Bayana Under The Mughals

Author(s): Rajeev Bargoti

Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 1990, Vol. 51 (1990), pp. 227-232
Published by: Indian History Congress

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/44148211

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 227

25

Bayana Under The Mughals

fìajeev Bargoti

1.1 In my paper, "Growth of the pre-Modern township of Bayana" presented to the

Indian History Congress at Gorakhpur last year, an attempt was made to trace
the expansion of the town of Bayana from 1196 A.D. down to the end of
seventeenth century. It was sought to be established in that paper, with reference
to the surviving archaeological remains, that after the establishment of the
Mughal control the township of Bayana expanded enormously, its settlement
tending generally to shift from, the fortified positions of Sultankot and Sikandra
located at the foot of an extension of the Aravali range towards the river Gambhir
about 3 km from there. Eventually, it crossed the river and seems to have
reached the point where the present village Brahmbad is located. But the same
period also appears to have witnessed the down grading of Bayana Township
from the position of a sarka} headquarter to that of a pargana headquarter .

1.2 This paper seeks to investigate the change in the position of this township during
the same period (16th and 17th century) in terms of its status as a military
administrative station and also as a centre of trade and culture. In the course of
this investigation the attempt would be to focus on the nature of the urban
expansion at Bayana during the Mughal period. One important question sought
to be answered in this paper is as to what extent it would be correct to assume
that this expansion was independent of the changes taking place in the status of
the township as á military/administrative station. In other words this paper seeks
to ascertain if Bayana's case is that of an urban centre not conforming to
Bernier's characterization of the towns in Mughal India being title more than
armed camps.1

1.3 During the first half of the 15th century, Bayana was the seat of power of the
Auhadi rulers who controlled a sizeable territory in the region. In 1451 A.D.,
Bahlol Lodi annexed Bayana and constituted the territory controlled from there
into a sarkar. 2 Babur in his revenue list, which was based on the records of
Ibrahim Lodi's time, mentions Bayana as a sar/car%headquarter3 Apparently,
under the Lodi's down to Sikander Lodi reign, Agra was only a village in sarkar
Bayana.4 Some time during Sikandar Lodi's reign (1490-1 51 8.A.D.), the
township of Agra was established by Sikandar Lodi. He also developed it as a
major seat of power of the Lodi's. It was at this time that the nine parganas were
separated from sarkar Bayana to constitute the new sarkar of Agra.5
Subsequently, down to the end of Humayun's reign, Bayana continued to be an

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228

important military station and a sarkar headquarter though the territory

controlled from Bayana was now much less extensive than what it was before
the creation of sarkar of Agra. That under the first two Mughal rulers as v/ell as
under the Surs, Bayana remained an important military station is borne by the
names of highly placed persons who held its command throughout this period.6
Under Humayun the fort of Bayana was also used for imprisoning the highly
placed nobles who had fallen from kings' favour and the commandant of the fort
was also made responsible for keeping a watch over these prisoners. In 1533
A.D. when Mirza Muhammad Sultan and Muhammad Zaman Mirza escaped
from imprisonment at Bayana and joined Bahadur Shah at Chittor, the
commandant of fort, Yadgar Taghai, was removed from his position.7 He was
replaced as the commandant of Bayana by Muhammad Sultan Bakhshi who is
credited for building a pavilion inside the fort in 1533-34 A.D.8 Under Sher Shah,
Bayana was held by Ghazi Khan Sur, one of the cousins of the first Sur ruler.9

1 .4 The fort of Bayana continued to be used as a high security prison during thë first
four years of Akbar's reign as well. Shah Abul Maali, who was imprisoned at the
time of Akbar's accession remained confined at Bayana down to March 1560
A.D., when he was released from there by Bairam Khan, after the announcement
of his dismissal from the position of Wakil us Sultanate 10 But it seems during the
subsequent years of Akbar's reign, Bayana steadily lost its significance as an
administrative and military station. It seems that after 1560 A.D., it was no longer
used as high security prison. From this time onwards important state prisoners
were kept at Gwalior. Mirza Kamran's son, Mirza Abùl Qasim, was apparently
sent to Gwalior some time in 1560 A.D. He was killed there by one of the
Kachwaha nobles guarding over him in 1564 A.D.11 It seems during the same
period Bayana lost its status as a sarkar headquarter. Bayana is mentioned as a
pargana of Sarkar Agra in Ain-i-Akbari ,12 This would suggest that some time
before 1590, 13 sarkar Bayana was merged in the newly created sarkar Agra
thus reducing Bayana's administrative status to that of a pargana headquarter.
The fact that one does not come across names of important nobles holding the
position of the hakim of Bayana during the subsequent years of Akbar's reign
strongly suggests the down grading of Bayana as a military of faujdari head
quarter as well.

