymara” type. This type of modification, “produced by circular

constriction and compensatory elongation” (MacCurdy 1923:229), is equivalent to the

annular form found at Machu Picchu.

In yet another pattern, Quevedo (1942) found no evidence of cranial

modification among 55 crania from the Calca site of Kinsarumiyoc, 20 miles north of

Cuzco. He concluded that, contrary to prior assumption, modification was not

customary in all regions of pre-Columbian Peru. Rather, Quevedo asserted that

cranial modification was practiced commonly in some areas, and rarely in others.

Quevedo’s study, and those of Eaton, MacCurdy, and Verano, demonstrates the

variability in cranial modification patterns within the Cuzco region, highlighting its

complex expression in the Inca heartland.

Recently, researchers have built upon earlier studies to provide a more

nuanced understanding of Andean cranial modification (Blom 2005a,b; Hoshower et

al. 1995; Lozada 1998; Torres-Rouff 2003; Verano 2003a). These anthropologists

illustrate how patterns of cranial modification—influenced by changes in

sociopolitical complexity—varied by geographical region. For example, Torres-

Rouff’s (2003) study of 24 sites in Peru, Chile, and Bolivia revealed the state’s

195
influence on cranial modification. In the absence of a state-level hierarchy, small-

scale societies showed a heterogeneous mixture of modification types; in contrast,

state-level societies maintained a standardized, homogenous cranial modification

practice. The homogeneity observed in state-level societies suggested that state

hegemony played a key role in maintaining cultural unity (Torres-Rouff 2003:109).

Capital cities represent a unique locus for studying cranial modification, based

on their central position within a complex polity. In studying the Tiwanaku state’s

core, Blom (1999, 2005a) found a heterogeneous pattern of cranial modification that

sheds light on the multi-ethnic composition of that state’s capital. Blom documented

variations in cranial modification among the capital site of Tiwanaku, sites in the

nearby Katari Valley, and Tiwanaku colonies in the Moquegua region of southern

Peru. While head shape was largely homogenous in Moquegua (tabular form) and in

the Katari Valley (annular form), both variants were present at the Tiwanaku capital

site. Blom concludes that the capital served as an interaction zone where ethnic

groups from surrounding regions intermingled. Outside of the capital, modification

types remained homogenous due to the preservation of ethnic boundaries (Blom

2005a:18):

This study demonstrates that an impression of rigidity exists outside the


center, even though patterning in cranial modification conveys the sense of
flexibility or flow in the capital… The capital of Tiwanaku was a diverse
center; however, outside the capital and the fluid boundary we see a strong
sense of local identity displayed symbolically with homogeneity in
culturally-constructed head shape.

Torres-Rouff’s and Blom’s studies draw attention to the important

relationship between cranial vault modification and political control. Furthermore,

196
Blom’s study of the Tiwanaku capital provides a model with which to test hypotheses

of social boundaries and group movements in the Inca capital. If Blom’s conclusions

from Tiwanaku apply to Cuzco, peripheral sites should show homogeneity in head

shapes, while Cuzco city sites would exhibit heterogeneity in head shapes, indicating

migration into the Inca capital. If the Cuzco pattern differs from that of Tiwanaku, we

would expect to see the greatest homogeneity in Cuzco core sites.

Results

The results confirm findings from previous Cuzco studies, revealing two types

of cranial vault modification in the Cuzco collections: annular (with an oblique slant)

and tabular (with an erect slope) (Figure 9.2, 9.3). Of the 400 crania analyzed, tabular

erect is seen in 9.3% of the individuals (37/400), while annular oblique is observed in

17.3% of the individuals (69/400). Along with the modified crania, 73.5% (294/400)

do not exhibit any type of intentional shaping.

197
Figure 9.2. Tabular erect modification (Chokepukio Burial #106, Late Horizon)

Figure 9.3. Annular oblique modification (Chokepukio Burial #87, Late


Horizon)

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Cranial vault modification does show a significant correlation with age. In

comparing age categories, there is a highly significant overrepresentation of juveniles

with modified crania relative to adults (χ2=22.33; df=1; p≤0.0001). The age

distribution for the modified juveniles, presented in Table 9.1, shows a concentration

in the 1-10 year age categories. In contrast, the adult age categories (young adult,

middle adult, and old adult) show no significant differences in presence of cranial

modification.

Table 9.1. Age distribution of juveniles with cranial modification

Age Number of Modified Percent of Total


Category Individuals Individuals in Age Class
0-1 year 1 (n = 7) 14%
1-5 years 15 (n = 25) 60%
5-10 years 11 (n = 19) 58%
10-15 years 4 (n = 14) 29%
15-18 years 7 (n = 16) 44%
Total 38/81 47%

Regarding sex, males and females do not differ significantly in

presence/absence of cranial modification; this holds true when all time periods are

combined and when each time period (pre-Inca, Early Inca, and Late Horizon) is

considered separately, a finding consistent with other studies (Torres-Rouff 2003:38).

Among Late Horizon modified individuals, males exhibit only the annular oblique

type, while females exhibit annular oblique and tabular erect types. However, the

absence of males with tabular erect modification is not statistically significant due to

the small sample size (Fisher’s exact, p=0.136). Sex differences are also not

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significant for severity of modification, though females are overrepresented in the

pronounced group compared to males (58.8% vs. 45.2%). 6

Two temporal patterns are evident in the Cuzco samples. First, the frequency

of unmodified crania increased over time (Table 9.2). In the pre-Inca sample, 57.1%

of the crania are unmodified; this frequency increases to 86.2% in the Early Inca

sample and then decreases to 69.6% in the Late Horizon sample, yet remains elevated

compared to pre-Inca times.

