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Women in Street-Based Prostitution: A Typology of their Work Styles

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 Qualitative Social Work
Copyright ©2009 Sage Publications Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore, Vol. 8(1): 27–44
www.sagepublications.com DOI:10.1177/1473325008100420

ARTICLE
Women in Street-based
Prostitution
A Typology of their Work Styles

Celia Williamson
University of Toledo, USA

Lynda M. Baker
Wayne State University, USA

ABSTRACT
Women engaged in street-based prostitution have been
studied from a number of perspectives. Little research was
found that focused on their work styles. This study was
conducted to gain a better understanding of work styles of
women involved in street-based prostitution in the Midwest.
Of the 53 women interviewed, 12 were or had been involved
in Pimp-Controlled prostitution. In Renegade prostitution
were 27 women who worked as independent entrepreneurs
KEY WORDS: and were interested in building a substantial client base. The
prostitute remaining 14 women, involved in Outlaw prostitution,
women hustled, manipulated, and exploited their customers. Each
work style has its own unique features, such as language,
sex work
ethical behavior, and amount of control over their work
social work activities. Understanding the work styles of prostitute
practice women adds to the body of literature on women involved
in street-based prostitution and provides some implications
street-based
for social work practice and future research.
prostitution

typology

work styles 27
28 ■ Qualitative Social Work 8(1)

Women’s experiences in street-based sex work have been well documented in

the literature. In an attempt to glean their common experiences, however, many
researchers have overlooked the differences among street-based prostitute
women. Prostitution is deceptively easy to define as the trade of sexual services
for items, money or a place to stay. However, this definition often lends itself
to a perceived one-size-fits-all portrayal of women’s lives while involved in
prostitution. On the contrary, despite the common thread of selling sex that
weaves sex workers together, the multiple realities of women’s lives while
involved in prostitution are diverse.

LITERATURE REVIEW
Although considerable research has been conducted by social work researchers,
no known studies have focused specifically on prostitute women’s work styles.
However, literature from other disciplines provides insight into the occupational
settings and/or descriptions of sex work. Heyl (1979: 197) described the social
stratification of sex workers and noted that street-based prostitutes are
‘uniformly considered by all other prostitutes to be the lowest in the business’.
Fullilove et al. (1992: 276) found that women who smoked crack and
exchanged it for sex are further stigmatized by people in the crack culture
because they ‘fail to meet culturally defined standards for women’. Sterk (2000:
36) reported that prostitutes who do not use drugs look down on those who
do, seeing them not as professional prostitutes, but rather as ‘amateurs who
barter sex to support a drug habit’. In his study, Inciardi’s (1993) categorization
of women was limited to those who were addicted to drugs or traded sex for
drugs. While this information offers some guidance in understanding street-
based prostitution, the research is limited in that it attended to the ‘crack pipe
as pimp’ paradigm and did not include those women who were involved with
pimps or who were not addicted to drugs. While crack cocaine has legitimately
been an exploitive element of contemporary street sex work, sending the
message that ‘crack is pimp’ provides a one-dimensional portrayal of street-
based prostitution. In addition, highlighting crack-addicted independent
prostitutes obscures the continued existence of professional pimp-prostitute
arrangements and independent street workers not addicted to drugs
(Williamson and Cluse-Tolar, 2002).
James (1972: 107) asked 32 female prostitutes to describe various kinds
of prostitutes and developed a taxonomy, based on work area, of three multi-
dimensional and five unique categories. Among the former were hustler, road
‘ho’, and call girl. Hustlers were defined by the methods they used and the areas
in which they worked, such as in bars, on the streets, or in airports.Also included
in this category were drug addicts who worked to support their habits and who
were ‘often not classified as a professional by other prostitutes’. Road ‘ho’ was
 Williamson & Baker Women in Street-based Prostitution ■ 29

