SIGNIFICANCE OF TELIAGARHI FORT DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

Author(s): Yogendra P. Roy

Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 2001, Vol. 62 (2001), pp. 1069-1077
Published by: Indian History Congress

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 SIGNIFICANCE OF TELIAGARHI FORT
DURING THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
Yogendra P. Roy

Very few scholars have dwelt on the history of the fort of Teli
all the ages. In his classic studies, K.K. Basu, former professor of
History, T.N.J. College, Bhagalpur, drew attention to the history of
the zamindar oTTeliagarhi.1 Anirudha Ray has devoted few paragraphs
to Teliagarhi pass,2 when Bakhtiyar-ud-din Khilji made his inroads
into Bengal in 1 202 AD. The accounts of Basu is based on the revenue
records, records of the Qanungo's office and local traditions. Ray's
discussion, however, stands only for the identification of marching
route of Bakhtiyar against Nadia.
In this paper, we would attempt to give evidences fresh gleaned
from archaeological evidence, Hindi (kaithi), Bangala, Urdu and
Persian texts, some of them unpublished, that shed light on the fort.
The present evidence provides fresh light on the nature, working and
significance of Teliagarhi fort during the seventeenth century.
The fort of Teliagarhi is located at 25°15,N, 87°37'E. It is situated
just beside eastern loop-line of Indian Railway about 14 Kms west of
Sahibganj College in Sahibganj district of newly created Jharkhand
state. The fort is built with black stones in the dense jungle upon the
northern spur of Rajmahal hills, through which old Teliagarhi-Rajmahal
military road passed, which has been recorded in an old Portuguese
map3 drawn by Van den Broucke (1660) as Blochmann refers to, which
is verified from the Akbarnama4 and modern maps.* Teliagarhi also
formed a zamindari mahal of a narrow strip of land having an area6 of
9412 acres, yielding revenue 200,000 dams7 during Akbar's time.
Keeping in mind the strategic and commercial significance of
Teliagarhi fort, I decided to study the site, seven years back as dozens
of 13th century silver coins of Nasiruddin Mahmud and Ghaysuddin
Balban, the Sultans of Delhi and some Sharqi and Bengal Sultans were
found in September 1993, during a stone mining near the southern
area of the fort. On the basis of that cursory survey, I had presented a
paper entitled łTeliagarhi: A Forgotten Fort', at the 55th session of
Indian History Congress, Aligarh, 1994. I had gone there again in
March' 1998. The aim of this survey trip was to identify the surviving
structures of the massive walls of the fort, system of water supply
from the Ganga, dockyard of the northern portion of the hill slopes,
technique used in the building of prison, market place, spot of

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1070 l HC: Proceedings , 62nd Session , 2001

garrisons, mosque, tombs and finally road which connected Teliagarhi

- Rajmahal route.
The earliest reference to Teliagarhi fort is available from the
seventh century Chinese source'.8 In his travelogue the Chinese pilgrim
Hiuen Tsang referred to a 'lofty belvedere built stone and brick, its
base was broad and high',9 while he was going to Kajangala10 after*
visiting Champa (Bhagalpur). Hiuen Tsang does not say anything about
the nature of the 'tower' but from his description, we obtain information
that it was certainly a Buddhist monastery. The next reference is
available from a twelfth century Bengali text Ramcharitam , when the
poet spoke about the army of Pala King, Rampala on the hills in 'Great
forest area'. 11 Francis Buchanan12 was the first to survey this fort in
1810-11, followed by Alexander Cunningham13 in the late 19th century
who presented the location and gloomy picture of its archaeological
remains. Our aim is to locating and documenting the remains mentioned
by Buchanan and Cunningham in their brief reports. Our survey
revealed that it was a strong14 and large fort also containing numerous
ruined structures not yet noticed.
The word Teliagarhi is better known as Gaorhi in medieval times.
The term 'Garhi'15 has first appeared as one of the mahals of Sarkar
Lakhnauti in Ain-i Akbari. It lay at the boundary between Sarkar
Lakhnauti in Suba Bengal and Sarkar Munger in Bihar. Garhi' of Abul
Fazl stands for Teliagarhi of later time as its ' maliiC was by caste a
Teli16 (oilman). Abul Fazl looked upon it as the entrance or 'key of
Bengal',17 which he compared with that of the fort of Sehwan
(Siwastan), on the Indus as the key of Sindh and Barahmula in
Kashmir.18