Table 9.2. Distribution of CVM types by time period

Unmodified Tabular erect Annular oblique


Pre-Inca 32/56 (57.1%) 17/56 (30.4%) 7/56 (12.5%)
Early Inca 131/152 (86.2%) 6/152 (3.9) 15/152 (9.9%)
Late Horizon 128/184 (69.6%) 10/184 (5.4%) 46/184 (25%)
Total 7 291/392 (74.3%) 33/392 (8.4%) 68/392 (17.3%)

Second, the prevalence of modification types reversed. Between the three time

periods—pre-Inca, Early Inca, and Late Horizon—the tabular erect type decreased in

frequency, while the annular oblique type increased (Figure 9.4). The tabular erect

type decreased from 70.8% of the modified crania in the pre-Inca period to 28.6% in

the Early Inca sample, culminating in a 17.9% frequency in the Late Horizon. In

contrast, the annular form increased from 29.2% of the modified crania in pre-Inca

times to 71.4% in the Early Inca sample. From the Early Inca period to the Late

Horizon, annular oblique frequencies increased further, to 82.1% of modified crania

6
Though females constitute a greater than expected number of “pronounced” CVM cases, this
overrepresentation is not statistically significant (χ2=1.213; df=1; p= 0.271).
7
These numbers vary slightly from the frequencies presented for all crania analyzed for modification,
because a small number of individuals (N=8) did not have a temporal affiliation.

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in the Late Horizon. The change in frequency over time in modification types is

highly statistically significant (χ2=21.09; df=1; p≤0.0001).

90

80

70
% of Modified Individuals

60

50
Annular Oblique
Tabular erect
40

30

20

10

0
Pre-Inca Early Inca Late Horizon

Figure 9.4. Change in cranial vault modification types over time

In the Late Horizon sample, modified crania are more prevalent in the

periphery than in the core (Figure 9.5). While only 7.7% of the crania in the core are

modified, 42.9% of the crania in the periphery are modified, a highly statistically

significant difference (χ2=24.55; df=1; p≤0.0001). In addition, there is a greater

frequency of annular oblique types in the periphery, where the annular form is eight

times more likely to appear than in the core (Table 9.3).

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Table 9.3. Distribution of Late Horizon CVM types by location

Location Unmodified Tabular Annular


Core 92.3% (60/65) 3.1% (2/65) 4.6% (3/65)
Periphery 57.2% (68/119) 6.7% (8/119) 36.1% (43/119)

100

90

80

70
% of Individuals

60
Unmodified
50 Annular Oblique
Tabular erect
40

30

20

10

0
Core Periphery

Figure 9.5. Cranial vault modification by location- Late Horizon

Severity of modification—slight vs. pronounced—was also analyzed to view

diachronic changes. An increase in pronounced cases might be expected within a

multi-ethnic empire as a means of visible differentiation, yet severity does not

increase over time. On the contrary, the opposite pattern is suggested, with

pronounced modification slightly more likely in the pre-Inca cases than in Late

Horizon cases (58.3% vs. 48.2%).

The strontium isotope results (Chapter 8) were compared to individuals with

cranial vault modification as a complementary data source on migration. Five

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individuals included in the strontium analysis display cranial modification, all from

the Late Horizon: three with annular oblique modification and two with tabular erect

modification. The tabular erect individuals have much higher 87Sr/86Sr values than

those with annular oblique modification (Table 9.4). All three of the annular oblique

individuals classify as Cuzco-region locals (although two of these overlap with the

Tiwanaku 87Sr/86Sr range), while both tabular erect individuals belong to the non-

local group.

Table 9.4. Strontium (87Sr/86Sr) values by cranial vault modification type

Chokepukio Age Sex CVM type Sr Value Local/


Burial # Non-local
106 Young Adult Female Tabular erect 0.71130 Non-local
(18-25)
18 Old Middle Female Tabular erect 0.71323 Non-local
Adult (36-45)
55 Old Adult Female Annular 0.70906 Local
(46+) oblique
69 Young Adult Male Annular 0.70900 Local
(18-25) oblique
87 Old Middle Male Annular 0.70835 Local
Adult (36-45) oblique

Discussion

To reiterate, the four stated goals of this study were to construct a preliminary

typology, document change over time, compare results to the strontium isotope

analysis, and test hypotheses based on previous findings. With the first goal, a

preliminary typology for the region can be constructed based on the available data. In

the pre-Inca groups, there is an inclination towards unmodified skulls with 57.1% of

the sample unmodified; among the modified crania, tabular erect modification is the

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dominant type (70.8%). Based on these data, the pre-Inca Cuzco modification pattern

entails a preference for the unmodified cranium with predominant use of the tabular

form in the modified crania. In contrast, the annular oblique type is absent in

individuals from the Early Intermediate Period and Middle Horizon, and only appears

in the Late Intermediate Period; therefore, it may not be considered indigenous to the

Cuzco area.

These data accord with a recent study of Archaic Cuzco-region burials

completed by Bauer and colleagues (2007), in which the tabular oblique type is seen

in individuals at the site of Kasapata, dated to approximately 4000 BC. Although a

great time depth exists between the Archaic groups and those analyzed in the present

study, the Kasapata burials provide supporting evidence that it is the tabular form,

rather than the annular, that is indigenous to the Cuzco region.

This typology contradicts the traditional geographical dichotomy that has also

been challenged by other recent studies. Customarily, researchers have associated the

annular form with the highlands and the tabular form with coastal groups (e.g., Bjork

and Bjork 1964:253; Eaton 1916; MacCurdy 1923). However, accumulating data

indicate that this dichotomy is far too simplistic (Blom 1999, 2005b; Hoshower et al.

1995:153; Torres-Rouff 2003:181). Tabular modification has been documented in

highland contexts while coastal sites contain individuals with the annular form

(Arriaza 1995:63; Blom 1999; Lozada 1998; Lozada and Buikstra 2005). Annular

modification in coastal contexts cannot be attributed to migration alone, as it appears

very early in cemetery sites and spans thousands of years (Arriaza 1995:131; Blom

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2005a:15; Gerszten 1993; Lozada 1998). Similarly, the presence of tabular

modification in the highland region of Cuzco appears unrelated to migration, since it

represented the standard modification form as early as 200 BC. These data

substantiate the need to discard the traditional dichotomy and consider each region in

its specific context.