the term applied to women who either worked in lumber or migrant camps
or who traveled a regular circuit. The final category involved call girls who
were considered the ‘elite in the prostitution hierarchy’ because they worked
‘only by appointment’ and made their contacts by telephone. Among the five
unique categories were house girls who worked for a madam, hotel girls who
worked in a particular hotel, and women who worked in sauna or massage
establishments.Apartment prostitutes were those who shared an apartment (their
working area) with other prostitutes. ‘Pimps or cabbies’ brought men to them.
Finally, party prostitutes were identified as women who often had regular day
jobs and only worked parties when they were contacted and wanted to make
extra money.
A few researchers have been sensitive to the continued phenomenon of
pimp-prostitute relationships in street work (Barry, 1995; Hunter, 1993). Norton-
Hawk (2004: 192–3) compared the differences between pimp-controlled
women and non-pimp-controlled women in the northeastern USA. Forty
percent of the 50 women interviewed previously had pimps. Findings revealed
that pimp-controlled women were less likely to have completed high school or
to have held a conventional job. They were more likely to have reported earlier
sexual experiences and drug use and to have entered prostitution at a younger
age than did non-pimp-controlled women. Norton-Hawk also found that more
pimp-controlled women ‘experienced more than double the amount’ of physical
and sexual violence by their customers than did non-pimp-controlled women
and suggested that the increase in violence may result from pimps requiring
women to meet a monetary quota. In order to bring home the required amount
of money and ‘to avoid violence from the pimps’, women may work in unsafe
areas and ‘expose themselves to more risks’.
Although researchers have looked across the spectrum of sex work from
street-based to call girl work (Benjamin and Masters, 1964; Flowers, 1998; Gold-
stein, 1979; James, 1972), few recent studies have examined, in depth, one
segment of prostitution and the work styles within it. In her review of a decade
(1990–2000) of literature on prostitution research, Vanwesenbeeck (2001:
279–80) emphasized that researchers have failed ‘to adequately differentiate
between sex workers’. What is needed, according to Vanwesenbeeck, is more
research on ‘how specific contexts, conditions, features, routines, and relations
in sex work associate with various aspects of health and well-being of specific
groups of sex workers’. This study addresses the gap in the literature by focusing
on the work styles of street-based prostitute women.

OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

In her dissertation research on street-based prostitute women,Williamson (2000)
uncovered different work styles among the women including Pimp-Controlled,
30 ■ Qualitative Social Work 8(1)

Renegades, or Outlaws. Based on these preliminary findings, a small grant was

obtained from the National Institute on Drug Abuse to further investigate these
work styles. The objective of this study, therefore, was to gain a better under-
standing of each of these three work styles.

METHODS
Sample
A combination of purposive, convenience, and snowball sampling methods were
used to recruit street-based prostitute women in the Midwest. Early participants
took it upon themselves to inform and encourage others who then called and
asked to be part of the study. In addition, WILLIAMSON met with executive
directors and agency board of directors of drug and alcohol treatment programs
to ask permission to recruit participants from their facilities.
A total of 53 women (21 European American white women and 32
African American women) agreed to be interviewed and were paid for
participating in the study. Nineteen women were currently involved in street
prostitution; 27 women were recruited from drug and alcohol treatment
programs; and 7 were ex-sex workers who heard about the study by word
of mouth. Participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 47 years. The time spent in
prostitution ranged from 2 to 24 years. Twenty-one of the women entered
prostitution before the age of 18. Twelve of the women in the study previously
had pimps and 41 worked without a pimp.

Data Collection
In-depth, face-to-face semi-structured interviews were conducted with the
women by WILLIAMSON on the streets, in women’s homes or apartments,
or in treatment program facilities. Each interview lasted between one to two-
hours and was audio-taped. All interviews were transcribed verbatim by a
transcriptionist.
Approval to conduct the study was obtained from the human subjects
research and review committee of the investigator’s university and from the
various drug and alcohol treatment programs. Because of the intrusive nature of
the inquiry and sensitivity of the material discussed, each woman was asked to
sign an informed consent form that outlined the benefits, risks, and purpose of
the study, as well as the anonymity for participants, how the data would be used,
and the availability of results. After she read the form (or had it read to her),
each woman signed and was given a copy of the informed consent. The investi-
gator answered questions and encouraged discussion about confidentiality and
protection of human subjects prior to interviews. To obtain an in-depth under-
standing of working styles, each woman was asked to describe her experience
in prostitution; to tell her story about what she remembered happening. She was
 Williamson & Baker Women in Street-based Prostitution ■ 31

also asked to include her thoughts, feelings, and perceptions and to continue to
describe each experience until she felt it was complete.

Data Analysis
The framework for researching and understanding the work styles of street pros-
titutes was through qualitative methodology. Data analysis (by WILLIAMSON)
began after the first interview and continued through the last one. Data, analyzed
line-by-line using the AtlasTi qualitative software package, were separated into
291 codes, some of which were universal to all women’s experiences and are
not germane to the current article. Of these 291 codes, a total of 67 codes
form the nucleus of this article. The codes were collapsed into themes and
further categorized into one of three work styles previously identified in
WILLIAMSON’s dissertation research: Pimp-Controlled prostitution, Renegade
prostitution, and Outlaw prostitution. Using the same key descriptors as in the
dissertation, women were categorized into a work style if they met the follow-
ing criteria: if a woman had a pimp, she was identified as Pimp-Controlled. If
she preferred or attempted consistently to rob, manipulate, or steal from
customers, she was identified as engaging in Outlaw prostitution. Finally, if a
woman talked about wanting to build a base of regular returning customers,
worked independently of a pimp, and rarely reported robbing, stealing, or
manipulating customers, she was identified as engaging in Renegade prosti-
tution. Similar to many studies of human behavior, the participants in this study
did not always fit neatly into one category. Based on her story, each woman was
placed in the category that most accurately described her work style at the time
of the interview.
Participant feedback was used to ensure validity ( Johnson, 1997). Themes
were taken back to three participants in the study who were selected because
each woman was known to WILLIAMSON as representative of a particular
work style, was available, and agreed to review them. An average two hours was
spent with each woman who acknowledged the accuracy of the relevant theme.
Each woman provided feedback that was incorporated into the findings.

