ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY IN INDIA

Author(s): M. K. Dhavalikar and M. K. Dhavlikar

Source: Bulletin of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute , 1983, Vol.
42 (1983), pp. 49-67
Published by: Vice Chancellor, Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute
(Deemed University), Pune

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/42930048

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 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY IN INDIA

M. K. Dhavalikar

(Special lecture delivered at the Indian Science Congress, Anthropology- Archae

Section, Mysore 3rd to 8th January, 1982)

Ethnoarchaeology is a new branch of

realised that Ethnoarchaeology can make val-
Archaeology. There is an increasing aware-
ualble contribution to the field of archaeol-
ness on the part of archaeologists to interpret
ogy, for "our knowledge of the past is only as
archaeological evidence with the help of good
eth- as our knowledge of the present" (Bin-
nographic data. Although archaeolosists in 1968 : 268). Indeed archaeological
ford,
the western world have been employing reconstruction
eth- is nothing but analogy and
nographic parallels for explaining archaeo-
"Analogy is the principal theoretical appara-
logical evidence from excavations since long,
tus by which an archaeologist benefits from
the systematic collection of ethnographicethnological knowledge" (Change 1967 :
material for specific use of archaeology has
229). However, when we turn to India, we find
begun somewhat recently. As a result, the
that Ethnoarchaeology has not yet been
construction of ethnographic models is now
accepted as an important branch of archaeol-
becoming quite common among archaeolo- ogy and ethnographic data is very rarely used
gists of the westen world, more particularly
for explaining archaeological evidence, let
among the American archaeologists, forthe formulation of ethnoarchaeological
alone
"American archaeology is anthropologymodels.or it This is all the more disheartening, for
is nothing"(Willey and Phillips 1958:2). weThis
have a tremendous wealth of ethnographic
is bound to be the case, for in America, dataall
which has not yet attracted the attention
archaeologists are by training anthropolo-of Indian archaeologists. However, we at the
gists.. Since in that continent everythingDeccan College, are keenly aware of the
before Columbus is prehistoric, American importance of Ethnoarchaeology and our
archaeology is, to a great extent, the study
workof in the field has proved the utility of
the material culture of Indian tribes, andethnographic
natu- analogy. The present lecture is
rally therefore the anthropologists could ando it
attempt to discuss the utility of Ethnoar-
more efficiently. This has now encouraged chaeology and to demonstrate how we can
archaeologists working in south-east betterAsia, interprete archaeological evidence in
Pacific Islands and Australia where a number
the light of ethnoarchaeolgical data.
of tribes are still in hunting-gathering The and growing awareness among archaeolo-
incipient agriculture stages. Their findings are regarding the importance of Ethnoar-
gists
indeed interesting and archaeologists in dif-
chaeology is, in the main, due to the
ferent parts of world have begun to collect
revolutionary changes that archaeology has
ethnographic data for archaeological inter-
undergone during the last two decades. After
pretations. It has now been recognisedthe that
second world war, the new generation of
ethnographic analogy is of great value in
archaeologists was getting dissatisfied with
archaeology and archaeologists have finally
the discipline, for the way in which ancient

