Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Mr. Kirkland
29 September 2017
I. Introduction
Skopje is the capital of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and with a population of
600,000, it is a medium-sized city, both within the Balkan or the wider European context.
However, the city can be considered special because of its tumultuous history of urban
Skopje’s development was heavily influenced by two dramatic events of the 1960s: the floods
of 1962 and the earthquake of 1963, which destroyed or rendered unusable a significant part of
city infrastructure. A process of rebuilding started in the aftermath of the earthquake, which
was largely completed by 19801. Following a Masterplan initially designed by Kenzo Tange, a
Japanese modernist architect who was also influential in the development of Tokyo, Skopje’s
renewal involved both urban planning and innovative buildings that followed modernist
architectural styles.
This paper will present and analyse the adoption of Skopje’s new plans for urban development,
as well the processes and techniques of urban planning and renewal adopted in Skopje after the
earthquake. It will attempt to show that Skopje’s renewal can be considered a unique model by
the mere process by which it came to fruition, as well as by transforming traditional communist
planning and giving an original brutalist nature to the city landscape. The paper will first
describe the events of 1962-1963 and the ensuing efforts made by the international community
and the United Nations, and will then focus on two aspects of urban development after the
events: the functional aspect (that is, proper urban planning) and the architectural aspect.
1
https://www.failedarchitecture.com/masterplan-for-the-city-of-skopje-macedonia/, Masterplan for the city of
Skopje, Failed Architecture, retrieved 29 September 2017
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Finally, the paper will be concluded through e brief extension onto present-day developments
Up to the end of World War II, Skopje was characterised by a tradition of neo-classical
architecture, such as the National Theatre and numerous government buildings, as well as
buildings in the neo-classical style built under the Bulgarian occupation during World War 2.2
According to a paper on Skopje’s urban planning history by Jasna Stefanovska and Janez
Koželj, after World War II, with Skopje becoming the capital of the newly-formed Socialist
Republic Macedonia, a federal entity of communist Yugoslavia, a new city masterplan was
The city’s development according to Kubeš’s masterplan was ground to a halt with the first
event that hit the Macedonian capital, the floods of 19624. According to the 19 November 1962
edition of the ‘Nova Makedonija’ magazine, 1,050 houses and 157 buildings were destroyed
by the floods, many of them in the downtown area, through which the River Vardar was passing.
While this put a break to urban development and turned public resources towards
reconstruction, it is indeed the next event, the 1963 earthquake, which completely turned the
tide in Skopje’s history. While the floods did affect development, Kubeš’s masterplan was not
intended to be abolished.
2
Mitrovski, Boro; Glišić, Venceslav and Ristovski, Tomo; The Bulgarian Army in Yugoslavia 1941–1945,
Medunarodna politika, 1971, Belgrade, p. 35 (courtesy of Google Books)
3
Stefanovska, Jasna; Koželj, Janes; Urban planning and transitional development issues: the case of Skopje,
Macedonia, Urbani izziv, Ljubljana, volume 23, no. 1, 2012, p. 92
4
https://mk.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9F%D0%BE%D0%BF%D0%BB%D0%B0%D0%B2%D0%B0_%D0%B2%D0%BE
_%D0%A1%D0%BA%D0%BE%D0%BF%D1%98%D0%B5_1962, Macedonian Wikipedia, retrieved 26 September
2017 (automatic translation to English)
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On 26 July 1963, at 5 in the morning, an earthquake with a magnitude of 6.1MMS hit Skopje,
followed by aftershocks. With the tremor being concentrated along the Vardar River Valley,
which cuts through the city, the possible resistance of the buildings’ structure was severely
weakened. The damage to the city’s infrastructure was extensive: it is estimated that more than
reconstruction to the SFRY in the aftermath of the earthquake6. And indeed, the reconstruction
of Skopje was heavily supported by the international community, under the coordination of the
United Nations and UNESCO. In 1970, the United Nations Development programme edited a
book about the international reconstruction efforts, titled “Skopje Resurgent: the Story of a
United National Special Fund Town Planning Project”. The preface to the book presents the
efforts by the United Nations and the international community as an “unique in the history of
town planning”7. Skopje’s own motto is nowadays ‘the City of International Solidarity’8.
The earthquake resulted in such extensive damage that the Yugoslav government decided create
a new masterplan of the city, with a United Nations conference on the city’s future being held
in Ohrid (Eastern Macedonia) months after the earthquake. The complete renewal of the city
would be finally implemented with the support of United Nations bodies, this being one of the
reasons for which the ‘Skopje Resurgent’ book emphasises the unique nature of Skopje’s
planning.