RESULTS
As mentioned earlier, the three categories of work styles included Pimp-
Controlled prostitution, Renegade prostitution, and Outlaw prostitution. In this
study the term ‘work style’ is operationalized as a woman’s perception and
description of her work behavior including language and the rules relevant to
each work category. As is the hallmark of qualitative research, this article will
describe in rich, thick description, the typology of work styles in street-based
sex work. Pseudonyms have been used to ensure anonymity of the research
participants.
32 ■ Qualitative Social Work 8(1)

Women Involved in Pimp-Controlled Prostitution (Controlled Prostitution)

The first type of work style is Pimp-Controlled prostitution a term used by
the authors to convey the often coercive nature of this work style. The term
‘pimp’ is operationalized as someone who has several women working for him
at the same time, controls them through physical and verbal abuse, and profits
from their prostitution-based earnings (Dalla, 2006; Norton-Hawk, 2004;
Williamson and Cluse-Tolar, 2002).
Twelve of the 53 women in the study were involved in work controlled
by pimps. Language unique to these women involved in Pimp-Controlled
prostitution included terms such as ‘wife-in-laws’, ‘quota’, being ‘turned out’,
becoming a ‘thoroughbred’, ‘choosing up’, and being ‘out of pocket’. These
terms are defined and contextualized in the following paragraphs.
Most of the women in the category did not describe being physically
forced into Pimp-Controlled prostitution. Instead, they were enticed, finessed,
and manipulated as adolescents into a work style they either believed would be
exciting and bring them material success and mobility or would help them
survive the harsh conditions of street life. Some reported first being recruited
either by the pimp himself or by other young girls, women, or young men
known to the pimp.
During the initiation period when they were learning about prostitution,
women said they were being ‘turned out’. The training was done by the pimp
himself or by the trainee’s wife-in-laws. In this culture, wife-in-laws are defined
as those under the control of the same pimp who were expected to interact and
maintain relationships with one another. They also may be used to keep each
other in line and follow their pimp’s rules.

I had about six wife-in-laws. We had to do what we had to do. We was with
the same man so we had to get along, because if we didn’t get along, he would
jump us or whatever. He would ‘check us’. And you know, he’s like ‘bitch, you
gotta do this. Bitch you better go out today’. Because he’s suppose to be
your pimp. You got wife-in-laws and stuff and you better go do it. (Brenda,
Pimp-Controlled)

When females become experienced in prostitution, they are known as

thoroughbreds and are expected to handle customers in an effective and efficient
manner. They are then turned out onto the streets and have to meet a pimp-
determined quota. For example, one woman, Joan, was expected to make
US$250 at one truck stop, while for Sarah, the amount was much higher.

Well when I started off, when I first got with him, the first place he took me
was to Miami, Florida. The quota that we had to bring in that night was at least
$800. If we didn’t have that quota, it wasn’t about no coming in. It was about
being out there until you did get it. (Sarah, Pimp-Controlled)
 Williamson & Baker Women in Street-based Prostitution ■ 33

When under the control of a pimp, a woman must understand and accept the
conditions of work, that is, he controls her actions, money, and resources and
she must live by his rules. If a woman became unhappy with her current pimp,
she could ‘choose up’, meaning to choose another pimp to control her business.
Money must be placed in the new pimp’s hand to consider the choice valid.

When you choose up, you choose up with money . . . Anytime you choose
another player, you got to have that money. If you choose another player, the
money that you give him buys the protection you need. If your other pimp try
to come up on you, he won’t be able to touch you because you been done paid
this other man to be with him. Because the other pimp will tell the other one
that she chose me. She paid me so she with me now. (Mary, Pimp-Controlled)

Since women are free to choose up, a pimp’s particular style of pimping must
be intimidating enough to prevent women from spending money on themselves
and seductive enough to promote the type of loyalty that makes women want
to stay and give him their money. While choosing up was permissible, these
women described the difficulty quitting their pimp to work alone or leave pros-
titution. Therefore women who wanted to leave or work independently most
often chose to escape. Linda best explains how excessive physical violence drove
her to escape her pimp.