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 50 M. K. DHAVALIKAR

cultural similiarities
sites were subjected to and differences. This is
excavation an
reports thereon precisely
were published
what ethnologists such as Clyde wer
Kluckhohn
statements of facts and (1950) the
were arguing long back
interpretat
that archaeologists
evidence left much to be should do what ethnolo-
desired. Archa
gists were already
was becoming nothing but then doing
a hobby: that is, to like
collecting, and hence it
explain why was
culture changes, rightly
by formulating des
laws that govern humanper
as follows : "Archaeology actions. Hence,
se is no
than a method andamong theamanyset of of
new paradigms specialise
different
disciplines that are now
niques for the gathering of being employed in
cultural inf
what is called 'New Archaeology',
tion. The archaeologists, as an those of
archaeo
is really nothing but are
anthropology a playing
technician"
an important role. (T
1948 : 43). Among these, Ethnoarchaeology is gradually
Since the sixties,
gaininghowever,
more and more importance, far
so much reac
changes have been so, that according to some
taking archaeologists,
place in "It archa
is in the field ofas
ical method and theory ethnoarchaeology
a result that we of w
is now gradually being
may see some ofelevated toof the s
the most interesting work
archaeology in the next this
of a scientific discipline.To decades" (Stains-
develop
anthropology alongwith other
lavsky, 1974 : 16). This need not be surprising discip
including scientific
because "In ones, have
principal, archaeology contri
is identical
significantly. Thewith the work of anthropological
beginning of describers
this new
is marked by the who deal with living people. Archaeology
publication of Lewis is R
the ethnography
ford's seminal paper entitled and culture history of past
"Archaeolo
Anthropology" inpeoples.
which Indeed someone
hehas said "that the
surveys the
of archaeology as it then
Ethnographer existed
is an archaeologist who catches and
cludes that : his archaeology
"There is alive" (Kluckhohn, 1950
general :
accept
the three aims of 55).
archaeology viz., recon
tion of cultural Binford has not only underlined
history, the impor-
reconstruction
lifeways and thetancedelineation
of Ethnoarchaeology in archaeological of the c
process; and secondly, there has been method, but has also set a shining model of it
^increasing despair over the feasibility of before us by publishing a massive volume
achieving the third aim, that is, the delinea- entitled Nunamiut Ethnoarchaeology (1978).
tion of cultural process"(Binford, 1972 : 80- Many interesting studies on ethnoarchaeol-
81). He criticises the normative theory of ogy have appeared during the last two
culture which is based on the assumption of a decades but before going into their utility it is
culture centre from where culture spreads into necessary to define Ethnoarchaeology. The
surrounding areas. This diffusionist simplest and the briefest definition is that given
approach, according to him, is the acquatic by Daniel Stiles (1977 : 88)who calls it "Living
view of culture. He is of the opinion that Archaeology". Oswalt (1974: 3) goes a step
culture is not shared but participated in and further and defines it as "The study from an
hence, as explanation of culture change, influ- archaeological perspective of a material cul-
ence and migration are discarded and proces- ture based on verbal information about arti-
sual explanation, that is, internal mechanisms facts obtained froms persons, or their direct
as systems were advanced. The ultimate goal descendents who were involved with the pro-
of archaeology, according to Binford, is the duction". But Stainslawaki (1974 : 8) has
formulation of laws of cultural processes offered a most comprehensive definition :
which is to be attained by the explanation of "Ethnoarchaeology is the direct observation

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 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY IN INDIA 51

tionally similar
field study of the form, manufacture, to the prehistoric
distribu- ones
tion, meaning and use of artifacts
because ofand theirin forms and were
the similarity
also usedcorrelates
institutional setting and social unit in the same manner. Thus the ethno-
among living, non-industrial people for isthe
graphic evidence of two categories : firstly,
there
purpose of constructing better are tribais who can be shown to have
explanatory
been
models, to aid archaeological the directand
analogy descendents of the ancient
people
inference" Gould ( 1 974 : 29) also as it
calls in the
"Liv-Americas.This has been
termed as thethat
ing Archaeology" and further elaborates 'Direct Historical analogy'. In
the second
"Ethnoarchaeology refers to a much category, such direct connection
broader,
general framework for comparing cannot be established, but there are many
ethnograp-
phic and archaeological pattering.
ancientIn the lat-
practices and cultural artifacts in the
ter case, the archaeologist may present
rely entirely
day village folks as in India. This has
upon published and archival sources or upon
been referred to as the "General Comparative
experimental results.. ..Thus ethnoarchaeol-
analogy". There are examples of both classes
which
ogy may include studies of 'Living show that they go a long way in
Archaeol-
ogy' alongwith other approaches as well".
archaeological interpretations.
Ethnographic
(Carol Kramer 1979: 1) echoes the same view: parallels have been used in
"Ethnoarchaeological research investigates
the west for the interpretation of archaeologi-
aspects of contemporary socio-cultural
cal evidence from a very early period. It is now
behaviour from an archaeological perspec-
clear that right from the late 16th century
tive. Ethnoarchaeologists attempt ethnographic
to system- model has played an essential
atically define relationships between beha- of the discipline. As
part in the emergence
viour and material culture, not early oftenas 17th century, it was proposed that
explored
by ethnologists and to ascertain how
ceraunia certian were actually imple-
(thunderstones)
features of observable behaviour ments made may be and in the early 18th
by man
reflected in remains which archaeologists century stone maytools found in France were
find". compared with similar ones, at least typo-
It will, therefore, be clear that Ethnoar- logically, in some areas of the American
chaeology is a study of the material culture of continent to explain their function (Stiles,
contemporary tribais or village folks. It is 1977 : 88). In the 19th century ethnographic
generally presumed that the triblas are the analogies were commonly used by many pre-
descendents of the earlier primitive social historic archaeologists such as Morgan,
groups whereas in the case of rural folks it has Tyler, Spencer and others solely because they
been observed that many ancient customs and presumed that the artifacts used by tribais
traditions still survive among them in an which were similar in form with those of the
unadultrated form, more so in a country like prehistoric period 5must have been used for
India where tradition dies hard. In the former similar functions. An excellent ilustration of
case, there is a direct historical continuity as this is Ancient Hunters by Solías (1924). He
in the case of American Indian tribes.This has compared the Mousterian, the Aurignacian
been referred to by Franz Boas as the 'Histori- and the Magdelanian cultures with those of
cal method' (Stiles, 1977 : 89). In the primitive the Tasmanians, the Bushmen and the Eski-
societies, it is generally believed that they moes respectively. It was at the end of the 19th
represent past stages of human culture and century that the term Ethnoarchaeology was
hence the ethnographic data was used for coined by Fewkes (Stiles, 1977 : 89). Since
interpreting prehistoric cultures, the pre- then the term is being commonly used and
sumption being that their artifacts were func- several works of great value have been pub-

