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(2015) Vieira - Filho - SAINT JOAQUIM - S FORT
(2015) Vieira - Filho - SAINT JOAQUIM - S FORT
ARTIGO
SAINT JOAQUIM'S FORT: FROM THE MILESTONE OF THE
PORTUGUESE OCCUPATION ON THE RIO BRANCO VALLEY
TO THE BATTLES OF MEMORY - XVIII TO XX CENTURIES
Abstract Resumo
This article talks about the role of Saint Este artigo trata do papel do Forte São Joaquim na
Joaquim’s Fort in the consolidation of the consolidação da fronteira e da ocupação do vale do
border and of the occupation of the Rio rio Branco, localizado no atual estado de Roraima.
Branco valley, located in the current State Busca compreender o processo de ocupação da
of Roraima. It strives to comprehend the região no final do século XVIII e XIX, descrever
process of occupation of the region in a política colonial portuguesa e imperial brasileira.
the end of the XVIII and XIX centuries, Discutir questões relacionadas à memória do
describe the colonial policies of the Forte São Joaquim, procurando dar maior ênfase
Portuguese and the Brazilian Empire aos sujeitos participantes desse processo. Além
alike, to discuss questions related to the da discussão sobre a disputa pela memória do
memory of Saint Joaquim’s Fort, trying to Forte São Joaquim, questão que envolve diversos
emphasize the subjects who participated in segmentos da sociedade roraimense, memória que foi
this process. Moreover, there is a discussion apropriada pelas chamadas famílias “pioneiras”,
about the dispute over Saint Joaquim’s Fort, em que algumas delas têm suas origens ligadas a
a question that involves several segments ex-integrantes da fortificação, e a utilizam para
of Roraima’s society, a memory that was justificar suas posses e consolidar seu lugar social.
appropriated by the so called “pioneer”
families because some of them had their Palavras-Chave: Roraima; Forte de São
origins bound to ex-participants of the Joaquim; Memória.
fortification and utilized them to justify
their possessions and to consolidate their
social place.
* Graduated in History from the Federal University of Santa Catarina (1988), Masters in History from the
Federal University of Santa Catarina (1994). Doctor in History from the Federal University of Pernambuco
(2003). Post doctorate from the Federal University of Pará (2015). He is currently associate professor at the
Federal University of Roraima.
** Graduated in Bachelor in History from the Federal University of Pará (2007), graduated in Full Degree in
History from the Federal University of Pará (2006) and Masters in History from the Federal University of Santa
Maria (2013).
In the mid-XIX century, although it was little attractive for the settlers, the Rio
Branco valley was already a reality as a non-indigenous occupation area. However,
without an action from the Portuguese State, on the second half of the XVIII cen-
tury, by means of the construction of Saint Joaquim’s Fort and of other occupation
policies, it would have its realization postponed.
In this region, some European nations acknowledged the geographical area and
of their people before the Portuguese did, therefore they had already planned stra-
tegies with geopolitical purposes, what originated some conflicts between Spanish
and Dutch, even though they were indirect, for the control of the influence over the
indigenous and for the border zone1.
The Rio Branco valley, as it was so with all Amazon, was already populated,
at the time the Portuguese arrived, by several indigenous ethnicities, which already
had strong social, political and cultural structure. Thus, by the time the Portuguese
arrived in the Branco River, they came to conquer and occupy it (the term “occupy”
means here that the non-Indian people negotiated, appropriated and, in many cases,
expelled the autochthonous from their lands, from a region already populated by
many ethnicities and, in addition to this, they compulsorily and violently appropria-
ted their workforce).
According to Betha Becker2, to the colonial Amazon, geopolitics functioned as
to justify the occupation, because,
(...) por mais que quisesse a Coroa, não tinha recursos econômicos e população para po-
voar e ocupar um território de tal extensão. Portugal conseguiu manter a Amazônia e
expandi-la para além dos limites previstos no tratado de Tordesilhas, graças a estratégias de
controle do território. Embora os interesses econômicos prevalecessem, não foram bem--
-sucedidos, e a geopolítica foi mais importante do que a economia no sentido de garantir
a soberania sobre a Amazônia, cuja ocupação se fez, como se sabe, em surtos ligados a
demandas externas seguidos de grandes períodos de estagnação e de decadência3.
1
FARAGE, Nádia. As Muralhas dos Sertoes: os povos indigenas no rio Branco e a Rio de Janeiro:Paz e Terra;
ANPOCS, 1991.