The second objective of the study, documenting change over time, reveals a

transformation following the rise of the Inca Empire. The frequency of unmodified

skulls increases to almost 70% in the Late Horizon, a homogenization that coincided

with increased imperial control and possibly resulted from a proscription against head

shaping issued from the centralized polity (Allison et al. 1981). In areas where Inca

political hegemony exerted the greatest force—at core sites in the capital—the

unmodified cranium became the norm. This prohibition against cranial modification

among Inca Cuzco residents had previously been observed by Marroquin (1944:32),

who asserted that the Quechua speakers in Cuzco did not practice the custom despite

their familiarity with head shaping among Aymara-speaking groups. In close

proximity to Aymara groups practicing cranial modification, the Inca of Cuzco

possibly chose to differentiate themselves by refraining from head shaping.

Along with the increase in unmodified skulls, the modification types invert in

frequency in the Late Horizon, likely as a result of migration. Tabular erect decreases

from 70.8% to 17.9% while the annular form increases from 29.2% to 82.1% among

the modified crania. Since tabular erect was the original type of modification in the

Cuzco region, the annular form’s later appearance likely signifies an influx of

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migrants. This influx coincided with the development of labor tribute policies

requiring forced relocation of groups (mitima) (D’Altroy 2005; Rowe 1982; Wachtel

1982). Colonial documents from Cuzco reveal how the mitima policy affected the

region’s ethnic composition, creating what John Rowe described as “a regular melting

pot”; Rowe further explained: “The Inca around Cuzco furnished an unusual number

of colonists, and were replaced by Indians from nearly every province in the Empire”

(Rowe 1946:270). Notably, the increase in annular forms occurs almost exclusively at

peripheral sites, and not in the core sites of Cuzco city. Therefore, the differential

distribution of annular modification suggests that migrants were resettled in the

peripheral regions rather than in the city center, resulting in a mixture of ethnic

groups at provincial sites.

The third goal of the study involves comparison of modification patterns with

the Chokepukio strontium isotope data (Chapter 8). Based on the preliminary Cuzco-

region modification typology, it was hypothesized that the tabular form—along with

unmodified crania—would be seen in individuals with “local” strontium values. In

contrast, it was expected that annular modification would be observed in individuals

with “non-local” values, indicating migrants at Chokepukio.

However, the cranial modification evidence does not conform to the expected

pattern. The three annular oblique individuals at Chokepukio produced 87Sr/86Sr

values within the local range, although two overlap with the Tiwanaku range. In

contrast, the two tabular erect individuals represent migrants: one individual exhibited

a 87Sr/86Sr value of .71130, well above the Cuzco range and slightly higher than the

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Tiwanaku range, while the second individual had a 87Sr/86Sr value of .71323, well

above the Tiwanaku range but within the range reported for the northeastern Lake

Titicaca Basin (.7120 to .7135) (Grove et al. 2003; Knudson et al. 2005:905). These

results are contrary to data expectations and illustrate the complexity involved in

studying skeletal markers of group affiliation and migration.

Two main problems hinder attempts to correlate strontium values with cranial

vault modification. First, the issue of equifinality affects both datasets: just as various

geographic regions can produce the same strontium value, differing ethnic groups

may exhibit the same cranial modification style. With a limited number of ways to

modify a cranium, it becomes difficult to differentiate ethnic groups based on head

shape alone (Verano 2003a:97). Second, strontium isotope analysis can only identify

first-generation migrants, individuals who moved during their lifetime (Knudson

2004:95). Given this principle, the annular oblique individuals at Chokepukio may be

Cuzco-born offspring of emigrants from the Tiwanaku region of Lake Titicaca. If the

parents raised their children at Chokepukio yet applied the cranial style of their

homeland, the result would be a strontium-identified “local” with annular

modification. This may be particularly true in the case of mitima laborers who were

forced to maintain their traditional ethnic markers while working abroad in imperial

colonies (D’Altroy 2005:270). In mitima colonies, the migrants’ offspring may

affiliate culturally with their parents’ homeland but will identify as local in their
87
Sr/86Sr values.

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For the fourth stated goal with comparisons to other Andean studies, we return

to the model provided by Blom (1999, 2005a). Blom’s (1999) analysis at Tiwanaku

revealed a mixture of modification types in the capital as a result of intermingling

groups from peripheral regions. The peripheral regions maintained homogenous

expressions of local identity, while the Tiwanaku core region showed greater

heterogeneity due to a cosmopolitan, heavily migrant population. Based on the

findings of this study, the Tiwanaku pattern is not evident in the Cuzco region.

Among Cuzco samples it is the peripheral sites that show more heterogeneity—fewer

unmodified skulls, double the number of tabular erect types, and eight times as many

annular cases. In contrast, the Cuzco core shows homogeneity with the majority of

skulls unmodified (92.3%), contrary to the heterogeneous mixture seen in the

Tiwanaku core.

Colonial documents describing the make-up of the Inca capital provide some

explanation for the Cuzco pattern of core homogeneity/peripheral heterogeneity. The

capital city of Cuzco was fashioned as a microcosm of the entire empire (Rowe

1967), in which suburban areas around Cuzco were settled with migrant enclaves in a

quadripartite design, mimicking the geographical quadrants of Tawantinsuyu:

Chinchasuyu (NW), Antisuyu (NE), Contisuyu (SW), and Collasuyu (SE) (D’Altroy

2005:270). Amidst these migrant colonies, the city center housed political and

religious elites and their servants (Rowe 1946:229, 1967:62). LaLone (1994:33)

further describes the capital’s center: “The heart of the city of Cuzco was an elite

preserve. Within it lived the people who belonged to the ten royal lineages, the

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panacas.” As a ceremonial center, Cuzco served as an important ceremonial site for

major rituals that drew in thousands of people (Bauer 2004:3). These religious

pilgrimages, however, were temporary in nature:

“The cosmopolitan perspective imparted to the rural commoner on


pilgrimage to native Andean capitals was limited, controlled, and framed in a
discourse of religiosity. Almost certainly there was no intent to encourage
migration to the cities. Indeed, there were few economic incentives for rural
populations to migrate to the city except as retainers to the ruling lineage.
These positions were of limited number, of course, so most of the population
remained on the land as agricultural producers. The result was a notable
absence of social diversity in the cities.” (Kolata 1997:250 [italics added])

This “notable absence of social diversity” is evident in the homogenization of cranial

modification in the Cuzco core. Though Cuzco welcomed the populace during public

rituals designed to promote ideological loyalty, on a daily basis the city core itself

was highly controlled (Rowe 1946:298). The core denizens apparently abstained from

cranial modification, perhaps as a way to distinguish themselves from “foreigners.” In

contrast, cranial modification in the peripheral sites likely indicates a mixture of

migrant groups resettled outside of Cuzco.