5
https://www.rferl.org/a/25066749.html, Time Stands Still After Skopje's Quake, Despite Revamp, Radio Free
Europe – ex-Yugoslavia edition, retrieved 27 September 2017
6
http://kurir.mk/en/?p=2709, 49 years after the disastrous Skopje earthquake, Kurir News Agency
7
United Nations Development Programme: Skopje Resurgent: The Story of a United Nations Special Fund Town
Planning Project, United Nations, New York, 1970, p. 7
8
http://www.skopje.gov.mk/en/ , City of Skopje, retrieved 28 September 2017
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Under the coordination of the United Nations, a competition was organised in 1965 for the
development on Skopje. Concurrently, the Yugoslav government had already organised relief
and reconstruction efforts in the immediate aftermath of the earthquake, in 1963-64. There were
thus two levels on which planning was focused: a plan specific to the City Centre, and a second
one which was supposed to serve as new masterplan for the city.
Kenzo Tange, a Japanese architect known for his modernist projects of post-war reconstruction
in Japan, won the first prize of the competition, earning 60% of the prize money. The other 40%
went to a team of Yugoslav architects, who collaborated with Tange during the planning period
of Skopje’s renewal. The Yugoslav team was formed by architects Janko Konstantinov, Slavko
Tange’s masterplan for Skopje was mostly focused on rebuilding the city in a functional
fashion, in a way that would serve the city’s population to reach their workplaces and the service
sector parts of the city, and that would create a harmony between the different areas of the city.
In this regard, the street plan presented wide, straight boulevards with adjacent streets arranged
in a fused-grid-like fashion (as presented in figure 1 of the annex to this paper). At the same
time, Tange’s plan was based on a sector model urban development planning, in which different
areas of the city were supposed to have a specific nature9. This can be best seen in figure 2 of
Skopje's city centre had a dedicated section in the Masterplan of the city (Figure 3). It would
serve as an area for government and other administrative buildings, as well as for services-
related activities such as retail, telecommunications, and post. The city centre was characterised
by its separation from the other parts of the city by a "city wall" (Figure 4) made up of brutalist
residential buildings typical of communist architecture of the time. The "city wall" would act
9
Home, Robert: Reconstructing Skopje, Macedonia after the 1963 earthquake: the Masterplan 40 years on,
Anglia Ruskin University, p. 10-11 (http://www.mirkovski.com/im/skopje-anglia-ruskin-univ-paper.pdf)
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as a border marking the outer side of the city ring that separates the centre from the periphery.
In Stefanovska Koželj 2012, the authors argue that the buildings that constitute the "city wall"
and the towers that mark the "city gate" (which marks itself the east-west axis of the city) are
meant to symbolise an allure to the European medieval city, where the central area of the city
is bound together10.
Large industrial areas were planned in the northern part of the city, which would lead in the
years up to 1980 to the construction of various plants which made Skopje a centre of Yugoslav
metallurgical, pharmaceutical and chemical industries, as well as Yugoslavia’s third largest city
after Belgrade and Zagreb. In the 1961 census, Skopje had a population of approximately
170,000 inhabitants. This grew to approximately 450,000 inhabitants in the 1981 census, after
most of the aspects of the masterplan had been implemented. Most of the new inhabitants were
industrial workers at the city’s plants or students at the newly-built University of Skopje, which
Another relevant part of Tange's Masterplan were the Social Survey and the Housing sections.
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In line with communist Yugoslavia's ideology, urban planning had to take into account the
need of social diversity, as well as the ethnic and cultural particularities of Skopje, which had
significant Turkish, Albanian, and Roma minorities within its limits, each with its own specific
architecture, type of dwelling, and lifestyle. The Social Survey revealed the resistance of these
minorities to the idea of being moved in the new, modernist apartment buildings. Highly-
religious, the Turks and the Albanians told Social Survey field-workers that they preferred to
live in their substandard slums, where communities were formed around old mosques. This was
at odds with the social and political order that the communist regime wanted to impose.