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52 M. K. DHAVALIKAR

lished because ethnographie

1968 : 289).This lacuna is, in parallels
the main, due to hav
now been accepted as
the fact that an integral
an ethnographer is interested part
Archaeology. According toandOrme
more in marriage practices rituals than in (197
487), "There no house types and material objects,
was
prehistory as we their use
know
until ethnography and was
their spatialincorporated
organisation and the activity in
discipline...." In areas in some
fact which an archaeologist is interested.
anthropologis
It is, therefore,
had already suggested that necessary
thethat the archaeolo-
archaeologist
should study living gist should himself collect the ethnographic
communities with a vie
information
to compile inventories of he needs. This, in a way, materi
artifactual is
encroachment
which would be helpful tointo them
the field of ethnographers,
in the inte
pretation of archaeological datafor(Kluc
but the archaeologist has no alternatlive
his ethnographers
hohn,1950). This came to colleagues
be called are concernedby th
more with aspects of culture not directly
proponents of Ethnoarchaeology as "Acti
Archaeology". But represented
it was in archaeological
Ascher's remains. import
paper which led toIt should
the also be stated that Ethnoar-
acceptance of the su
discipline of Ethnoarchaeology (Asch
chaeology has been severely criticised. In fact
1961). Binford himself was in the beginning doubtful
Ethnoarchaeology has gained many new about the utility of ethnographic data. He
adherents during the last two decades. A great states: "Fitting archaeological remains into
fillip to Ethnoarchaeology was given by a ethnographically known paterns of life adds
seminar which was organised to study the nothing to our knowledge of past" (Binford,
prehistoric hunter-gatherers and the present 1968a: 13). The main objection of the oppo-
ones. It was designed to bring together nents is that there could possibly be no con-
archaeologists and ethnographers "as an nexion between the behaviour of present day
exercise in the deduction of extinct life patt- people and the prehistoric ones and therefore
erns, realistically compare the occupation ethnographic analogies should not be used in
sites of living hunter-gatherers with those of the interpretation of archaeological evidence.
prehistoric hunter-gatherers" (Sally Binford, It is obvious that the archaeological evidence
1968 : 274). The organisers felt that it was a and the ethnographic parallels used to explain
"logical exercise and that there is no assump- it are far removed from each other in point of
tion that living hunter-gatherers are somehow time.This hiatus is of thousands of years and
living relicts of the Plelistocene".(Sally Bin- it is therefore preposterous to draw valid
ford, Ibid). The Seminar, as expected was a inferences. Freeman argues: "The idea that
resounding succès, and with it, Ethnoar- prehistorians must interprete their evidence
chaeology came of age. But the drawback of solely in terms of inferences derived from
the ethnographic record also became quite social and cultural anthropology is as fallal-
clear in the course of the Seminar: that an cious as the idea that interpretations of the
ethnographer may not always collect all the behaviour of modern groups must be derived
information that an archaeologist needs. As from prehistory" (Freeman, 1968 : 265). It
one of the delegates to the seminar confessed: must, however, be made explicit that Free-
"I once wrote a paper on what would be found man's argument is based on the biological
by the archaeologist at a campsite abandoned differences between prehistoric and modern
by a North American group, presented copies man, which change their behavioural patt-
of it to several archaeologists and then disco- erns. Heider (1967) has also cautioned
vered that 1 simply had not answered the archaeologists in the employment of ethno^
questions they were interested in " (Sharp, graphic evidence.