The MS of revenue records concerning Teliagarhi bearing Tauzi

No. 407 etc. found in Revenue record office, Rajmahal, throw light on
the interesting history of Teliagarlii estate.19 It states that in course of
Man Singh's expeditions against Bengal in 1008H (1599-1600AD),
he conferred the zamindari of Garhi upon Ranbhim Singh Choudhary
and Sarmat Singh Choudhary by confiscating from Dario Sahu, a teli
(oilman) zamindar, who hindered the forces of Man Singh.20 The
Akbarnama testifies to it, when it states about 'a secret path passing
through the territory of the teli Rajah'.21 It may be accidental that the
name of the fort does not occur in Ramcharitam of Sandhykarnandin,
Tabaqat-i Akbari , Tabaqat-i Nasiri and in Irfan Habib's 'Political
Geography of Northern India, First half of the Thirteenth Century',
published by IHC, 58th session, Bangalore, 1997. However, Habib's
Atlas carries territorial names.22 The existence of fort in the thirteenth
century is apparent, as óne can notice from thirteenth century coins

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 Medieval India 1 07 1

unearthed from a stone mine in the

The scholars arqued that study of i
Bihar-Bengal through Teliagarhi pass
of the strategic significance of Telia
raids against the Buddhist monastery
distance of 30 kms West of the fort. If
Teliagarhi pass to enter into Bengal,
Lakshmanavati, western capital of Bengal. But Minhaj is clear
Bakhtyar's first raid on Nadia. However, he does not say anything
about the pass of Teliagarhi.24 For this argument we have used R.C.
Majumdar's ed. History of Bengal, Vol.1 , Calcutta, 1943. Majumdar's
work has been supplemented by A.B.M. Habibullah's, The Foundation
of Muslim Rule in India , Rep. Allahabad, 1971 and James Browne's
India Tracts , London, 1788. It is very likely that Lakshmansena of
Bengal was expecting Bakhtyar to advance from Bihar along the Ganga
through Teliagarhi pass. Therefore, the Senas posted their forces on
military route of the pass, which was a direct line of Gaur /
Lakshmanvati. Following this situation Bakhtyar might have left this
route and planned a surprised attack on Nadia ('Nodia' of Minhaj) by
a difficult and unpopular route through 'bar jungles' of Jharkhand.25
This route was used by Sher Shah against Humayun in 1538, when
Sher Shah returned from Gaur by as well as, Mir Jumla in March 1 659,
while chasing Shah Shuja with the help of Bahroz Singh, a zamindar
of Kharagpur.26 A 18th century document27 compiled by Browne shows
that this route was good for carrying of the field artillery. As late as
1742-43>laratha Chief Balaji Rao had surprised Nawab Ali vardi Khan
by using this route.28 Historical events of Holwell is among the early
texts which contains full description of Maratha march through South-
East plains of Jharkhand.29 But Holwell in his account gives no
territorial names except Bhagalpur and Baniaganj (now Baniadih)
which lies 35 Kms South-West of Teliagarhi fort.
In early 17th century this route of Jharkhand was so well known
and frequented, that the 'Biparries' (traders) used to drive their loaded
bullocks through it, to avoid the duties paid at Teliagarhi pass.30 The
English Archaeologist, J.D. Beglar toured this part of Jharkhand in
1 874-75 and 1875-76, and found temples an á Sarais of Jain merchants
who used this route from the 8th to the 11th Centuries.31 The
Ramcharitam leaves us in no doubt that Bengal was connected with
Kuntala (Southern region of Bombay and North-Western part of
Mysore), Lata (Gujrat, including Bharoch, Baroda and Ahmadabad),
Anga (Bhagalpur), Karnata (South Indian region) and Madhyadesha
by road.32 These roads are shown on Rennell's Bengal Atlas .33 The

