Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Ментор: Изработил:
проф. д-р. Митко Котовчевски Иван Митревски
бр. на индекс: 10782/20
Organizational Capabilities
During its entire existence, Hezbollah has only been led by two individuals - Abbas al
Musawi (assassinated by Israel in February 1992) and Hassan Nasrallah. To be fair, Iran retains a
generous amount of influence with the Hezbollah leadership and the Islamic Republic’s Supreme
Leader Ali Khamenei is still revered as Hezbollah’s “official” marji al-taqlid, or source of
emulation. Other highly respected and learned Shia religious scholars including Iraq’s Ayatollah
Ali al-Sistani and Lebanon’s Ayatollah Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah also hold sway within the
inner circles of Hezbollah. Yet, even as current Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah
settles into his role as an “international celebrity,” and thus muscles his way into gaining more
autonomy from Tehran, the Iranian leadership continues to be a major part of the story of
Hezbollah.
Leadership
Ideology
From the beginning, Hezbollah militants and their Iranian handlers adhered to an
ideological worldview stemming from the shared experience of clerical training and religious
study in the Shia seminaries of Najaf, Iraq. This ideological fervor encompassed three
uncompromising elements, including a belief in Shia Islam, the supreme rule of the wilayat al-
faqih, and a duty to practice jihad, or struggle in the name of Allah. The main point here is that
from day one, Hezbollah militants were dogmatic in their devotion to the austere version of Shia
Islam being exported by Ayatollah Khomeini and his inner circle. Nevertheless, IRGC units
provided the nascent movement with ideological guidance to reinforce these beliefs and urged
Hezbollah’s core membership to adhere to strict Islamic behavior while adopting an “anti-
Zionist” platform that still defines the group to this day. This “ideological indoctrination” was a
deliberate campaign aimed at recruiting and training radical Shia throughout the Bekaa Valley.
Hezbollah’s ideology has been described as “a fiery mix of revolutionary Khomeinism,
Shia nationalism, celebration of martyrdom, and militant antiZionism, occasionally accompanied
by crude, neo-fascist anti-Semitism.” Its ideological approach is epitomized by Nasrallah, whose
ability to preach in various terms—religious, nationalist, Arab, anti-Israeli—is an effective
means to rally supporters to Hezbollah’s cause. As Norton observes, “ideological currents have
shifted dramatically in the last two decades in favor of Hezbollah, which offers an ideological
vision that many Shia now find persuasive.”
Not only does the group look to the teachings of the late Ayatollah Ruholla
Khomeini for inspiration, but many scholars believe that Hezbollah is actually more faithful to
the legacy of the Islamic Revolution than are most ordinary Iranians themselves. But not all
experts agree on Iran’s role in shaping Hezbollah’s ideology. For example, As’ad Abu Khalil
argues that it is “inaccurate” to describe Hezbollah as an Iranian creation and that the group’s
ideological platform is the product of the “Islamization” of Marxist-Leninist doctrine and theory.
Still, even a cursory glance at Hezbollah’s founding charter as captured in its 1985 open letter
addressed to the “Downtrodden in Lebanon and in the World,” reveals language heavily colored
by the Iranian revolution. Indeed, Hezbollah’s ideological links to Iran have helped shape the
group’s stance on the nature of conflict, the ideal character of the nationstate, how to relate to
other Muslims, and finally, its overall approach to dealing with the West.
Hezbollah’s outlook can be considered binary. This ideological partition divides the
world between the exploited and the exploiters, or the oppressed (mustad’afin) and the
oppressors (mustakbirin). This dichotomy attempts to convey the dualism and millenarianism of
the Shia community which views itself as a perpetual underdog in its struggle to achieve equality
and justice. In Hezbollah’s worldview, oppression takes many forms, including economic,
cultural, political, and social and transcends both nationality and religion. The central tenets of
Hezbollah’s charter include the obligations to struggle against secularism, injustice, and the
oppression of the ummah by foreign imperialists, especially America and Israel. In the words of
Nasrallah’s deputy Sheikh Na’im Qaseem, “even if hundreds of years should pass by, Israel’s
existence will continue to be an illegal existence.” According to Hezbollah’s ideology, the mere
existence of Israel is anathema.
The Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps dispatched to Lebanon was tasked with the
difficult mission of creating something from nothing. The leadership in Tehran sought to
cultivate a terrorist proxy that would remain faithful to the tenets of the Islamic Revolution while
also serving as a strike force capable of carrying out Iran’s dirty work yet affording the mullahs,
who were often several steps removed, the luxury of plausible deniability. Israel’s invasion of
Lebanon in 1982 may have provided the impetus for Shia fighters to band together, but benefits
helped too. IRGC members organized a comprehensive recruiting drive, which included a
monthly stipend and other financial incentives such as subsidized education and no cost medical
treatment for fighters and their families.