In choosing to refrain from cranial modification, the Inca of Cuzco may have

provided their children with an important political advantage. One advantage is that

an unmodified individual could move fluidly among groups, a benefit that would be

heightened in highly-trafficked areas such as imperial capitals. Blom (2005a:19)

makes this compelling suggestion for the absence of cranial modification: “…those

whose heads were not modified might have been those whose elders thought might

cross boundaries in adulthood. [Non-modification provides] the benefits of not being

identified as belonging to a particular group…” Adults in Cuzco possibly believed

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that their children would benefit from the lack of an obvious, physical symbol of

group affiliation. This notion reinforces how cranial vault modification is essentially a

child-rearing practice, reflective of the parents’ choice made shortly after their child

is born. As such, patterns of cranial modification reveal what parents assume will be

most appropriate for their child, a choice heavily influenced by their social

environment. In the case of Inca Cuzco, parents may have intentionally refrained

from cranial modification so that their child could interact with others in the capital

region without a clear affiliation to any one ethnic group. However, this choice may

also have been restricted by imperial proscriptions on head shaping, particularly in

central areas of the empire’s core. Therefore, the significance of cranial vault

modification (or its intentional absence) must be interpreted through considerations of

both individual agency (by parents, not by the individual themself) and adherence to

social and political expectations.

Conclusion

This analysis was undertaken to construct a typology of Cuzco-region cranial

modification patterns and to view how these patterns changed with the rise of the Inca

Empire. Based on temporal and geographic data, a preliminary typology of cranial

vault modification was established for the Cuzco region: tabular erect served as the

original type in the Cuzco region along with a general tendency for the unmodified

cranium. Furthermore, the results suggest that the Inca of Cuzco refrained from

cranial modification, as imperial control (and possibly parental child-rearing

preferences) resulted in a largely homogenous pattern of unmodified crania in the

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core. In the periphery, the increase in annular modification during the Late Horizon

suggests migration of various ethnic groups that were resettled around the capital.

This increase may reflect the relocation of migrant colonies based on the Inca mitima

policy, which resulted in a radical reformation of the ethnic landscape:

Shuffling populations on this gigantic scale made the Inca Empire a regular
melting pot, and there is no doubt that, even if the convolutions which the
Spanish Conquest brought had not speeded up the process, the old tribal
divisions would have entirely lost their significance in a couple of
generations, and the heterogeneous population of the Empire would have
become a single nation. (Rowe 1946:270)

This cranial modification study provides further evidence for the movement of

populations revealed through the Chokepukio strontium isotope analysis (Chapter 8).

These lines of evidence, when coupled with colonial documents describing Inca

policies of relocation, illustrate the effects of imperial control that resulted in a

spatially distributed, ethnically diverse population in the Cuzco region.

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Chapter 10. Summary and Conclusion

In this study, the biological effects of the Inca Empire were examined through

the analysis of 855 prehistoric Cuzco burials. The observed dental and skeletal

conditions yielded insight on malnutrition and disease, trauma, prehistoric medical

treatment, and population movements. By comparing frequencies of skeletal

conditions by time period (pre-Inca vs. Inca) and location (core vs. periphery), several

patterns emerged that shed light on the Empire’s biocultural impacts. In this chapter,

the study results are summarized and the research hypotheses are revisited in light of

these results. Finally, areas for future research are presented that build upon the

findings of this study.

Summary of Results

Demography
Several sites in the Cuzco sample deviate from a normal demographic

distribution in a number of ways. While a relatively normal sex ratio is apparent in

the aggregated sample, five sites show an overrepresentation of one sex. This pattern

is apparent in the Late Horizon core sites of Sacsahuaman and Kusicancha, which

both display an overrepresentation of females. This sex bias possibly relates to the

manipulation of population demographics by Inca administrators, who selected

individuals to fulfill specific occupations for the state. The observed surplus of

females may reflect the presence of female ritual specialists and female attendants at

sacred Cuzco sites.

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With regard to age, the overall distribution shows an expected J-shaped curve,

reflecting a high number of infants, a decrease in mortality through childhood and

adolescence, and a subsequent increase in mortality through the adult years. However,

there are noted deviations from this pattern—some sites show an excess of infants,

while others show a paucity of juveniles. An overrepresentation of infants was

documented at Kanamarca, which may reflect an increased fertility rate, an increased

infant mortality rate, and/or the specialized use of a cemetery sector for infants. In the

opposite pattern, Sacsahuaman and Kusicancha display a paucity of infants that likely

resulted from the same imperial manipulations responsible for the artificial

distribution of sexes (noted above). At Machu Picchu and Colmay, a similar pattern is

seen with a complete lack of infants, yet this demographic anomoaly can be attributed

to taphonomic forces (both environmental and cultural) at these two sites.

Altogether, the demographic analysis suggests that, in some cases, Inca

imperial policies influenced the demographic make-up of populations. By selectively

removing some individuals and placing them in desired positions in the Inca capital,

the demographic structure of populations at some sites was notably altered.