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 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY IN INDIA 53

According to some anthropologists thefor model building.

be used as inspirations
variability in the ethnographicThe crucial point,
record however, is that our under-
is likely
to lead the archaeologist astray. "The
palaeoanthropologist who is still set on the
basis of existing hunter-gatherer evidence has
obviously an unusually wide range of choices
from which to draw analogies about social
structure and social behabviour. Therefore, I
suggest that reconstruction efforts of this sort
be discouraged or very severely curtailed
except for very recent time periods" (Howell
1968 : 287). Freeman has warned that "the
most serious failings in present models for
incorporating archaeological evidence are
directly related to the fact that they incorpo-
rate numerous analogies with modern
groups" (Freeman, 1968 : 262). Some critics
go further and declare that the very founda-
tion of Ethnoarchaeology that "like environ-
mental stimuli produce like cultural respon-
ses" is wrong.
All this is no doubt valid criticism as there is
some truth in it but it is not justifiable to hold
Ethnoarchaeology responsible for all the fai-
lilngs of Archaeology. The concept of cultural
ecology as propounded by Julian Steward
(1955: 30-42) is based on the relationship
between culture and environment which has
now received general acceptance. This is also
borne out by the definition of culture as given
by Binford. He defines it "as man's extra-
somatic means of adaptive system that is
employed in the integration of a society with
its environment and with other social and cul-
tural sub-systems" (Binford 1972 : 198). This
has led scholars to presume, and rightly so,
that like environment evokes like cultural
responses.
The other objection in respect of time gap
too is valid. But it has now been established
that inspite of the yawning time gap, Ethnoar-
chaeology has its utility if the ethnographic
analogies are judiciously used. In this conne-
cion Binford's advise is worth following :
"Archaeologists are certainly indebted to eth-
nographers for providing sources which can
standing of the past is not simply a matter of
interpreting the archaeological record by
analogoy to living societies as has been com-
monly asserted. Our knowledge is sound to
the degree that we can verify our postulates
scientifically, regardless of the source of their
inspiration. Scientific, verification for
archaeolotists is the same as for other scient-
ists : it involves testing hypotheses systemati-
cally" (Binford 1968 :269).
The wholesale rejection of Ethnoarchaeol-
ogy is the other extreme just as that held by
some that "prehistory has never existed with-
out ethnography"(Orme 1973 : 490). Hence,
although there is valid criticism about the use
of the ethngraphic analogy beyond permissi-
ble limits, there is no point in denying the debt
of ethnography to archaeology as is evident
from several recent studies. So far as the time
gap is concerned it is always desirable that for
the interpretation of archaeological evidence,
the ethnographic analogues should also be, as
far as posible, from the same region (Gould
1971). Perhaps the most remarkable illustra-
tion of this is the work of White and Peterson
(1969) whose investigations in the Arnhem
Land of Australia have revealed how ethno-
graphic parallels, if judisciously employed,
can lead to remarkable results. They have
convincingly explained the variability in tool
assemblages of two different ecological zones
from coastal and plateau sites on the basis of
ethnographic parallels from the same regions.
This constitutes an excellent example of the
'Direct Historical analogy'. But how similar
environment evokes similar cultural respon-
ses, though not from the same region, has
been admirably demonstrated by Binford
(1978) in his study of Nunamiut Eskimos.
This is the best illustration of the 'General
Comparative analogy.' It is a goldmine which
testifies to the growing importance of Eth-
noarchaeology in contemporary archaeology.
It is generality thought that Ethnoar-