It was for any little thing, he’d slap me. One time he was whooping me with a
coat hanger. But I’m physically, I couldn’t whoop him, but mentally, see he didn’t
go to school. I mentally, I could think and I was like, if you hit me with that
who’s going to buy me? Look at me. There’s no way I’m going to let you do
that to me . . . But he still he kept me in line, and in control. But he beat
me up one time and I ran away and went with some other people. (Linda,
Pimp-Controlled)

As a part of this work style, women are forced to follow the rules of their pimp
and are physically abused if they violate them. A common rule is that a pimp
can attempt to entice any woman away from another pimp. This is viewed as
a component of free enterprise. However, to control the women in their ‘stable’,
most professional pimps establish rules preventing their women from making
eye contact with other pimps or engaging another pimp in conversation. To do
so is considered ‘out of pockets’, a term signifying the potential loss of pimp
revenue, the consequences of which are often physical violence. Sandra describes
the ramifications of eye contact: ‘And if you cut your eyes at another player,
you get slapped. You get tore up’.
Withholding money or leaving the ‘ho stroll’ early are also examples of
being ‘out of pockets’. Carol and Carla describe the types of violence they
received for violating pimp rules.
34 ■ Qualitative Social Work 8(1)

He beat the living shit out of me. He beat me severely. I had to have surgery
done on my legs. I had to have an artificial knee due to him and surgery on my
ankle. He took a 2 by 4 to me. And that’s how he disciplined me. He would
make me cross my legs and have another man hold my legs together while he
smacked me with the 2 by 4. (Carol, Pimp-Controlled)

It’s been times when the money wasn’t right. And when I come in at night I
had to sleep naked. No blanket, no clothes, cold. You staying in a hotel and the
bed be warm, and I just be on the floor freezing. (Carla, Pimp-Controlled)

The level of professionalism of the pimp dictated whether drug use was
a part of the work style (Williamson and Cluse-Tolar, 2002). With more
professional pimps, the women were less likely to engage in drug use. The less
professional pimps used drugs with their women. Indeed for some, their relation-
ship was based on the woman’s ability to work to buy drugs. Some women
reported their pimp would allow them to smoke marijuana after working or to
engage in social drinking. Mary’s pimp had strict rules about drug and alcohol
use while working.

You just go into bars. You couldn’t drink while you were working. You couldn’t
smoke no weed while you was working. All that type of stuff. It was just strictly
about the money. (Mary, Pimp-Controlled)

During the 1970s, the pimp-prostitute relationship dominated the street scene
(Milner and Milner, 1972) and set the standard for the sale of sex on inner city
streets in the underground economy in the USA. The two subsequent categories,
Renegades and Outlaws, challenged traditional street mores by opting out of the
services of a pimp. Each of these work styles will be described more fully below.

Women Involved in Renegade Prostitution (Independent Entrepreneurs)

The work styles of 27 women in the study were identified as Renegade, a
term used by Pimp-Controlled women to describe those who worked as inde-
pendent entrepreneurs. The comments of Sonya describe Renegades.

There’s a lot of girls out there called Renegades . . . A Renegade is when you
don’t have a man . . . Some prostitutes are out there for a man, for a pimp. We’re
out there bustin our ass to get our money for a man and you know, these bitches
are out here making money and going home and not giving it to nobody. (Sonya,
Pimp-Controlled)

Some Renegades reported they would consider maintaining a partner-

ship with a pimp if it were to be an equitable one in which they would pay
him a percentage to take care of them. Unfortunately, the pimp-prostitute
arrangement does not function in that manner, leaving Renegades to opt for
 Williamson & Baker Women in Street-based Prostitution ■ 35

independent work. Some Renegades reported they trusted in partnerships with

pimps in the past for mutual gain only to have been exploited. Therefore, they
prefer to work alone. Periodically, Renegades may team up with a girlfriend to
work the bars or the streets, but if and when they engage in partnership, it is
understood that each earns and keeps her own profits.
Women involved in Renegade prostitution either enter street-based
prostitution as free agents or escape the grasp of a pimp to become free agents.
These women stated that they work when they want or need to. Many women
expressed sentiments of independence and empowerment similar to those made
by Melissa who said, ‘I don’t have to ask for help to pay my bills and feed my
children . . . I make my money for me. I’m not going to turn around and hand
it to no man’.
Renegades identified in this study were motivated to work the streets as
a means to gain an immediate income. Both Sandra and Michelle credited the
lure and addiction to fast money. As the latter stated: ‘And I was hooked, I was
hooked. Cause you know, it was a good time . . . So I don’t know, that’s, that’s
how I started’.
Some Renegades, as well as some involved in Pimp-Controlled prosti-
tution, referred to themselves as ‘flatbacks’ defined as one who does an honest
day’s work for an honest day’s dollar in the world of street-based sex work.
They described being interested in a fair and even exchange as agreed upon by
themselves and the customer. When asked if she would consider taking a
customer’s wallet if she had the opportunity and not doing what she agreed to
do with a customer, Tina explained:

That’s something I do not play with. I don’t. My life means everything to me.
That money. I can get money everyday. I can’t get no more breath, or life, or air
to breathe. If somebody takes this from me, that’s all I got. I don’t do that . . .
I’ll follow through with the date. No, I will not do wrong. (Tina, Renegade)

Another characteristic of those involved in Renegade prostitution is the

desire to build a substantial client base of ‘regulars’ sometimes known as ‘sugar
daddies’ or ‘cake daddies’. Regulars provide a steadier source of income and
are thought to be safer than consistently engaging strangers. Kay’s comments
illustrate the work style of many Renegades.

. . . basically my purpose was to get me a few sugar daddies and that way they
could just call me at home when they needed to see me, and I ain’t got to be
out here on the streets, you know. (Kay, Renegade)

Since some regulars initially come from street contact with strangers, Ren-
egades describe their work style as being friendly with customers, smiling,
chatting, and hoping to entice them into returning time and again. They also
36 ■ Qualitative Social Work 8(1)

reported allowing a customer to touch their body and fondle them in efforts
to make the experience a good one. In the minds of these women, a happy
customer is a returning customer. CC explains, ‘You have to let ‘em touch you,
touch your breasts and stuff, because that gets them off quicker and better’.
As independent entrepreneurs, these women reported having to learn to
take care of themselves and survive the streets. Sandra accomplished this by
creating friendships with other women, while Bree watched how other prosti-
tutes worked.
At first I didn’t have no experience in it, so it was an older prostitute, she taught
me a lot. She taught me how to, you know, what to do and when to get in the
car, you know, what to say and you know everything like that. (Sandra, Renegade)

I watched these girls and I watched them get in cars and out of cars, in cars
and out of cars. I watched them. I sat on the bus stop for about 5 hours until
3 o’clock in the morning just watching them, watching them. I set my eyes on
this one lady. I didn’t know who she was. I just watched her and watched her
and watched her. There was something about her that told me I could trust her.
I walked up to her . . . I told her I need to turn two tricks. (Bree, Renegade)

Of interest were the comments of some Renegade women concerning the

emotional fulfillment from working. While they did not report finding their
dates particularly sexually appealing, they did report enjoying the aspect of being
wanted by several men. Bree explained that in some respects prostitution
addressed her feelings of emotional loss after the death of her husband and her
need to be desired by men. Sandra wanted love and a sense of security.

I was hoping that somebody would come along, a date would come along and
maybe just want me forever. It was just maybe wishful thinking I guess. You
know, that this guy, he’s gonna come along and he’s just gonna want me forever.
I’ll be his and I won’t have to be out here as much. Or he’ll give me more than
what I got. He’ll give me more than that and he’ll supply my needs. I had a lot
of wishful thinking out there. (Sandra, Renegade)

The downside of working as an independent entrepreneur is that there

may be an increased risk of being raped, robbed, or assaulted. When this occurs,
the usual response of Renegades is to self medicate, hire the service of watchers,
or to carry weapons. For example, after being repeatedly raped, Bree talked
about always carrying a knife in her bra whereas Jody covered her experiences
with alcohol and drugs.

I buried that in my sub-conscience. I buried it with drugs and alcohol. I buried

it. I buried it deep and I wasn’t afraid to go out. I became a little more careful,
a little bit. But the crack cocaine had taken over at that point that I guess it just
stopped mattering. ( Jody, Renegade)
 Williamson & Baker Women in Street-based Prostitution ■ 37

To address the risks of customer-related violence, some women, such as

Cara, found it necessary to hire the services of ‘watchers’, who are often low-
income friends to look out for them on the streets and in bars as they leave
and return with customers.

I was always by myself. I never had anybody watch my back. That’s probably
why a lot of times, I got robbed and shit. Because now there’s a lot of guys out
there that will walk around with you. But you walk maybe a block and a half
ahead of them. Or they’ll ride their bike up and down the street or whatever,
you know, just to keep an eye on you, make sure nothing happens to you, make
sure nobody snatches you up. (Cara, Renegade)

The examples illustrate how Renegades learn and survive the streets. The value
of working and having independence was a key factor reported by these women.
Although both Renegades and Outlaws are independent entrepreneurs, the
similarity ends there. While Renegades are interested in an agreed upon
exchange, Outlaws are strictly hustlers.