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1072 ¡HC: Proceedings , 62nd Session, 200 J

road from Bihar to Bengal via Anga (Bhagalpur) connecting old

Teliagarhi-Rajmahal military road. It was parallel to the river Ganga.34
the other traversed Jharkhand north to south-west, connecting
Teliagarhi to the road running from Bengal to north-west India, what
Browne calls Morisson's Pass ,35 which the Marathas used for their
Bengal expeditions.
With the beginning of the 16th century, the Teliagarhi fort was
been associated with the expansion of the Mughal imperialism in north-
east India. The wealth of Bengal impelled Humayun to launch an
expedition against Sher Shah. Sher Shah took his post at Teliagarhi
and fortified the fort.36 The old walls were repaired and garrisons were
posted under the command of Jalal Khan and Khawas Khan. Gulbadan
Begam recorded that 'His Majesty' camped at Kahalgaon37 against
Sher Shah and after defeat of Jahangir Beg, he did 'advance a stage
and go up to Garhi'.38
Abul Fazl that the gives clear evidence Teliagarhi fort had grown
into an important fort the mid 17th century. Daud retired to prepare
his position and found Teliagarhi fort so strong, that he could hold the
Mughals at bay for a year'. Sangram Singh39 and Puran Mai40 the
zamindars of Kharagpur and Gidhaur respectively, joined hands with
Munim Khan and this left Teliagarhi fort for Khan Qaqshal and Qiya
Khan.41 The Riyaz-s-Salatin42 a full description also gives of fierce
battles of Teliagarhi.
Huge and strong fortifications were made during the war of
succession among the sons of Shahjahan, when Shah Shuja was being
chased43 by Mir Jumla and Behroz Singh of Kharagpur.44 The fugitive
Prince came across the jungles of Jharkhand and reached Teliagarhi.
The Alamgirnama4* states that Shuja camped at Rangamati46 and halted
there for fifteen days (10th-24th March' '658) for fortifying the fort.
Traces of works done by Shuja at the fort can easily be seen there.
Inspite of political instability of Bengal, the trade of Teliagarhi
was being carried out. The fort was connected to both hilly hinterland
as well as the river Ganga. This was the only huge fort in Bengal,
which had a dockyard. The dockyard was made on northern portion of
the foot of Rajmahal hills, which was under water47 and southern
portion of hills was sky-ascending48 upon which the fort was built.
While planning the fort, all reasonable precautions were taken to
overcome the problems of the protection of the commercial boats/ships.
Under the circumstances of the long surface of the foot of the hills,
the safe loading and unloading of commercial boats etc. was possible.
The existence of a dockyard in the premises of the fort suggests that
the place was economically very important and was inhabited mostly