Health, Trauma, and Occupational Stress

Non-Specific Stress Indicators


Four conditions—linear enamel hypoplasias, porotic hyperostosis, cribra

orbitalia, and stunted growth—were used to measure the relative health of Cuzco

populations. These conditions were found in a low frequency overall in the samples,

suggesting that Cuzco populations were relatively “unstressed.” Individuals do not

appear to have suffered from nutritional deficiencies, chronic diarrheal disease, or

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rampant parasitic infestation, conditions known to lead to dental and skeletal stress

indicators. The lack of skeletal lesions does not appear to result from an “osteological

paradox,” as the combined analysis of four stress markers resulted in congruent

findings.

In contrast, osteoperiostitis—an indicator of bacterial infection—was found in

a higher frequency than the other conditions. Osteoperiostitis was more apparent in

females than males and more common among individuals living in the core of Cuzco.

Given that osteoperiostitis increases with population aggregation, the higher

frequency of osteoperiostitis in the Late Horizon likely resulted from urban

consolidation brought about by imperially-reconfigured settlement patterns.

Joint Disease
In the Cuzco samples, appendicular and spinal joint disease increased over

time and were more prevalent in periphery sites than in core sites. Since age strongly

influences these conditions, the average age of each population was considered in

light of the disease prevalence. The results indicate that peripheral populations were

younger on average than core populations, yet were more often afflicted by joint

disease. Because age does not appear to be the only contributing factor, other causes

may be responsible for the observed increase in joint disease. One suggestion posits

that peripheral populations engaged in heavy activity—perhaps due to labor

obligations to the state—which caused greater stress and degeneration on the bodies

of these workers.

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Trauma
An in-depth analysis of cranial trauma was completed, assessing such factors

as location, severity, and demographic groups affected. The results indicate that adult

males were mostly likely affected by cranial trauma. Furthermore, cranial trauma was

documented in a specific pattern, predominantly on the anterior, left side of the

cranium. The non-random patterning of cranial trauma, along with a prevalence of

adult males, points to violent conflict as the main underlying cause for these injuries.

Cranial trauma increased from pre-Inca to Inca times, suggesting that violent

conflict escalated during the time of Inca state development. Nearly one-quarter of

the injuries were categorized as possible weapon wounds; of these possible weapon

wounds, 96% were found in Early Inca or Late Horizon individuals. These data

suggest that warfare-related violence intensified as the Inca rose to power in the

Cuzco heartland. Nevertheless, the majority of the cranial injuries were small healed

fractures, and may have resulted from non-lethal ritual encounters such as tinkus. In

summary, the observed variation suggests that both types of violent encounters—

small, circumscribed skirmishes and large-scale intergroup conflicts—occurred

immediately prior to and during the time of Inca imperialism.

In contrast to the cranial trauma results, the postcranial long bone trauma

appears primarily accident-related. The most common postcranial injury was the

Colles’ fracture to the distal radius, an injury that frequently results from an

accidental fall. A third trauma category, rib fractures, could not be categorized as

accident- or conflict- related; it is surmised that both etiologies were responsible for

the observed rib fractures. Notably, three juveniles exhibited rib fractures, a rare

215
condition in prehistoric populations that often indicates child abuse in modern

populations.

Trepanation
Trepanation, the surgical removal of a portion of the cranium, was seen in 66

individuals with a total of 109 perforations. Several individuals exhibited more than

one trepanation per individual—one cranium was documented with seven

perforations, six healed and one perimortem. The predominant methods were circular

cutting and scraping, methods that proved highly successful with a greater than 80%

healing rate and little ensuing infection.

The study of trepanation closely paralleled that of cranial trauma: similar

patterns included a tendency for anterior, left side placement and an

overrepresentation of adult males. Moreover, a highly significant correlation exists

between the presence of trepanation and cranial trauma. Other studies in the Andes

confirm this correlation, pointing to cranial trauma as a primary underlying cause of

trepanation. Trepanation was often carried out to resolve the potentially fatal

symptoms of cranial trauma: trauma can cause intra-cranial swelling and fluid build-

up, whereas the removal of a portion of the cranium allows a draining of fluid and

release of possibly fatal intra-cranial pressure.

Strontium Isotope Analysis


Strontium isotope analysis was completed on 59 human teeth from

Chokepukio and ten cuy (guinea pig) teeth from Chokepukio, Tipón, and Kanamarca.

The cuy teeth, used to establish a baseline for the local signature in the southeastern

Cuzco Valley, displayed strontium values that were distinct from other analyzed sites

216
in the Andes, such as Moquegua and Tiwanaku. The Chokepukio human strontium

values exhibited a wide range—some similar to the local value, some that deviated

considerably from the local value. These deviations, signifying migrants, were found

exclusively in the Late Horizon group. Some of the migrants had values similar to

individuals from the Tiwanaku region of Lake Titicaca, while other migrants had

values that could not be matched to any locale.

The timing of the migrations documented at Chokepukio coincides with the

development of an Inca imperial policy that authorized state-directed relocation for

labor tribute. This imperial policy likely resulted in the presence of migrants observed

in the Chokepukio strontium isotope analysis. Colonial documentary evidence

confirms that Inca labor policies altered the population composition in the area

around Chokepukio, by relocating groups according to imperial demands.

Cranial Modification
Cranial modification was analyzed as a signifier of group identity and as an

indication of migration, in conjunction with the strontium isotope analysis. A

preliminary Cuzco typology was constructed, with tabular erect representing the

original type along with a preference for the unmodified cranium. With the rise of the

Inca Empire, the unmodified form increased in frequency in the core, possibly

signifying an imperial proscription against modification in the capital’s center. In

contrast, peripheral populations show a heterogeneous mix of unmodified and

modified crania, in both tabular and annular forms. The annular form dominates at the

peripheral sites, which suggests an influx of migrants into the regions around the

217
capital city. The cranial modification study corroborates the finding of the strontium

isotope analysis, demonstrating that migration—possibly state-coerced—played a key

role in influencing the composition of Cuzco populations.

Research Hypotheses and Results

Hypothesis #1
Hypothesis #1 stated that, as a result of imperial consolidation, health among

core populations improved while health in peripheral populations was detrimentally

affected. This hypothesis cannot be supported by the current data. Neither population

shows a high frequency of non-specific stress indicators suggestive of chronic

malnutrition or disease. These data suggest that health was not negatively impacted

by the rise of the Inca Empire. However, differences between core and periphery

populations are apparent: core populations have a higher frequency of

osteoperiostitis, while peripheral populations have a higher frequency of joint disease.