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54 M. K. DHAVALIKAR

chaeoly is not of much use

evidence from for at
his excavations European
Mohenjo-
archaeology. This, however,
daro and Chanhudarois a fallacious
he largely depended on
impression because it modern
has ethnographic
been shown analogies. that
Among the
enormous Roman literary sources
other things, one have
of his most brilliant expla- been
extensively used for Iron Age
nations is that studies.
the Indus "In fact
pottery was largely
these sources became turned
soonthoroughly
a foot-wheel. It must be stated in
incorpo-
rated in the conception this connexionof that later
the modern European
Indian pot-
prehistory that they ters ceased to be
mostly use hand-wheel acknowl-
and foot-wheel is
edged. But Caesar and almost unknown except
Tacitus in certain
have parts of
contrib-
uted as much to European Punjab and Kashmir, prehistory
bu't on the other hand is as
Raleigh and Sahagunquite havecommonto that
in West Asia. TheofsameMiddle
is the
America" (Orme 1973 : 483).
case with his accountWhat is more,
of the manufacturing
J. G. D. Clark (1951)and processes ofD. L.such
pottery Clarke(1970
as decorating, paint- :
ch. 9) have shown how ing and thefiring etc.material can be
(Mackay 1938: 174-216).
used for writing European But althoughprehistory.
Mackay published his reports Instan-in
ces can be multiplied the tothirties, his ethnographic
emphasise theparallels
role have of
Ethnoarchaeology in remained almost unnoticed.
archaeological studies.
A remarkable Ethnoarchaeological Another landmark in the field is the workstudy
which has recently appeared is that byHe of Von Furer-Haimendorg (1948). John
Yellen (1977). He surveyed observes : "It isthea phenomenon
material peculiar to cul-
ture of the Kjjng Bushmen India that throughout
of Centralthe great civilizations
Africa
with special reference to its survival in the have risen without obliterating or absorbing
archaeological record. all thatThe Kung
has gone before Bushmen
: the elder, more static
are taken to be the direct descendents of the cultures gave way not by disintegrating, but
Late Stone Age hunter-gatherers and Yellen by seeking refuge in remote areas uncongenial
studied their material culture as the vestigial to civilisations based on an advanced agricul-
remains of an extinct society. He has given an tural economy. There can be no doubt that
exhaustive account of their settlement pattern the so-called aboriginals inhabiting such
and subsistence systems. He has .also studied refuge areas represent comparatively old and
the biological and physical environment primitive culture types" (Haimendorf 1948).
which is of crucial importance in Archaeol- In a remarkable study, he has demonstrated
ogy. Yellen's study is ideal and should serve as how the Chenchus are still living in the
a model for ethnoarchaeological studies in 'Palaeolithic Style', the Reddis in the neoli-
India. thic, and the Bondos and Gadabas in the late
Although Ethnoarchaeology has proved to neollithic stage.The Chenchus live in forest in
be an important aid to archaeologists, in small groups of a few families and subsist on
India it has not yet received the attention it hunting-gathering; their diet consists mostly
merits at the hands of archaeologists inspite of wild edible roots and tubers which they dig
of the fact that India, with its multitude of with iron tipped digging sticks. Occassionally
tribes in different parts of the country and they hunt with bow and arrows, but do not
living in different technological levels consti- know the use of traps and snares. The Reddis
tutes a veritable ethnographic museum. Spo-live in small hamlets; their huts are modest
and of semi-permanent nature. Technologi-
radic attempts were no doubt made in the past
by some archaeologists but they are rather cally they are somewhere between the food-
exceptions. Among these Earnest Mackay gathering and food-producing stage, for they
was far ahead of his time in interpreting the subsist partly on wild plants and tubers but

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 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY IN INDIA 55

also practice incipient agriculture theand

peoplestock-
of the Jorwe culture from C. 1400-
raising. The Bondos are full fledged 1000 B.C. which was the most prosperous
agricultu-
rists. The Gondi-speaking tribes of in
period Bastar
the history of habitation at the site.
worship iron weapons and theirThey mythology
lived in large rectangular houses of mud
has several stories connected withasthe theiracquisi-
forebears at the site did and cultivated
tion of iron and, what is more, some a variety of grains among which the most
of their
rituals are also connected with iron. It is thus prédominent were barley, wheat, moong, len-
a most remarkable study which can be said to til and hyacinth been. They had built an
be pioneering in India. But unfortunately embankment and a diversionary channel to
such an excellent ethnographic evidence is divert to flood waters of Ghod which they in
almost being totally ignored by Indian all probability used for irrigating their fields.
archaeologists in spite of the fact that rich However, it appears that successive droughts
evidence of all the Stone Ages has been around the beginning of the first millenium B.
brought to light all over South India during C. led to the decline of the culture (Dhavalikar
the post-independence period. If we do not 1975 : 47-48).This is a phenomenon which
use this wealth of ethnographic information, occurred all over Maharashtra as a result of
there is every danger of its completely being which the chalcolithic habitations were
lost irretrievably for the various developmen- deserted by the early farming communities
tal projects now underway in different parts especially in the Tapi and the Pravara-
of the country are bound to bring the tribais in Godavari valleys. But in the Bhima Valley,
the fold of civilization in a short period of they survived somehow and continued to live.
time. They, however, were reduced to abject prov-
erty which is reflected in their small round
Inamgaon huts, coarse pottery and dwindling agricul-
Considering the importance of Ethnoar- ture. This Culture has been labelled as the
chaeology in the interpretation and explana- Late Jorwe (c. 1000-700 B. C.). The condition
tion of prehistoric lifeways, we have intro- deteriorates further so much that around 800
duced a full course in Ethnoarchaeology at B. C. people almost became semi-nomadic
the M. A. level in the University of Poona and and resorted to sheep/ goat pastoralism as is
some of my colleagues have been carrying out evident from the absence of well made huts
extremely interesting ethnoarchaeological and the noteworthy increase in the quantity of
studies, the results of which are quite encou- sheep/goat bones, with a corresponding
raging. However. I shall discuss here how decrease in the number of cattle bones. But
Ethnoarchaeology has contributed to the they could not survive for long and finally
interpretation of evidence from our large deserted the settlement about 700 B. C. which
scale excavations at Inamgaon. It is a very roughly marks the period when the megalithic
extensive chalcolithic settlement 85 km east of people of the southern Deccan began their
Poona. It is over 5 ha. in extent and is located incursions in the northern Deccan with their
on the right bank of river Ghod, a tributary of superior iron weaponry and the fast moving
Bhima which, in its turn, belongs to the steed-horse.
Krishna system. The site was occupied only All the three cultural periods of Inamgaon
during the chalcolithic period and is, there- are characterised by a painted black-on-red
fore, ideal for a horizontal excavation. The pottery and stone and copper tools. Perhaps
filrst settlers arrived here from Malwa in Cen- the significant contribution of Inamgaon is
tral India around 1600 B.C., and fourish- the discovery of a large number of houses
ed for over two hundred years. Then came belonging to different cultural periods along