1.5 At the the same time, the archaeological remains clearly indicate the expansion
of the Bayan^ township upto the village Brahmbad towards the east during the
same period. The location of Idgah of Akbar's period and that of Maryam
Zamani's baoli in the vicinity of the same village and similar other remains
already discussed in my previous paper indicate of this expansion. This is also
supported by literary evidence suggesting the flourishing of different kinds of
small scale manufactures at and around Bayana, of which perhaps the most
important were indigo, special quality of sugar and high 4 quality hena. Bayana is
also mentioned for its excellent mangoes and melons. 4 Bayana's growing urban
status of the period is also suggested by the literary evidence that we have on its
position as an important centre of Islamic learning and culture. During the Sur
regime, Bayana had emerged as an important centre of Mahdavi's under the
leadership of Shaikh Abdullah Niazi.15 Shaikh Sadullah, the great grammarian is
reported to have lived at Bayana during the same period.16

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 229

1. 6 Wiiliam Finch passed through Bayana in 1608 A.D. He noticed that the main
sarai at Bayana was occupied by local Ģujars.17 Similarly, Peter Mundi who
visited Bayana in 1633 A.D., refers to the complex round Maryam Zameni's baoli
near Brahmabad as a ruined place.18 It is significant that one does not come
across any information suggesting the revival of urban expansion at Bayana
during the subsequent period. The archaeological remains of the period also do
not give lhe impression of an urban revival. The only archaeological remains of
some significance of th^ period is the so called Lai Mahal. (Bhitri Muhallah)
which might be ascribed to Shahiahan's or tetter times on account of the
presence of multifoliated arches.1 This solitary remain at Bayana of the
post-Jahangir period cannot be treated as an archaeological evidence testifying
;he reversal of urban decay that appears to have set in at Bayana about the turn
of the centjry.

1.7 One might suggest that the urban expansion at Bayana during the second half
of lho sixteenth century was promoted basically by the trade and commerce
passing through the place. It is well known that after the emergence of Surat as
an important port in the Gulf of Cambay and tne arrival of the Portuguese in the
Indian waters, the trade route across Ajmer and Marwar that connected Agra with
Ahmedabad and Surat had become very important20 Apparently, during the
recond half of the 16th century Bayana became an important station on this
rou:e which would perhaps account for its tremendous growth during trie same
periocř. In this light, one might assume that the urban decay at Bayana during the
first half of the seventeenth century was perhaps a consequence of the shifting .
of this trade áway from Bayana.

1 .8 At this stage of my research, I am not in a position to say with any degree of

certainty as to what were the reasons for the sudden decline in the general trade
passing through Bayana around the beginning of the seventeenth century. One
rather vague conjecture could be that in the beginning of the 1 7th century the
bulk of the trade between Agra, and Gujarati ports, perhaps, had shifted to
Agra-Gwalior-Burhanpur route. This could have been partly also facilitated by the
enhanced security of the Gwalior Burhąnpur route after the annexation of
Khandesh and Balaghat region to the Mughal empire in 1 600-1 601 . Such a trend
would have been further strengthened by the emergence of the port of Surat,
with its hinterland extending over a major part of south-eastern Gujarat. Balaghat
and the valleys of the rivers Tapti and Narmada in general.

1 .9 Another explanation of the shifting of the general trade from Bayana could have
been that, sometime towards the end of the sixteenth century or in the beginning
of the seventeenth century the Mughal imperial highway connecting Agra with
Ajmer seems to have shifted away from Bayana. Instead of going towards Ajmer
via Bayana this highway now made a detour towards the north, passing through
the point where at present Bharatpur is located. It proceeded first to Amber and
then extended upto Kishangarh and Ajmer, along the alignment of present
Jaipur-Ajmer highway. This would completely leave out Bayana in the
backwaters. Such a shifting of. the imperial highway is clearly suggested by the
alignment of the surviving kos-minars between Agra and Ajmer.21

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230

1.10 The total absence of any kind of evidence suggesting the urban revival at
Bayana during the whole seventeenth century is noteworthy. This would indicate
that the steady increase in the indigo production in the region and dramatic rise
in the quantity of indigo exported from Bayana to Surat during the first half of the
seventeenth century did not make any appreciable impact on fhe status of
Bayana as an urban centre. It in turn goes to suggest that the small scale
production that grew at and around Bayana during this period was basically a
rural phenomenon. The indigo manufacture by its very nature was an agro-based
industry which would alwaýs be located in the villages. The town of Bayana was
no doubt the place where the vast quantities of indigo produced in adjoining
villages was marketed. But, it seems, the growing market of indigo at Bayana
during the first half of the 17th century failed to stimulate the urban economy of
the place to the point where it could even partially off-set the adverse effects of
the shifting of general trade from there.

1.11 It is however, significant to note that this expansion of the indigo production in
the Bayana region did not last for long. We do have evidence suggesting the
rapid decline of indigo production in the Bayana region after 1667 A.D. This is for
example illustrated by the fact that while Palsaert (1613 A.D.) and De Laet (1625
A.D.) give lists of 2422 and 2223 Bayana villages respectively that produced
indigo, an Arhsatta 24 of 1693 A.D. indicates that out of 191 villages of pargana
Bayana, indigo was being produced only in two villages. This should further
explain the total absence of any evidence suggesting even the partial reversal of
urban decay at Bayana Under the impact of indigo trade. Apparently, the Bayana
region experienced the expansion of indigo production and the accompanying
stimulus to its marketing .at Bayana town only for a short period. It seemingly
failed to make any noticeable impact on the urban structuring of Bayana.