Consequently, it appears that different living conditions influenced the type of

ailments experienced in the core as opposed to the periphery. While population

aggregation in the core may have led to a higher prevalence of osteoperiostitis,

arduous physical labor possibly caused an increase in the frequency of joint disease in

peripheral populations.

Hypothesis #2
Hypothesis #2 stated that warfare had no impact on Inca state formation and

function. In this case, there is some support for the alternative hypothesis. An increase

in trauma occurred prior to the time of Inca imperialism and, in most instances, these

218
traumatic injuries were caused by violent conflict, as confirmed by several factors

including severity and patterning of injuries. These data suggest that warfare

escalated in the late LIP and may have played a role in the rise of the Inca Empire.

However, the physical evidence for intergroup violence is not extensive: only 3.7% of

individuals in the Cuzco samples exhibited possible weapon-related injuries. Thus,

warfare may have affected a small portion of the population, but it does not appear as

prevalent as the Spanish chronicles would suggest. In this instance, the primacy of

warfare as a tool of Inca conquest may have been exaggerated by Spanish chroniclers

based on their European notions of conquest and expansion.

Hypothesis #3
Hypothesis #3 stated that the Inca capital residents of Cuzco would display a

mixture of cranial modification types due to an influx of migrants. Here, the

alternative hypothesis has more support. The expected heterogeneity in cranial

modification is not apparent among Cuzco core populations. In actuality,

modification patterns homogenize over time, concomitant with increased imperial

consolidation and control. The greatest amount of standardization—featuring a strong

emphasis on the unmodified cranium—is seen in the Late Horizon core population,

the group most controlled by Inca imperial hegemony. This pattern contrasts with the

heterogeneity seen at the Tiwanaku capital (Blom 1999, 2005), which revealed the

core to be a multi-ethnic, cosmopolitan capital. In Cuzco, the capital remained a locus

of homogenization in head shape, while the peripheral regions around Cuzco housed

groups displaying a mixture of head shapes. This heterogeneity likely reflects the

219
presence of migrants brought in from the empire’s provinces, as suggested by

colonial documents.

Hypothesis #4
Hypothesis #4 stated that all sampled individuals at Chokepukio would

classify as locals in the strontium isotope analysis. Here, the null hypothesis is

rejected. Migration to Chokepukio is confirmed through a number of 87Sr/86Sr values

above the local signature (determined through faunal specimens). All outlier values

that unquestionably represent migrants were found in the Late Horizon group, some

with values over 50 standard deviations above the local mean. Female migrants are

more prevalent than male migrants, and the female 87Sr/86Sr values show greater

variation, suggesting that females emigrated from a wider range of geographic

locations than males. The strontium analysis supports the findings of the cranial

modification study, revealing the presence of migrants in the peripheral regions of

Cuzco as a result of state-directed relocation for labor obligations.

Future Research

This regional bioarchaeological study—the first of its kind in the Inca

heartland—has demonstrated a number of biological effects due to imperial

consolidation and expansion. As a preliminary study, these findings set the stage for

future research that will refine our understanding of the biocultural impacts of

imperialism in the Andes. In this section, a number of ideas for future research are

explored.

220
While the strontium isotope analysis provided important preliminary data, it

has also illuminated the need for further research. In confirming one research

question—the presence of Late Horizon migrants at Chokepukio—this initial study

introduces many new questions. Who were these migrants and where did they come

from? Are the observed sex differences also apparent at other sites? How do other

regions of the Cuzco Valley compare to the Chokepukio results? Given the

complexity of the situation revealed by this study, further research is warranted.

An additional line of evidence, biological distance analysis, has been

successfully applied toward identifying migration (Blom et al. 1998; Rothhammer

and Silva 1990; Sutter 2000; Verano 2003). Verano (2003) used craniometric data

along with cranial modification to show differing geographic origins of Machu

Picchu inhabitants, with migrants originating from the Peruvian coast and highlands.

Following Verano’s standards, craniometric data have been collected for 11 Cuzco

region sites. These future analyses will help to clarify the complex relationship of

group affiliation, postmarital residence patterns, and population movement in the Inca

heartland.

At this point, it is impossible to identify the original homelands of the

Chokepukio migrants, as biologically available strontium signatures are known for

only a few sites in the Andes. Though this strontium isotope study adds Chokepukio

and Kanamarca to the list of sites with known 87Sr/86Sr values, the majority of the

Inca Empire remains undocumented. As such, further strontium isotope analyses are

needed to clarify the geographic origins of the Chokepukio migrants.

221
While the Inca Empire is the most widely known imperial polity in the Cuzco

region, it was not the first. The Middle Horizon Wari Empire expanded from its core

in Ayacucho and encompassed Cuzco in its southeastern periphery, most notably at

the state installation of Pikillacta. The study of Wari populations in the Cuzco region

provides the opportunity to view Cuzco as the periphery of an empire, compared to

Cuzco as the core of the Inca Empire. This comparison will shed light on the

differences between the two empires in terms of biological effects on local

populations, and provides a complementary perspective to Tung’s (2003) study of

Wari populations in the heartland and southern coastal periphery. An on-going

research project by Mary Glowacki at Wari sites in the Huaro Valley—incorporating

both survey and excavation—has already generated important data on the Wari

occupation of Cuzco, and continues to produce skeletal remains for future study.

This dissertation project represents the culmination of the first phase of a

long-term bioarchaeological investigation in the Cuzco region. This research project

will continue for years, benefiting from an enduring relationship with the INC Cuzco

through the efforts of the head of the INC’s Physical Anthropology Laboratory, Elva

C. Torres. The continued accumulation and analysis of Cuzco burials will provide

crucial information to test the trends documented in the present study regarding the

impact of the state on health, along with the role of warfare in state formation. In

addition, by adding to a growing database of analyzed skeletal collections throughout

the Andean region, bioarchaeologists may gain a wider picture of the influence of

state-level societies on the skeletal biology of local inhabitants.