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 56 M. K. DHAVALIKAR

with a rich yield Before

ofentering into the discussion of
artifacts. the
The ap
ethnoarchaeology of
thus was contextual and it has provedchalcolithic architecture
extremely useful it is necesary
as we to describe
have the house
beentypes fromable t
the excavation. There
tify dwellings of various carftsmen are two principle types such
potter, lapidàry,of houses which were encountered in the goldsm
lime-maker, exca-
also that of the vations: viz., rectangular
ruling chief. and circular.
What The is
since the
excavations have
earliest settlers been
at the site confined
- the people of the
Malwa culture and
particular area of the principal habi their successors in the
site where everyEarly Jorwe period we
season - built large rectangular
exposed on
houses (about
habitational level, it 7x5 m) having
has low mud walls
been poss
study the minute changes
and hard floors inclay
made by ramming black the
settlement and yellow
pattern, a studysilt alternately and also repaired
which has no
been carried out at (PI.
periodically any other
Ia). The roof probably gabled,site
country. was supported by wooden posts as is evident
Although a good number of houses belong- from the post holes. But the disposition of
ing to different cultural periods were laid bare post holes was rather enigmatic; some of them
at Inamgaon, it was not possible to recon- were within the wall and some either outside
struct them completely. What we had disco- or inside the wall. This made the relationship
vered in the course of our excavations was of walls with postholes problematic, but one
only the patches of floors which neverthless thing was certain : that the walls did not sup-
were carefully made, and dilapidated mud port the roof as is the case today in many mud
walls standing to a height of a few cm. Some- huts in Indian villages wherein the roof is seen
times we no doubt came across mud lumps resting over the walls. The ethnographic
bearing impressions of the thatched roof and parallels provided a clue to the nature of mud
the fragments of wattle-and-daub walls. But walls from our dig. There are quite a number
this in itself was not enough for the recon- of huts in the present village of Wangdari, just
struction of dwellings and many problems opposite the ancient site at Inamgaon across
remained unanswered. From the quantity of the river, which havç very low mud walls, not
mud, we could conclude that the walls were over 30 cm (1 ft.) in height and they have
dwarf, not more than 50 to 75 cm high and we nothing to do with the roof, for their only
were then wondering as to what ultimately function is to prevent rain water from enter-
would have been the total height of the house. ing into the hut (Fig. 1). This exactly must
The same was the case with the walls and the have been the nature and function of the low
roof because from mere impressions on mud mud walls in chalcolithiic houses. In one or
lumps it was well-nigh imposible to say any- two cases (e.g. House Nos. 38 and 105) we
thing definite about them. However, we can could even trace the dug out channel outside
now completely visualize as to how the chal- the walls obviously for draining out water.
jcolithic houses would have looked like Similarly, the roof is supported on wooden
because of ethnographic analogies. What we posts in the huts at present and in between the
¡did was to survey the present house types in posts are tied reed screens which may or may
¡the surrounding villages and we are glad to not be daubed with mud. This, in all likeli-
¡record that this survey has proved to be hood, may be the case in ancient houses at the
extremely useful for we came across several site. For roof, people today use the Typha
jhouses in these villages which are almost grass ( Typha latifolia) which grows abund-
icopies of those unearthed in the course of our antly along the banks of streams in the area
¡excavations. around Inamgaon and it is known for its