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 Medieval India 1 073

by the trading community. Owing to

and jungle route, the fort was also a
army moving through the land route.49
The entire southern regions of the fo
was covered by a wild jungle and form
days of RennelTs survey (1773). Th
languages furnish names of the tree
where Akbar's regulation was not ex
the total area under various crops as
trees that are recorded in the document are mahua (Madhuca Indica).
Sal (Shorea Robusta), A rjuna (Terminalia Arjuna), white teak (Gmeline
Arbirea), Palmyrapalm (Borassus Flabellifer),Szs.stf0 (Dalbergia Sisso),
Silk Cotton tree (Salmalia malabarica), Tiril (Diosptros malanoxvion ).
Mango, Kookoo (Albizia lebbecck), Khirni (Manilkara hexandra) and
bamboo. Due to jungle and hilly tracts, transport of heavy commercial
items, such as woods through land route was a problem, the river routes
were easy and practical.
By land route the timbers were carried in carts driven by buffaloes.
The hill produce, such as honey, silk-worm, different qualities of fruits,
such as mango, Jamun (Jambolana/Syzygium cumini), Tamarind
(Tamaridus indica), Jackfruit, Kendu (Tiril) sharifa (sugar Apple/
Annona souamosa), Guava, and herbs, such as Chrita (Indian Aloe/
Aloe barbadensis), Siris (Kokko/Albizia lebbick), Amia (Caertmblic)
Embica (officinalis), Lajwanti (Sensitive plant/Mimsa pudica), Tulsi
(Holy basil/ocimum sanctum), Asok (Astooka tree/Saria Indica), Nim
and its brother Persian lilao. The maps of Rennell and Habib do not
mention the names of these trees, except bamboos and in other
commercial items such as tasar silk. The hill produce was brought
and was exchanged in the market of the fort with the articles imported
from the other areas. Browne noted custom-house/river chowkey al
Teliagarhi in the 18th century.53
It will be noticed that the third volume Akbarnama, is fairly full
of references to Garhi/Teliagarhi fort through which the Ganga issued.54
The Akbarnama narrative excited much interest and there have been
various attempts to work out its history. Most of these create no
problem, since they are easily located from modern maps55 or from
maps based on Mughal period information.56 Rennell's work, however,
leaves no doubt that Teliagarhi had an inland navigation route that
connected Teliagarhi to Allahabad via Bañaras and Patna. Beyond
Teliagarhi, the trade goods moved to and from places like Rajmahal,
Malda, Hugli and Dacca. On Habib's Atlas it is shown as main
navigation Channel for tonnage of larger boats /ships during the 17th

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1074 IHC : Proceedings , 62nd Session, 2001

century.58

The sustenance of Teliagarhi seems to have been provided by the

trans-Himalyan traffic through the Ganga and Bay of Bengal as well
as to the overland trade routes through jungle tracts of Jharkhand. Its
principal linkage was the river Ganga and not the vast hinterland which
ferried its raw materials to the other cities. Owing to the close proximity
of Patna, Rajmahal, Hugli, Dacca, the importance of Teliagarhi
increased.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

I . K.K. Basu, 'The Early History of the Zamindars of Bhagalpur'. Bengal

Present, Vol. XLIII, 1935, p. 120, also sec the same author, 'The History of T
and Maduban ' Journal of Bihar Orissa Research Society , Patna. 1953. p
2. Aniruddha Ray, 'Urbanisation in Medieval Bengal C. AD. 1200 to C AD
Address of the Sectional President, 53rd Session, Warangal, 1993, p. 14 1
3. H. B lochmann, 7/45/?, XIII, 1873, p.220. This map showed a principal ro
through Patna, Munger and Rajmahal to Suiti in Bengal. Qanungo, too refer
old military road from Gaur to Bihar, passing through Munger and Rajmah
SherShah and his Times 1965, p. 1 39. .Qanungo adds that Mahmud Shah
sent his army against Sher Shah in 1534 along this road, and that the Gran
Road in this section represents this old road.
4. Abul Faz',Akbarnama , Vol. III, tr. H. Beveridge, reprint 1989, p. 151.
5. James Rennell, A Map of Hindustan or The Mughal Empire and Beng
London, 1778, ed. B.P. Ambasthya, Patna, 1975. also see Irfan Habib. An
the Mughal Empire , reprint Delhi, 1986, pp. 10 A & B. Also James Brow
Tracts , London, 1788.

6: Capt. Sherwil, Geographical and Stdtisticcl Report of the District of Bhagalpur.