Imad Mughniyeh functioned as the go-between among various factions of the
organization and its associates. One of his main areas of effort was recruiting Lebanese
expatriates abroad and preparing them for terrorist operations inside of Israel. Highly prized
recruits included anyone with foreign language skills, a “Western looking appearance,” or a
European passport, which would make international travel much less onerous. Much like Al-
Qaida does today, Mugniyeh attempted to recruit foreign nationals who had converted Islam and
could be thoroughly vetted and indoctrinated by the group. These individuals would be used for
myriad purposes, from suicide attacks to auxiliary reconnaissance. According to Ranstorp,
Germany was one of Mugniyeh’s favorite recruiting spots. For missions that involved infiltrating
Israel, he sought to build a network of Israeli Arabs.
Hezbollah is a prominent example of an insurgent group that enjoys a significant
amount of popular support, both domestically and within the wider Arab and Islamic world.
Hezbollah’s main base of support is located in three general areas: Beirut and its surrounding
environs; southern Lebanon; and the Bekaa Valley/Hirmil Region. Support for Hezbollah in
Lebanon is apparent by its role as a major political player in Lebanon, as the group continues to
consolidate power. Anecdotal evidence from newspapers and journal articles suggests that
Hezbollah is perhaps more popular than ever before.
In an effort to quantify this support, Simon Haddad of Notre Dame
University in Jounieh, Lebanon has conducted comprehensive survey research to unearth the
reasons for the group’s “rock ‘n roll” like status. Haddad’s study concludes that the Party of God
is so beloved in the Shia community for its adherence to religious piety and the social aspects of
Islam. Furthermore, the majority of respondents polled held positive views toward the growth of
the organization and its use of force, while backing Hezbollah’s refusal to disarm in accordance
with United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559.
According to a World Public Opinion.org poll conducted in August 2006,
support for Hezbollah was measured as the following: 96 percent of Shias, 87 percent of Sunnis,
80 percent of Christians, and 80 percent of Druze. Hezbollah’s popularity should come as little
surprise. In contrast to other political parties and even the Lebanese state, Hezbollah provides a
wide range of social services at little or no cost to the community. Hezbollah offers a “vast
network of womb-to-tomb services” including hospitals, schools, orphanages, and credit
programs. In the absence of the state’s ability to provide for all of its citizens, Hezbollah has
filled the void and come to the rescue of the oftneglected Shia community of southern Lebanon.
The Lebanese government has welcomed these efforts in recognition that they are required for
domestic stability. Several scholars have found that when an insurgent group is the only provider
of goods and services in an area, support for these organizations is higher than in areas where
multiple entities supply services. These programs can be divided between large service providers
and smaller, more specifically targeted outreach efforts.
Some of the larger services include JAB, or Construction Jihad, and the Islamic
Health Committee (IHC), both opened in 1984. Three years later, in 1987, the Relief Committee
of Imam Khomenei (RCIK) was opened in the Hrat Hreik section of the southern suburbs around
Beirut. The Relief Committee was responsible for the creation of an employment office as well
as the formation of several technical trade institutes, including those open to women. These
services, in addition to many others throughout Lebanon, receive funding from Iran. In the early
years, Hezbollah reportedly received between five and ten million dollars a month, although
Jaber suggests that it is possible that the figures are higher. The funding has decreased over time,
but financing from Iran is still considered a major resource for Hezbollah, which uses the money
to maintain its ubiquitous social welfare infrastructure.
ХЕЗБОЛАХ: ФИНАНСИРАЊЕ НА БОЖЈАТА ПАРТИЈА
Организациски способности
За време на целото свое постоење, Хезболах бил воден од само две лица - Абас ал
Мусави (убиен од Израел во февруари 1992 година) и Хасан Насрала. Чесно кажано Иран
задржува огромно влијание во раководството на Хезболах, а врховниот лидер на
Исламската република Али Хамнеи сè уште е почитуван како „официјалниот“
Хезболашки „marji al taqlid” или извор на емулација. Другите почитувани и познати
шиитски духовни преставници, вклучително ирачкиот ајатолах Али ал-Систани и
либанскиот ајатолах, Мухамед Хусеин Фадлалах, исто така, имаат влијанија врз
внатрешните кругови на Хезболах. Сепак, иако како сегашен Хезболашки Генерален
секретар Хасан Насрала е претставен во неговата улога како интернационална „selebrity”
личност што му овозможува стекнување на поголема автономија од Техеран. Иранското
водство продолжува да биде главната улога во приказната на Хезболах.
Лидерство
Идеологија