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 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY IN INDIA 57

what we
water-proofing quality (PL had found in the course of our exca-
lb).
We can appreciate better the
vation (Fig. 2). It nature of
is only very poor people who
dwellings if we study theare presently living
process in such dwelling pits at
of buildig-
such a hut. Our inquiriesInamgaon.
revealedThe present
that huts are oblong on
pres-
sently the people, beforeplanbuilding
and not round the hut.,
as was the case in the
erect wooden posts and then
chalcolithic prepare
period. the
The sole purpose in build-
floor in the making of whiching pit sand,
dwellings clay
is that the
andpoorsilt
people can-
is used. It should be noted not
that the
afford same
to buy mate-
wooden posts of desired
rial was used by the earlylength
farmingand in order, therefore, to obtain
communi-
ties at Inamgaon. The reedheightscreens
for the hut, theare then
pit is dug. Obviously for
thethey
fixed in between the posts; same reason
are the later
first farmers
plas-of Inamgaon
tered with mud. The low mud
built pitwall about 30 to
dwellings.
50 cm is constructed around There
theseems to be some modicum
periphery of of plan-
the floor. It has no relation
ningwhatsoever with
in the Malwa and Early Jorwe settlements
the reed screens or the atwooden
Inamgaon (Fig.posts. For-
3). The houses were usually
built
merly when we discovered with their
houses inlonger
our axis in a roughly
exca-
vations at Inamgaon alongwith mud
northwest-southeast walls and they
orientation,
and the reed impression on wereclay
aligned lumps
almost in rows,
overly-
the average dis-
ing the floor, we thoughttance that the
between two houses
houses beinghad
half a metre
low mud walls below and the wattle-and-daub but not more than a metre (PL la). These open
construction above. In the light of ethnogra- spaces must have obviously served as roads and
phic parallels we have now to revise our opin- lanes. We know from the archaeological
ion. It thus goes without saying that without record that in India the Harappans were the
ethnographic evidence we would never have filrst to live in well planned urban centres
correctly understood the method of construc- built on a chess-board pattern which was for-
tion of chalcolithic houses. gotten after the end of the Indus cities and
The earliest settlers at Inamgaon also lived later it was again introduced only in the 3rd
in pit dwellings. Most* of the pits, however, cent. B. C, by the Hellenilstilc Greeks - the
were rather shallow and they can therefore successors of Alexander the Great - who
better be described as sunken floors. How- ruled in the northwestern part of the sub-
ever, the instances of deep dwelling pits are continent for a couple of centuries. Save these
also not wanting. They are all circular on plantwo instances, planned settlement was not a
(average dia. 2 cm.) and usually about 30 cm characteristic feature of India, at least in the
deep. The floor is well made as that of rectan-ancient period. There is literary evlidence to
gular houses and nicely lined with lime. Along
show that in the beginning of the early histori-
the periphery above are a series of postholescal period in 6th cent.B. C. a legendary archi-
and the roof was probably conical. The tect, Mahagovinda, is said to have planned
courtyard too is well rammed and the kitchen and built a number of cities in the Ganga
valley. But this is not corroborated by
is out in the open courtyard. When the first pit
dwelling was encountered, we were ratherarchaeological evidence from such early city
puzzled for nothing like it was found earlier in sites as Rajgir and Kausambi. In the light of
the chalcolithic levels even at other sites in the
this evidence it is remarkable that the first
Deccan. But a labourer in our own workforce farmers or Maharashtra should have planned
enlightened us for he was himself living in their settlements with such care (Dhavalikar
such a dwelling. We visited it and found to our 1975). But what is important from the point of
surprise that it was not much different from view of the present study is that even today

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 Fig. 1 A modern hut with low mud wall, Wangdari.

Fig. 2 Modern Pit-dwelling at Inamgaon

Dist. Pune, Maharashtra

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co

g>
Li.