Women Involved in Outlaw Prostitution (Street Hustler)

Fourteen women described work styles categorized by the researchers as
Outlaws or Street Hustlers, that is, people who participate in dishonest activi-
ties to swindle and obtain money or items from unsuspecting victims through
manipulation or forceful actions (Waldorf, 1973). These women were not
interested in conforming to the working practices of Renegades and refused
the services of a pimp. They reported rarely being interested in an agreed upon
exchange with a customer. Instead, in any encounter they expected to walk
away with more than they had agreed upon. In fact, it seems that their modus
operandi is often to manipulate, exploit, and even rob their customers (‘tricks’)
during a sexual transaction.

You know just different reasons why, you know, we call them tricks. Because
you can trick them out of their money. That’s when you don’t really necessarily
rob them, but you get the money before you do anything and you take off. It’s
not robbing, to me it ain’t robbing, because I’m not using any force to get their
money. (Tammy, Outlaw)

Outlaws may engage the efforts of a male or female partner in crime. Some-
times, an Outlaw may have a boyfriend who also engages in hustling activities.
He is not described as her pimp, although he may be instrumental in helping
to arrange dates, provide security, or be a partner in a scam to get money from
a potential customer. This is a relationship where, despite prostitution activities,
emotional and physical fidelity are important. As these women explained, he
would not seduce another woman into working for him to sell sex unless this
38 ■ Qualitative Social Work 8(1)

was a scheme developed and agreed on by both his mate and himself. For most
women who have this arrangement, any money either partner brings into the
household is shared.
Unlike Renegades, Outlaws reported a disdain for performing sexual acts
with men to whom they are not attracted. The comments of Connie exemplify
these negative feelings for customers:

I used to take it [money] a lot of times because I couldn’t stand laying up there
letting somebody lay on top of me til they got tired, just using my body, just
using it and abusing it. So I started taking it, you know. I always asked for money
up front. They give it to me, sometimes I jump out of the car. Or ‘oh let me
run and get my, or oh let me go check on this’ and I wouldn’t come back. Or
I’d send them in the store to get something or I need this or go buy some
condoms, you know if they would be willing to use them. And I send them in
the gas station and there’s been times where I’ve taken off with their car. I’ve
reached under the seat or under the matt, or in the glove compartment, or over
the visor and I would watch where they would put the keys and I take it and
leave, take off. I really, I don’t care if they was offering me $500. I just hate laying
there performing them acts. (Connie, Outlaw)

Some Outlaws feel that their behavior is justified because they have been
robbed, raped, and/or manipulated often in the past. Indeed, these are some of
the reasons given for engaging in Outlaw behavior. Based on these violent
experiences, most Outlaws do not desire an agreed upon exchange, because
they do not trust there can truly be one. In their perception, someone is getting
‘screwed’, but no one is having sex. It is their hope that they will be the ‘hustler’
and not the ‘hustled’.
Outlaws do not seem to gain any emotional benefit from turning tricks,
rather they report a sense of considerable emotional disturbance having to be
sexual with strangers. It is upsetting to them and their intention is to complete
the act, get the money, and buy what they need to survive. In many cases, sex
work was a last ditch effort to prevent homelessness or to feed a growing
addiction. Therefore, unlike Renegades, Outlaws typically do not have, or are
not interested in building, a client base of regulars. They are only interested in
getting the maximum amount of money from a customer in one encounter,
while providing little or no sexual services.

A lot of girls do it for $20, and I’ve done it for $20 too, don’t get me wrong.
But to me, if they got 20, they got 30. And to me that’s just three minutes. If
you’re not done in three minutes, ‘oh well, you want some more, you give me
some more money.’ That’s how I am. ‘And no, you can’t touch me. If you touch
me, you to pay extra.’ So all in all, if you want a decent blow job from me, you
gotta pay some bucks . . . Those guys hated me. I never got no repeat customers,
never. (Amy, Outlaw)
 Williamson & Baker Women in Street-based Prostitution ■ 39

Most women reported their decision to hustle a guy was based on their
estimated probability for success. Tammy’s comments reveal how Outlaws size
up a customer.

I usually analyze the situation and the person I’m dealing with. If he’s more of
a passive person, naïve, easy to manipulate, then I know I can pretty much
get over. If it’s somebody that’s pretty much aggressive, or really cautious of
where they’re putting their money, like their paying attention, they’re really
watching me, then I know they had it done to them before, so I wouldn’t do
it. (Tammy, Outlaw)

In the event that they have to fulfill the sexual agreement, they do so grudg-
ingly. Most Outlaws reported that their schemes were successful between 70
and 90 percent of the time. Chris believed she was successful the majority of
the time.