2
BECKER, Bertha K. Geopolítica da Amazônia. Estudos Avançados, São Paulo, v. 19, n. 53, 2005. Disponível
em: <http://www.scielo.br>. Acesso em: 21 Mar 2007.
3
“Even though the Crown wanted to, it did not have the economic resources and population to populate and
occupy a territory with such extension. Portugal could keep the Amazon and expand it further than the limits
predicted in the Treaty of Tordesillas, thanks to the strategies of territory control. Although the economic
interests prevailed, they were not very successful, and geopolitics was more important than economy regarding
guaranteeing the supremacy upon the Amazon, whose occupation was done, as it is known, by outbreaks related
to external demands followed by long periods of stagnation and decadency”.
If Brazil’s coast started to receive attention from the Portuguese Crown only
from the mid-XVI century, Amazon would still have to wait more than one century
after the first European’s arrival to Bahia to be inserted in the Portuguese colonial
conquest’s map. Only when there was a threat concerning the loss of territory, Por-
tugal draws its attention to the vast region of the Amazon River Basin.
As stated by Cardoso5 (p.38), at the beginning of the XVII century, Dutch, Irish,
English and French knew the region even better than the Portuguese and Spanish,
the “owners” of the territory since the Treaty of Tordesillas, but they were focused
on other problems at this time. One of the main reasons that attracted attention
from these European nations was the proximity from Amazon to the Caribbean
market.
The fact that Spanish and Portuguese initially abandoned Maranhão’s and Pará’s
coasts has offered an opportunity for pirates and French corsairs, for example, to
explore them, as did Daniel de La Touche, lord of La Ravardière, who was a com-
mander in the expedition of São Luís’ foundation in 1612. He declared, when he
articulated with the Luso-Brazilians in Maranhão in 1615, that he had made recog-
nitions in the region.
4
ANDRADE, Manuel Correia de. Geopolítica do Brasil. São Paulo: Ática, 1989, p. 30.
5
4 CARDOSO, Alírio Carvalho. Belém na conquista da Amazônia: antecedentes à fundação e os pri-meiros
anos. In: FONTES, Edilza (org.). Coleção Contando a História do Pará: da Conquista à Sociedade da Borracha
(séc. XVI – XIX). Belém: Editora E. Motion, 2003, pp. 32 – 58.
24
SANTOS, Francisco Jorge dos. Op. cit. pp. 46 – 47.
25
DIAS, Maria das Graças Santos. Op. cit. p. 38.
26
BRANDÃO, Sylvana. Op. cit. pp. 261 – 262. Id.Ibid. p. 265.
27
“(...) guidelines and instructions to redefine and put in practice the new policy of social integration to the
Indians of Brasil (…)”.
28
Id.Ibid. p. 265.
29
SANTOS, Francisco Jorge dos. Op. cit. Pp. 49-52.
The Portuguese reports about the Branco River were extremely vague concer-
ning their discovery, which was guessed (without any real proof) by Francisco Xavier
Ribeiro de Sampaio and Joaquim Nabuco - the first wrote in the XVIII century, and
the second in the XX, about Pedro Teixeira’s trip from Belém to Quito, between
1673 and 1639. It appeared also in the Jesuit Christobal de Acuña’s crhonicles, who
accompanied Teixeira40.
To Farage41, the documents about the Branco River date from the XVIII cen-
tury, but increase their volume from the decade of 1730, since an official expansion
to the region was taking place at this time, by means of the rescue troops that start
to search for Indians in this area.
The existence of this not-documented period does not mean that the region
had not been visited by Portuguese, but that the exploitation activities that had taken
place there (the extraction of the drugs of the backlands and the indigenous seizure
by individuals) were commonly illegal.
37
“(...) an intense process of depopulation, from 1750”.
38
BRANDÃO, Sylvana. Op. cit. p. 274.
39
FARAGE, Nádia. Op. cit. pp. 18 – 19.
40
VIEIRA, Jaci Guilherme. Op. cit. p. 10.
41
FARAGE, Nádia. Op. cit. p. 56.
42
Id.Ibid. pp. 61 – 62.
43
Id.Ibid. pp. 122 – 123.
44
Id. Ibid. p. 123.
45
VIEIRA, Jaci Guilherme. Op. cit. p. 18.
46
ALMADA, Manuel da Gama Lobo de. Op. cit. pp. 657 – 658.