Brehampur, 1852.
7. Abul Fazl, Ain-i A kbari, Vol.11, tr. Jarrett, reprint third ed. Delhi. 1978, p. 144.
8. T. Watters,0/i Yuan Chwang 's Travels in India, vol.11, London. 1905. pp. 182-193.
also see S. Beai, Buddhist. Records of the Western World , tr. from the Chinese of
Hiuen Tsang, vol.11, London, 1906, pp. 193-204.
9. T. Watters, op. cit., also see S. Beai, op.cit.
10. Kajangala Mandai (Kankjol) was near Rajmahal about 25 kms. east of Teliagarhi
fort. At present it is a small village. Hiuen Tsang who travelled to Bengal about 638
AD tells about Kajangla. At Kajangala, he saw six or seven Buddhist monasteries
vide, Watters, op.cit., p. 183. The pilgrim refers to a court held by Harshavardhana
at Kajangala after his return from the conquest of Kangoda (a territory in Orissa) in
643 AD, vide, Shaman Hwui Li, The Life of Hiuen Tsang , Tr. S. Beai, London.
191 1, p. 172, also see Sandhyahkarnandin, Rame ha ri tam. Ed. H. Sastri, Tr. R. Basak.
Calcutta, 1910, Rep. 1969, p. 127, Chap. II, verse-b, Kankjol was one of the mahals
of Sarkar Tanda, vide, Ain-i Akbari, tr. H.S. Jarrett, Rep. New Delhi, 1978. p. 142.
also compare, H.A. Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India , London. 1871.
pp.477-479.
Ramcharitam , op.cit.. Chap. Ill, verses, 42. B A, p.75, see also Chap. I. verse. 43. B.
p.29.

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 Medieval India 1075

12. Oldham, Journal of Francis Buchanan of

pp.102, 104, also see appendix 4, pp. 243-24
13. Alexander Cunningham, op. cit.
14. Compare, A kbarnama, op. cit. r p. 151.
15. Ain-i Akbari, vol. II, op. cit., p. 144. The G
Beveridge, London, 1902, p. 1 34, Tabaqat-i A
p. 622 and in Akbar Nama, vol. III, op. cit. In
Gorij, vide, De Barros, Asia ( 1494-1570).
16. Akbarnama , op. cit. The basic word in t
caste, not a concoction by some scholars of l
neighbourhood. Henry Beveridge ignores th
hereby implying the sense 'black stones', wh
of the fort, vide, Calcutta Review, ł Sahibga
70.

17. Ain-i Akbari, vol.1, tr. H. Blochmann, N

Akbarnama , op. cit., for łGadhi is the g
Tawarikh , vol.11, tr. W.H. Lowe, Badaoni, Muntakhabu-t Tawarikh, vol.11, tr. W.H.
Lowe, Rev. B P. Ambashthya, Patna, 1973, pp.186, 232, 235, 290.
18 Ain-i Akbari, op. cit., p. 356.
19. Report of the Record Keeper, Revefiue Office ftąjmahal, MS, 1008-1221 Fasli ( 1 606-
1813 A.D.). The author is grateful to Deelip Singl* and their brothers of Sahibganj,
who allowed him to use an early 19th century document concerning Teliagarhi Raj
Reyasat, in their possession, (Urdu).
20. Report of the Record Keeper, Revenue Office, Rajmahal, op. cit.
21. Akbarnama, vol. Ill, op. cit.
22. Habib, op. cit.
23. The arguments of Bakhtyar's plunder on Vikramshila have been accounted by the
later scholars, which are based on the 15th century Taranath's account, see Indian
Antiquary, iv, p. 366-7, also see Taranath, Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien
(History of Buddhism in India), Tr. Anton, schiefner, St. Petersbug, 1869.
Dharmaswami, the Tibetan traveller, who visited India between 1234-1236 A.D.
does not say anything about the plunder of Vikramshila monastery when he mentions
of other Buddhist centres like Nalanda and Udantapuri.
24. Minhaj-uddin, Tabaqat-i Nasiri, vol.1, tr. Raverty, London, 1881, Rep. Delhi, 1970,
• pp. 550-58, also see Sharit Shekhar Majumdar, Teliagarhi Prangne, Calcutta, 1978,
(Bengali).
25. The route enters into Bengal through the plains of Sultanabad, i.e., north-east angles
of the cluster of Rajmahal hüls, James Browne calls it 'Morisson Pass'. For
Bakhtyar's route see A.B.M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India ,
Lahore, 1945, Rep. Allahabad, 1971 , p. 7 1 , also see ed. R.C. Majumdar, History of
Bengal, Vol.1, Rep. Patna, 1971, p. 223.
26. Yogendra P. Roy, 'Agrarian Reforms in Sarkar Munger under Raja Bahroz Singh
( 1 63 1 -76) of Kharagpur' , Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 60th session,
Calicut, 1999, pp. 287-88.
27. James Browne, India Tracts, London, 1788, pp.11, 12, 14.
28. Ibid.