I would say 90% of the time I didn’t [have sex], 10% of the time I did. There’s
some people you can’t rob. I’m not gonna lie and say you can rob everybody,
because you can’t. Some mother fuckers are not going to let you rob them. They
will die for theirs. Some take precautions, because they been through that. Ten
percent of the time I had to actually go through with it the whole time I was
out there doing it. (Chris, Outlaw)

Women developed creative hustles to manipulate customers and get their

money. Some have included having a partner hide under the bed, while the sex
worker undresses her customer. She lays him on the bed and his pants on the
floor in reach of her stowaway partner. As she is getting him ready, her partner
takes the money out of the wallet, scoots across the floor and out of the room.
She then tells her customer she has to go to the bathroom and leaves the scene.
Other schemes have included jumping out of cars with the money or taking
the trick to a designated scene and robbing him point blank. These hustles could
take place in a matter of minutes or over time. Chris and Tammy provide
examples of some hustles they successfully executed.

I would walk up to the car and when he rolled down the window I would
snatch his glasses off his face and tell him to give me $20 and I’d give his glasses
back . . . Now what white man that’s not from around here gonna get out of
their car and chase a black woman down an alley? (Chris, Outlaw)

I was reading the paper . . . When I turned to the second section, it talked about
how they were going to start picking up men there were in the north end sol-
iciting women . . . It was like bingo! I started telling the men that I have some
bad news, and I had my pager on me and I had my cell phone on me. I had
somebody posted at the corner and I would call him, and I told him I’d give
40 ■ Qualitative Social Work 8(1)

him so much money if he would just let me call and then answer the phone.
So I would tell the guys that he was my partner. He didn’t know what I was
doing, because I didn’t want to have to give him any more money that I had
to. The first guy paid me like 560 bucks to get out of his car. He was like please,
I just, he said he wasn’t even from town. He was like please, I can’t do this . . .
I did it all day. (Tammy, Outlaw)

DISCUSSION
The purpose of this study was to gain a better understanding of the three work
styles of women involved in street-based prostitution. Each style had unique
features, such as language, ethical behavior, and amount of control over work
activities.
Twelve of the participants in this study had been involved in Pimp-
Controlled prostitution. These women had the least amount of control over
their working lives. To avoid physical or sexual violence from their pimp, they
were forced to follow the rules of the pimping game, including being turned
out, making quota, interacting with wife-in-laws, working effectively and effi-
ciently to become a ‘thoroughbred’, and not becoming ‘out of pocket’.Although
women described how they could move from one pimp to another, they also
talked about how difficult it is to leave a pimp in order to work alone.
The work style of 27 women involved in Renegade prostitution is quite
different from the work styles of those involved in either Pimp-Controlled or
Outlaw Prostitution. Renegades can be seen as independent entrepreneurs who
engage in practices designed to establish their businesses. As astute and ethical
businesswomen, their main objective is to honor the contract and give the
customer a good experience in order to build a steady clientele. They like being
in control to choose when and where to make and spend their money. To them,
the thought of giving money to a pimp is an anathema. If they do work with
another person, it is only with the understanding that each person earns and
keeps her own profits.
Although also entrepreneurs, the 14 women in Outlaw prostitution differs
from Renegades because their work style more closely resembles that of hustlers
who swindle people or obtain what they want through force. Unlike Ren-
egades, Outlaws do not want to build a business. Rather, their modus operandi
includes robbing, manipulating, and stealing from their customers. Justification
for this behavior stems from violent experiences in their past or current lives.
Outlaws experienced emotional disturbances from having to be sexual with
strangers. Furthermore, they seem to embrace a ‘have’ or ‘be had’ mentality, that
is, they wanted to use or misuse the customer before they themselves are used.
To dupe tricks, they may devise creative schemes designed maximize their
 Williamson & Baker Women in Street-based Prostitution ■ 41

profits. If and when Outlaws work with a male partner, this person is not seen
as a pimp, but rather as business partner who can help them scam a customer.
For some Outlaws, these partners can also provide them with a physical,
emotional, and faithful relationship.

LIMITATIONS
Because this is a new area of investigation, this study has several limitations.
Women in only one Midwestern city were interviewed. Although snowball
sampling is used in many qualitative studies, it has the potential of limiting the
representativeness of the sample. Finally, slightly over half (50.9%) of the partici-
pants in this study were recruited from alcohol and drug treatment programs.
Although drug use and abuse may be a consistent factor in the lives of women
engaged in street-based prostitution, the education and counseling services
provided in these agencies may serve to bias the way women view their experi-
ences in prostitution.