222
Appendix: Data Tables and Figures

Table A.1. Linear enamel hypoplasias by site

# of LEH/Number of Indiv
Frequency
Site with observable teeth
0/6 --
Aqnapampa
3/38 7.9%
Cotocotuyoc
1/85 1.2%
Chokepukio
2/22 9.1%
Colmay
1/18 5.6%
Kanamarca
0/15 --
Kusicancha
0/3 --
Machu Picchu
0/16 --
Qhataqasapatallacta
7/104 6.7%
Qotakalli
1/33 3.0%
Sacsahuaman
1/9 11.1%
Wata
16/349 4.6%
Total

223
Table A.2. Cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis cases by site

# of Affected
Site Indivs/Number of Frequency
observable Indivs
0/18 --
Aqnapampa
1/42 2.4%
Cotocotuyoc
8/108 7.4%
Chokepukio
6/61 9.8%
Colmay
0/29 --
Kanamarca
0/18 --
Kusicancha
0/1 --
Machu Picchu
1/19 5.3%
Qhataqasapatallacta
11/235 4.7%
Qotakalli
1/39 2.6%
Sacsahuaman
2/11 18.2%
Wata
30/581 5.2%
Total

224
Table A.3. Frequency of osteoperiostitis by bone with healing data

Element Absent Active/Mixed Healed Total Affected

# % # % # % # %

R humerus 476 99.6 1 .2 1 .2 2/478 .4

L humerus 459 100 0 - 0 - 0/459 0

R ulna 391 98.2 5 1.3 2 .5 7/398 1.8

L ulna 374 99.5 1 .25 1 .25 2/376 .5

R radius 388 99.0 3 .8 1 .2 4/392 .1

L radius 376 99.7 0 - 1 .3 1/377 .3

R femur 476 98.2 7 1.4 2 .4 9/485 1.8

L femur 471 97.7 8 1.7 3 .6 11/482 2.3

R tibia 422 90.9 23 5 19 4.1 42/464 9.1

L tibia 404 89.4 26 5.7 22 4.9 48/452 10.6

R fibula 345 96.6 8 2.3 4 1.1 12/357 3.4

L fibula 361 98.6 3 .8 2 .6 5/366 1.4

225
Table A.4. Joint disease by element with information on severity

Element Absent Slight Pronounced Total Affected

# % # % # % # %

R shoulder 322 98.2 5 1.5 1 .3 6/328 1.8

L shoulder 317 98.4 3 .9 2 .7 5/322 1.6

R elbow 302 95.9 6 1.9 7 2.2 13/315 4.1

L elbow 309 96.6 6 1.8 5 1.6 11/320 3.4

R wrist/hand 269 95.7 4 1.4 8 2.9 12/281 4.3

L wrist/hand 276 96.5 6 2.1 4 1.4 10/286 3.5

R hip 317 97.5 6 1.9 2 .6 8/325 2.5

L hip 333 97.4 8 2.3 1 .3 9/342 2.6

R knee 319 93.6 10 2.9 12 3.5 22/341 6.4

L knee 309 93.1 13 3.9 10 3 23/332 6.9

R ankle/foot 309 95.9 7 2.2 6 1.9 13/322 4.1

L ankle/foot 296 95.5 9 2.9 5 1.6 14/310 4.5

226
Table A.5. Cranial trauma cases by site

# of Affected Indivs/Number of
Frequency
Site observable Indivs
1/20 5.0%
Aqnapampa
5/52 9.6%
Cotocotuyoc
14/120 11.6%
Chokepukio
24/61 39.3%
Colmay
1/30 3.3%
Kanamarca
1/18 5.6%
Kusicancha
0/2 --
Machu Picchu

Qhataqasapata 2/23 8.7%


llacta
44/253 17.4%
Qotakalli
2/37 5.4%
Sacsahuaman
2/11 18.2%
Wata
96/627 15.3%
Total

227
Table A.6. Distribution of long bone trauma by element

Element Absent Healed Healing Total

# % # % # % # %

R clavicle 312 99.1 2 .6 1 .3 3/315 .9

L clavicle 281 97.9 5 1.7 1 .4 6/287 2.1

R humerus 477 100 0 - 0 - 0/477 0

L humerus 454 99.6 2 .4 0 - 2/456 .4

R ulna 392 99 4 1 0 - 4/396 1

L ulna 368 97.9 8 2.1 0 - 8/376 2.1

R radius 380 96.2 15 3.8 0 - 15/395 3.8

L radius 358 96 15 4 0 - 15/373 4

R femur 486 99.2 4 .8 0 - 4/490 .8

L femur 480 99.8 1 .2 0 - 1/481 .2

R tibia 463 98.9 4 .9 1 .2 5/463 1.1

L tibia 445 99.1 4 .9 0 - 4/449 .9

R fibula 345 98.3 5 1.4 1 .3 6/351 1.7

L fibula 357 98.1 7 1.9 0 - 7/364 1.9

228
Table A.7. Trepanation by site

Site # of Treps/# of Crania (< 5 years excluded) Frequency


1/21 4.8%
Aqnapampa
2/35 5.7%
Cotocotuyoc
7/83 8.4%
Chokepukio
21/59 35.6%
Colmay
1/18 5.6%
Kanamarca
0/17 --
Kusicancha
0/4 --
Machu Picchu

Qhataqasapata 0/20 --
llacta
34/195 17.4%
Qotakalli
0/35 --
Sacsahuaman
0/10 --
Wata