29. J.Z. Hoi well, Interesting Historical Events, London, 1766, First Part, p. 13

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1076 IHC : Proceedings, 62nd Session, 200/

The Map No. 2.

30. James Browne, op. cil.
31. J. D. Beglar, Report of the Tours in South-Eastern Provinces in 1875-76'.
An 'haeological Survey of India. XIII, Rep. 1970.
32. Ramcharitam, op. cit., p. 69, v. 24. B.
33. James Rennell, op. cit., Plate U.
34. J.N. Sarkar, The History of Bengal, (Muslim Period) 1200-1757. rep. Patna. 197 I .
p.200.
35. James Browne, op. cit.
36. J.N. Sarkar, History of Bengal, Vol.11, Dacca, 1948, p. 173.
37. Kahalgaon is located 30 Kms west of Teliagarhi fort.
38. Gulbadan Begam, Humayunnama , op. cit., p. 134, also see Nizamuddin Ahmad.
Tahaqat-i Akbari , op. cit., pp.65, 68.
39. Akharnama , op. cit., p. 1 50, 696. For Sangram Singh also see Yogendra P. Roy. Raja
Roz Afzun of Kharagpur' (AD 1601-31), Proceedings of the Indian History
Congress. Mysore Session, 1993, pp. 357-58.
40. Akharnama , op. cit. For full details of Purna Mal of Gidhaur Raj, see Kcshavchandra
Misra, Chandel Aur Unka Rajatwakal , Nagriprachani Sabha. Varanasi. Sambai.
201 1 , pp. 279-89 (Hindi).
41. Akharnama . op. cit., pp. 151 -53.
42. Ghulam Hussain Salim, Riyaz-us Salatin, ed. Maulwi Abdul Haquc. Calcutta. 1902.
163.

43. N. Manucci, Storia do Mogor, vol.1, tr. W. Irvine, rep. Calcutta. 1925. pp. 568-69.
45. Munshi Muhammad Kazim, A lamg i mama. ed. M. Khadim Hussain and M. Abdul
Hai, Calcutta, 1888, p.31.
46. Rangamati is also «tiled Lalmati. Presently it is small village situated mid way
between Teliagarhi and Sakrigali about !5 kins east of the fort, see Rangamati on
Habib's Atlas, op. cit., plate 10A.
47. Akharnama , vol. III. op. cit., p. 15 1 .
48. Ibid.

49. Ibid.

50. It is recorded as Bar Jungle (Terrifying woods) by Manucci op.cit.

51. Rennell's maps are only source for forest line. see. his Bengal Atlas, op.ci
N.IX, N. XV, forests of Rajmahal are also shown on Habib's Atlas of the M
Empire, op.cit. 10B, 11 B. Also compare, B'. Sahni & A. Rao. 'On some J
Plants from the Rajmahal Hills', Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
New Series, vol. XX VII, 1931, pp. 183-204. Our present source of commercial
tree of Teliagarhi mahal are based on the 17th century revenue records, a
under the private possession of the grandsons of Babu Dharmadeo Singh, a za
of Teliagarhi mahal. presently residing in Sahibganj (Jharkhand).
52. W.H. Moreland. The Agrarian System of Moslem india , Allahabad. 1 929, p
53. J. Browne, op.cit.. p. 1 2.
54. Akharnama , op.cit.
55. J. Rennell, op.cit.. Plates, II, IX, XV, Oldham, op.cit.. map shown after in

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 Medieval India 1 077

56. The maps drawn by Irfan Habib are worth

of the Mughal Empire , op. cit., Plates, 10B
57. Rennell, op. cit., pp. 12, 14,26.
,58. Irfan Habib, op. cit.

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