FUTURE RESEARCH
A general concern of many researchers (see for example Dalla, 2006;
Vanwesenbeeck, 2001) is the continued existence of an incomplete, inaccurate,
or stereotyped ‘picture’ that many people in service agencies have of women
involved in street-based prostitution. Dalla (2006: 200) suggests that many factors
contribute to this picture, including the invisibility of the women who ‘survive
on the periphery of society’, as well as their reluctance to approach and trust
formal service agencies. In addition, many people do not view these women ‘as
deserving of assistance’. To deconstruct this monolithic image requires more
research into the vast complexities of their lives. By identifying and describing
in more depth the unique work styles of street-based prostitute women, we are
responding to Vanwesenbeeck’s (2001) call for research on specific contexts and
conditions of street-based prostitute women. The results of the current study
shed insight on their work styles and how they survive on the streets. However,
from our research, more questions have arisen. Because our study was more
broadly focused, we did not address how women decide on either a Renegade
or an Outlaw style of work or in many cases, why and how pimp-controlled
prostitution was decided for them and what factors may have played a role.
Future research could address this issue. We know that women changed work
styles during their involvement in prostitution, but do not know what pre-
cipitated the change, how often women changed, or the consequences or
benefits of such change. These questions remain to be answered.
42 ■ Qualitative Social Work 8(1)

SOCIAL WORK IMPLICATIONS

For social work practitioners, the results of this study can help in the design of
more individualized programs or services for street-based prostitute women.
Social workers involved in street work, substance abuse services, health clinics,
transitional housing programs and shelters or who work in jails are often the
main contact for women involved in street-based prostitution. The limited
resources for social service agencies often dictate the ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach
which, given the vast array of services these women need, is ineffective. Social
workers are therefore challenged to develop creative individualized services. To
do this requires that social workers be knowledgeable about and take into
consideration the varied experiences of women involved in street prostitution.
Understanding the context in which women interact in prostitution sheds light
on those experiences and women’s perceptions of those experiences. Missing
from social work education and social science literature is an understanding of
the patterns, shared views, and common experiences among women who are
marginalized and stigmatized by society.
In designing services for women who participate in Outlaw prostitution,
social workers should be aware that the most dangerous and immediate risk
may not be HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases because they have sex
less often. However, their hustling behavior places them at increased risk for
violence and the treatment of injuries may be their foremost need. Finally,
women involved in Outlaw prostitution may need more legal assistance than
would those involved in Renegade or Pimp-Controlled prostitution.
Because of the coercive and controlling nature of pimps, leaving prosti-
tution may be a different experience for Pimp-controlled women than for those
involved in Renegade or Outlaw prostitution. They may require quicker and
more comprehensive planning. For example, social workers working with Pimp-
Controlled women should take additional steps to ensure a woman’s safety as
she exits street prostitution. Although all women in street-based prostitution
who have experienced repeated violence from customers and/or their intimate
partners should receive trauma treatment, women who have been controlled by
pimps may require additional treatment to address the physical, psychological,
and emotional sequelae of this traumatic relationship.
The Renegade prostitute woman may want to negotiate her care or the
services she receives rather than having them imposed by social workers because
she is used to a business-oriented, independent work style. Although violence
from a pimp or customers may not have been a major factor in her work life,
her risk for HIV/AIDS might be higher as she does what is necessary to please
her clients and keep them coming back.
These are just a few of the challenges of program planning that social
workers face with women involved in street-based prostitution. Knowing the
 Williamson & Baker Women in Street-based Prostitution ■ 43

various work styles of these women can help social workers tailor services to
meet each woman’s specific needs.

Acknowledgement
This study was supported by a grant from the National Institute on Drug Abuse.

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 44 ■ Qualitative Social Work 8(1)

Celia Williamson, PhD, is an associate professor in the Department of Social

Work at the University of Toledo. She founded the Second Chance program
in 1993 for girls and women in prostitution and the Lucas County Prosti-
tution Roundtable. She is a nationally known expert on the subject of
prostitution and has presented at several national conferences. She has co-
chaired the annual National Conference on Prostitution, Sex Work and the
Commercial Sex Industry. Address: Department of Social Work, University
of Toledo, 2801 W. Bancroft St., MS119, Toledo, OH 43606, USA. [email:
celia.williamson@utoledo.edu]

Lynda M. Baker, PhD, is an associate professor in the Library and Information

Science Program at Wayne State University in Detroit. Her research focuses on
health-related information needs of prostituted women. She was the chair of
the Health subcommittee of the Lucas County Prostitution Roundtable. She
has also co-chaired the annual National Conference on Prostitution, Sex Work,
and the Commercial Sex Industry. Address: Library and Information Science
Program, Wayne State University, 106 Kresge, Detroit, MI 48202, USA. [email:
aa0838@wayne.edu]

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