Total 66/498 13.3%

229
Table A.8. Individuals analyzed for strontium study with samples in
ascending order of 87Sr/86Sr value
87
Sample # Sex Cultural Affiliation Sr/86Sr 2σ error Sr ppm
CHO-27 M EIP .70728 .00002 296
CHO-164 M Inca .70728 .00002 291
CHO-124 F EIP .70735 .00002 175
CHO-147 I LIP .70738 .00002 297
CHO-70 M EIP .70774 .00002 309
CHO-38 F EIP .70775 .00002 276
CHO-133 M Unknown .70780 .00003 284
CHO-42 F Middle Horizon .70780 .00003 240
CHO-71 M EIP .70799 .00002 318
CHO-76 M LIP .70803 .00001 257
CHO-176 M Inca .70809 .00003 205
CHO-85 M Inca .70809 .00002 213
CHO-45 F EIP .70811 .00001 350
CHO-19 F EIP .70817 .00002 362
CHO-166 M Inca .70820 .00003 311
CHO-20 F Inca .70824 .00004 156
CHO-118 M Unknown .70828 .00003 318
CHO-153 I LIP .70831 .00002 177
CHO-131 M Inca .70832 .00001 302
CHO-63 I LIP .70835 .00002 325
CHO-87 M Inca .70835 .00001 309
CHO-117 M Unknown .70842 .00003 356
CHO-169 I Inca .70846 .00002 451
CHO-121 M Unknown .70850 .00005 365
CHO-31 F Inca .70851 .00001 348
CHO-25 I Inca .70852 .00002 245
CHO-165 M Inca .70855 .00002 329
CHO-51 M Inca .70864 .00004 183
CHO-68 M Inca .70867 .00002 271
CHO-7 M Inca .70868 .00002 184
CHO-159 M Inca .70877 .00001 164
CHO-132 F Unknown .70888 .00002 334
CHO-126 M LIP .70895 .00002 306
CHO-16 F EIP .70897 .00002 229
CHO-69 M Inca .70900 .00002 530
CHO-55 F Inca .70906 .00003 111

230
87
Sample # Sex Cultural Affiliation Sr/86Sr 2σ error Sr ppm
CHO-136 M Inca .70906 .00002 219
CHO-148 M LIP .70939 .00010 246
CHO-32 M Inca .70950 .00002 432
CHO-171 M Inca .70961 .00002 406
CHO-35 F Inca .70970 .00024 91
CHO-8 M Inca .71018 .00003 184
CHO-158 F Inca .71045 .00002 196
CHO-145 M Inca .71046 .00006 204
CHO-84 M Inca .71060 .00004 247
CHO-90 M Inca .71098 .00003 154
CHO-106 F Inca .71130 .00002 252
CHO-119 M Unknown .71132 .00002 215
CHO-21 I Inca .71275 .00003 387
CHO-120 M Unknown .71306 .00014 352
CHO-18 F Inca .71323 .00002 121
CHO-28 F Inca .71454 .00003 323
CHO-82 F Inca .71559 .00005 408
CHO-79 F Inca .71716 .00002 267
CHO-11 M Inca .72003 .00003 378
CHO-101 F Inca .72022 .00007 194
CHO-162 F Inca .72062 .00003 212
CHO-22 M Inca .72068 .00001 159
CHO-109 M Inca .72136 .00002 236
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-1 .70782 .00001 850
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-2 .70789 .00003 1197
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-3 .70797 .00002 869
Chokepukio archaeological Cuy-4 .70812 .00002 920
Kanamarca archaeological Cuy-1 .70653 .00002 571
Kanamarca archaeological Cuy-2 .70665 .00002 432
Tipón modern Cuy-1 .70821 .00003 447
Tipón modern Cuy-2 .70824 .00002 573
Tipón modern Cuy-3 .70831 .00002 530
Tipón modern Cuy-4 .70840 .00002 614

M=Male, F=Female, I=Indeterminate sex; EIP=Early Intermediate Period,

MH=Middle Horizon, LIP=Late Intermediate Period, LH=Late Horizon

231
Table A.9. Chokepukio dental enamel strontium samples by time period

Number of Samples Analyzed


Time Period
Males Females Indet Sex Total

Early Intermediate Period (200 BC-AD 5 3 0 8

700)

Middle Horizon (AD 700-1000) 0 1 0 1

Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000- 3 0 3 6

1400)

Late Horizon Period (AD 1400-1532) 22 12 3 37

Unknown Temporal Affiliation 6 1 0 7

Total Number of Individuals 36 17 6 59

232
Table A.10. Summary statistics of Chokepukio strontium datasets
(complete vs. trimmed)
87
Sr/86Sr Values

Trimmed Dataset
Complete Dataset
(Outliers Removed)

Count 59 37

Mean .71033 .70829

Std. Deviation .00374 .00050

Range .01408 .00179

Skewness 1.936 -.409

(Std. Error) .311 .388

Kurtosis 2.764 -.404

(Std. Error) .613 .759

Minimum .70728 .70728

Maximum .72136 .70906

233
Table A.11. Cranial vault modification by site

Tabular Annular
Site Unmodified erect oblique Total
Cotocotuyoc Count 20 3 6 29
% within Site
69.0% 10.3% 20.7%
Chokepukio Count 39 14 7 60
% within Site
65.0% 23.3% 11.7%
Colmay Count 30 0 31 61
% within Site
49.2% -- 50.8%
Kanamarca Count 11 3 7 21
% within Site
52.4% 14.3% 33.3%
Kusicancha Count 10 0 1 11
% within Site
90.9% -- 9.1%
Qhataqasa- Count
14 0 0 14
patallacta
% within Site
100.0% -- --
Qotakalli Count 139 6 17 162
% within Site
85.8% 3.7% 10.5%
Sacsahuaman Count 30 2 0 32
% within Site
93.8% 6.3% --
Wata Count 1 9 0 10
% within Site
10.0% 90.0% --
Total Count 294 37 69 400

73.5% 9.3% 17.3%

234
10

8
Number of Cases

0
360 370 380 390 400 410 420 430 440 450 460

Femur Length (mm)

Figure A.1. Histogram of male femur lengths

235
12

10

8
Number of Cases

0
360 370 380 390 400 410 420 430 440 450 460

Femur Length (mm)

Figure A.2. Histogram of female femur lengths

236
Figure A.3. Distribution of Chokepukio strontium concentration (ppm) and
87
Sr/86Sr values

237
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