Notes and References

1. Travels in the Mughal Empire A.D. 1656-1668 , by Francois Bernier, tr. by Arch
Constable, Revised by V.A. Smith, Oxford University Press, London, p. 246.
2. Some Aspect of Afghan Despotism in India , by Iqtidar Husain Siddiqi, 1 969, Aligarh, p.
who cites Waqiat-i Mushtaqi ff. 14a-b.
3. Babur Nama , tr. by Beveridge, S, p. 521 .
4. Some Aspect of Afghan Despotism in India , p„ 141.
5. Ibid

6. Some of the important nobles holding the charge of Bayana during

Nizam Khan, Yadgar Taghai, Muhammad Sultan Bakshi, Adii Shah,
Haider Akhta Begi. Compare, Babur Nama (tr.) p. 538 Humayun Na
and Fall of the Mughal Empire , pp. 1 43, 1 44.
7. Humayun Nama by Gulbadan Begum, tr. by A.S. Beveridge, Delhi,
also see Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire , R.P. Tripathi, Allahabad, 1
8. See Iqtidar Alam Khan, "New Light on the History of Early Timurid M
Refer to Aligarh volume, IHC Session Srinagar, 1986, Deptt. of History, A
9. Compare. 'Rise and Fall of the Mughal Empire ", p. 1 43.

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 231

10. Akbar Nama by Abul Fazl tr. by H. Beveridge, vol. II, pp. 30, 152; Muntakhabut Tawarikh ,
vol. Ill, p. 108.
11 . Mirza Kammrani A Biographical Study by Iqtidar Alam Khan, Delhi, 1964, p. 54.
12. Ain-i Akbari , Abul Fazl, Nawal Kishore vol. II, p.85.
1 3. It is the probable date of compilation of Ain-i - Akbari's data.
14. Ain-i Akbari , by Abul Fazl, ed. by Nawal Kishore, vol. II, p. 85; see also
Khulshat-ut-Tawarikh , p. 39, where melons are also mentioned.
1 5. * Rise and Fail of the Mughal Empire " , pp. 1 48- 49.
1 6. Ain-i Akbari , vol I , p. 1 67.

17. Early Travels in India , Ed. by W. Foster, p. 174

1 8. Travels of Peter Mundi in Europe and Asia , Vol. II, London, 1 81 4, p. 1 01 .
19. See my paper, " Growth of Pre-Modern Township of Bayana ", presented to IHC, Gorakhpur,
. 1989.

20. For the details of this route see Irfan Habib, An Atlas of the Mughal Empire , O.U.P, 19
Sheet 6B, note on Agra to Ajmer route, Cf. Travels of Peter Mundi in Europe and Asia ,
II, p. 1 01 ; De Imperio Maoni Mogo lies , p. 45; Early Travels in India , p. 1 48.
21. Refer Annual Progress Report of the Superintendent, Muhammadan and Brit
Monuments, Northern Circle, for the year ending 31 March 1914, Allahabad, 1914.
22. Jahangir's India, p. 13.
23. De Imperio Magno MogoHes, p. 45.
24. Arhsattapargana Bayana and Sikandarabad , 1750 VS (1693 A.D.) Rajasthan State
Architects, Bikaner

Appendix A

Indigo export from Bayana

Year Quantity exported

(in A.D.) (bales mans sers)

1615** 33 132 5,280

1617*** 355 1,420 56,800
1621 + 400 1,600 64,000
1618-21 ++ 2,090.5 8,362 334,480
1634-36 +++ 5,713 22,852 914,080
1637-41 A 1,037 4,148 165,920
1 642-45 AA 500 2,000 80,000
1643 AA 2,000 8,000 320,000
TOTAL 12,128.5 48,514 1,940,560
EFI, (abbreviation for English Factories in In
* EFI, 1642-45, p. 234. "The English Supplie
Indigo". This means one bale = 4 great mans
** Letter received, vol. Ill, 1615 A.D. p.- 69.
*** Ibid., Vol. VI, 161 7 A.D. p. 110.
+ Jahangir's India (Jl) by Francisco Palsaert, tr. by W.H. Moreland and P. Goel, Delhi,
1972, p. 13.
++ EFI, 1618-21 , pp. 69, 183, 323; "3562 great mans ( = 890 bales); 1000 bales (4000
great mans) in 1620 A.D.; 200 bales ( = 800 great mans) in 1621 A.D."

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232

+++ 1 634-36, pp. 1 ,9,12,90; 6000 mans ( = 1 500 bales in 1634; 1 673 bales (6692
great mans); 3000 mans (= 750 bales); 543 bales (2172 great mans)"
EFI, 1637-41, pp. 192,197,220; "500 bales (2000 great mans) In 1638, 500 bales
(2000 great mans) in 1639; 37 bales (148 great mans)".
EFI, 1642-43, p. 85.
Ibid

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