47
VIEIRA, Jaci Guilherme. Op. cit. p. 18.
48
Índios de Roraima. Boa Vista: Centro de Informação Diocese de Roraima, 1989, pp. 14 – 15.
49
FARAGE, Nádia. Op. cit. p. 123.
50
SAMPAIO, Francisco Xavier Ribeiro de. Relação Geographica Histórica do Rio Branco da América
Portugueza (1777). In: SAMPAIO, Francisco Ribeiro de. Relação Geographica Histórica do rio Branco da
américa Portuguesa (1777). In: Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geographico Brasileiro - Tomo XIII. Rio de
Janeiro, n° 18, 1850, pp. 200 – 273.
51
BENTO, Cláudio Moreira Maj. Op. cit. p. 53.
During its existence, Saint Joaquim’s Fort was charged with the task to conduct
the region’s administration to the Portuguese Crown and then to the Brazilian Im-
perial Crown. Its first task within this purpose was the constitution of indigenous
settlements in the region, which, believed Farage, was also triggered quickly and
effectively, since when the work to build the Fort took place, indigenous workforce
was already used, brought for this purpose, besides that kind one could find in the
Spanish settlements in the Uraricoera53.
The fortification became a State administrative hand in the Branco River, lea-
ding and applying the Portuguese geopolitics to the region, what resulted in several
conflicts against the local indigenous population since the first moments, what me-
ant in effect the difficulty to accomplish part of their administrative tasks.
Around the Fort the first non-Indian habitation nucleus in the Branco River and
its thereabouts; In 1777, the indigenous settlements, “(...) Nossa Senhora do Carmo,
Santa Isabel, Santo Antônio e Santa Bár-bara no próprio rio Branco; São Felipe, no
Tacutu; Nossa Senhora da Conceição no Uraricoera”54 have been formed.
The investment made in the indigenous settlements system of the region got
to the point in which there were 1019 individuals: settled indigenous, most of them
52
Available in <www.cfrr7bis.eb.mil.br>. Acesso em: 10 de março de 2008.
53
FARAGE, Nádia. Op. cit. p. 123.
54
VIEIRA, Jaci Guilherme. Op. cit. p. 22
62
Id. Ibid. p. 134.
63
Id.Ibid. pp. 164 – 165.
64
“Those manioc flour eaters”.
65
Id.Ibid. p. 167.
66
VIEIRA, Jaci Guilherme. Op. cit. p. 33.
67
Índios de Roraima. Op. cit. p. 20.
Final considerations
Saint Joaquim’s Fort represented, until the second half of the XIX century, the
core of the political activity in the Rio Branco valley. It served as a hand, first to the
Portuguese State and afterwards to the Branco River, since it had the competence
of administering the region, managing geopolitics of non-indigenous occupation
on the frontiers of the far North of Brazil, concerning its political and economic
aspects.
Many men have come out from the Fort to become land owners, almost always
appropriating themselves from lands of the State that were part of the old royal
77
ANTOS, Nelvio Paulo Dutra. O Estado Nacional Brasileiro e a Amazônia. Políticas públicas, economia e
poder: o estado de Roraima entre 1970 e 2000. 2004. Tese (Doutorado em Desenvolvimento Sustentável do
Trópico Úmido) – Universidade Federal do Pará, Belém, 2004, p. 84.
78
BENTO, Cláudio Moreira Maj. Op. cit. p. 53.
References
ANDRADE, Manuel Correia de. Geopolítica do Brasil. São Paulo: Ática, 1989.
BENTO, Cláudio Moreira Maj. Forte São Joaquim do Rio Branco: Sentinela do Brasil
no extremo Norte nos séculos XVIII e XIX. Revista do Militar Brasileira, v.106, 1975,
pp. 51 – 54.
D’ALMADA, M. J. Lobo. Descrição relativa ao Rio Branco e seu território (1787). In:
Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Rio de Janeiro. Tomo XXIV, n.4, Rio
de Janeiro. Pág. 617-683.
SAMPAIO, Francisco Xavier Ribeiro de. Relação Geographica Histórica do Rio Branco
da América Portugueza (1777). In: SAMPAIO, Francisco Ribeiro de. Relação Geo-
graphica Histórica do rio Branco da américa Portuguesa (1777). In: Revista do
Instituto Histórico e Geographico Brasileiro - Tomo XIII. Rio de Janeiro, n° 18, 1850,
pp. 200 – 273.