10
Stefanovska & Koželj 2012, p. 94
11
Skopje Resurgent, 1970, p. 246, 265-267
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However, the authorities had to remain pragmatic, and much of the old Turkish neighbourhood
has been preserved, albeit partially modernised. At the same time, the government decided to
gradually insert the minorities into employment in the new industries, in the hope that they will
eventually accept new social conditions. The social part of the masterplan shows the big
challenges for the architects and the civil servants: reconciling their modernist and innovative
approaches to urban planning with the cultural customs of a big minority of the inhabitants. The
end-result, the mix between modernity and tradition with gradual steps towards uniformity,
proved to be innovative in itself when it came to the traditional approaches that had been used
In communist Yugoslavia, the state was the main (and mostly, the only) actor in the economy.
As a result, private investments in real estate could not possibly exist. Skopje’s reconstruction,
in this sense, involved not just urban planning, but also massive state investments in the
construction of new buildings that would fill the planned streets of Skopje. The Masterplan, in
this particular case, included therefore apartment buildings, government buildings, functional
The centrally-controlled nature of the economy and planning meant that Tange and his team of
architects would also be given the task to design the buildings that would accompany the
Masterplan of the City, which was supposed to cover only elements related to urban planning
– such as the road network, transport systems, functional areas, etc. In this sense, Tange and
his team, all of them modernist architects strongly influenced by Le Corbusier’s innovations in
architecture and urban planning, designed buildings typical of modernist architecture and, more
which generally preferred modernist and utilitarian styles to more traditional styles considered
‘bourgeois’ – but Skopje’s buildings, unlike those built in other communist countries, were
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original in themselves, and they were not meant to be mass produced or replicated in other
cities.
The light grey concrete buildings give Skopje a level of originality – and indeed the city can be
considered an international capital of Brutalism. Some of the most important works of the
architects are the University of Skopje and the main building of the Macedonian Post,
considered prime examples of brutalist architecture12, as well as the main building of the
Government, the Macedonian Radio and Television building, the National Bank, the National
Opera, the Hydrological Institute, and the Universal Hall. Some of these buildings, like the
Government Office (figure 5 in the Annex), have been given a neo-classical ‘facelift’ after
2006.
One case worthy of individual mention is the new railway station designed by Tange. It is
special not only because it is a good example of original brutalist architecture, but also because
it serves as a solution to a very pressing problem: prevent any damage that may be caused by a
some 6.7 meters above the ground13, and its suspension permitted the elevation of the railway
around central Skopje, as well as the construction of tunnels, which made the railway lines more
integrated with the city’s urban landscape and did not cut through it.
V. Conclusion
Skopje's reconstruction process was indeed, as the UNDP Report "Skopje Resurgent" put it,
unique in its nature. It was an example of a national government collaborating with the
international community in order to rebuild a city that was destroyed almost entirely by
unfortunate events. The resulting masterplan did not build on existing developments, and did
12
http://yomadic.com/communist-architecture-skopje-kenzo-tange/, Communist architecture : Skopje, Kenzo
Tange, retrieved 28 September 2017
13
Skopje Resurgent, 1970, p. 320
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not try to transform an already existing city. Instead, it tried to come up with a concept to revive
However, as Stefanovska and Koželj show in their paper, the debate about Skopje's urban
development was not settled by Tange's masterplan. Instead, it continues to this day, as the
modernist-brutalist nature of the reconstruction plan is seen by many, including the former
In 2006, a nationalist government was elected into office, led by Nikola Gruevski. Gruevski’s
plans for Skopje included a total reshape of the city centre, and many of the modernist buildings
were hidden beneath neo-classical faux facades intended to reflect the government’s revisionist
plans and attempt to rewrite the country’s history. Many of the architects who worked with
Kenzo Tange have openly protested against the government’s plans, to no avail14.
At the end of the day, the means adopted by the Yugoslav government to revive Skopje were
also a first in many aspects: the international solidarity and the UN-related mechanisms that led
to Tange’s masterplan had not been used before. At the same time, while the process was based
on a top-down approach specific to communist regimes, social and cultural issues were taken
into account by the authorities, which preferred to adopt a pragmatic approach to social
integration and transformation. With all its shortcomings, Skopje’s reconstruction plan was an
experiment that strengthened the city’s urban identity in the world, as well as its more functional
aspects.
VI. Annexes15
14
http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/architects-of-modernist-skopje-decry-retrograde-remodel-12-04-
2016, Architects of modernist Skopje decry retrograde remodel, Balkan Insight, retrieved 28 September 2017
15
The images were taken from the annex section of the „Skopje Resurgent” book, edited by the UNDP in 1970.
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in green.
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Ciprian-Sorin Constantinescu – Skopje’s revival (1963 – 1980)
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http://cdn.yomadic.com/wp-content/uploads/skopje-2014.jpg
11