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 60 M. K. DHAVALIKAR

there exists a tribe in Maharashtra which is munities in the Tapi and the Godavari valleys
technologically not above the level of incip-deserted their settlements, their counterparts
ient agriculture, which builds settlements in the Bhima valley did not follow them. Here
planned with due care (Manda vkar 1966 : 77- probably the calamity was not that severe and
79). This tribe is none else than the Kolamshence the people did not leave their habita-
who presently live in parts of Vidarbha andtion. But they were gradually becoming
Marathwada bordering on the Andhra Pra-poorer as is evident from their small round
desh. Their settlements today are to be found huts, coarse pottery and dwindling agricul-
in the Yeotmal district and partly in theture. This culture has been named as Late
Chanda, Wardha and the Nanded dlistricts Jorwe (c. 1000 - 700 B. C.) which is repres-
and also in the adjacent Adilabad district ofented only in the Bhima Valley.
Andhra Pradesh. They practice shifting culti- The distinguishing feature of the Late
vation and hence their settlements are not Jowre period, besides pottery, is the round
permanent. For cultivation, they select hillhuts in sharp contrast to the spacious rectan-
slopes and then build their huts on its gular houses of the Malwa and the Eearly
periphery. Their settlements are known as Jorwe periods. We have so far exposed a good
Poda, a word derived froom the Dravidiannumber of such round huts, but we could
Podu, which means shilfting cultivation. understand them properly only when we stu-
Their podas are characterised by rectangular died similar ones still being built by pçople in
the nearby villages (Pl. Ha). Those from our
huts which are all of almost equal size, and are
excavations
properly aligned. Their chieftain (Naik), have rather low mud walls sim-
alongwith a few family heads, visits the spot ilar to those of the rectangular houses of the
and selects area for locating the settlement. Itpreceding periods, and also have well made
is surprising that their planned habitations floors in the same manner. The courtyard too
should resemble those at Inamgaon which,was well made. The houses had thatched walls
though not far removed in terms of space, areand roof as the impressions on clay clods
at least three thousand years earlier. suggest. The roof, probably conical, was sup-
We have already stated that there are alsoported by wooden posts, the holes of which
round houses at Inamgaon. A calamity have been traced around the floor. The ethno-
of unimaginable magnitude befell the firstgraphic parallel suggests that for a conical
farmers of Maharashtra which forced them to roof over such round huts, there must be a
desert their habitations at least in the Tapipost in the centre to support the roof without
and the Godavari valleys around the begin-which it cannot be stable. But it was not
ning of the first millenium B. C., and the sitesalways that we found a central post hole while
remained unoccupied for over six centuries.we were exposing round huts. In such cases
This hiatus in ocupation is represented strati-the posts are sloping from the top and hence
graphically by a sterile layer of brown soil theno central post is required.
analysis of which suggests that the rainfall Another variety of huts of the Late Jorwe
pattern was on the decline (Dhavalikar 1973). period was roughly oval or rectangular with
round corners on plan, and there are only two
It is thus highly likely that droughts may have
been of frequent occurrence, and we know examples of it (PL lib). These were extremely
that even today when there are successiveflimsy structures which had no mud wall
droughts people desert their villages and go around them but instead the edge of the floor
out in search of livelihood. The same proba- was raised obviously with a view to prevent-
bly may have happened some three thousand ing the rain water from entering into the hut,
years ago. But although the farming com-thus performing the same function as that of

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 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY IN INDIA 61

the low mud wall. Thereplatforms

wereencountered
no post in theholes
course of exca-
along the periphery of thevation also contained
floor butsand; the thorny bushes
instead
must centre.
there was a post hole in the have got decomposed
This was without leaving
rather puzzling for we could
any trace. not visualise a
hut without posts. But theTheremodernare many ethnogra-
aspects of the prehistoric
phic analogy clarified thelife in whole
the Deccan which have been illustrated
situation.
Such small oval huts are by even today
our Inamgaon con-
excavations and which can
structed in the neighbourhood be satisfactorily
ofexplained
Inamgaon, with the help of
during a particular season. First
ethnographic theIt area
analogies. is neitherof
desirable
the hut is cleared around which the frame- nor possible to discuss all these in the short
work of split bamboo or wooden sticks is span of a lecture and therefore only some
erected. The thatched walls are sloping and aspects will be briefly touched upon.
join in a conical top. Thus there is no need to An important part of any life style is the
have the posts rammed in holes because thesocial organisation. No attempt so far has
walls do not have to support the roof. Suchbeen made to reconstruct the social organisa-
huts do not even need a central post. This tion of prehistoric India solely for want of
explains why one of the two oval huts had aadequate evidence. But it should be emphas-
post hole in the centre whereas the other did ized that this is one aspect which can be better
not have it. It is, therefore, needless to state interpreted in the light of- ethnographic evi-
that in the absence of ethnographic parallelsdence. It is generally taken for granted, and
we could never have understood the chalcoli- rightly so, that the rectangular house type is
thic architecture. With all modesty, I would indicative of sedantry life whereas round huts
like to say that it is for the first time that such suggest a semi-nomadic existence (Flannery
an ethnoarchaeological study is being done in 1972). The evildence from our excavation
the country. shows that the Malwa and the early Jorwe
All these houses, both rectangular and people lived in large rectangular houses which
round, had well made courtyards wherein, in were mostly single roomed tenements whe-
many cases, there was a fire place. This is the reas a few ones were also multi-roomed. Their
practice in our villages today where, except prosperity is reflected in the variety of grains
during the rainy season, the cooking is done they cultivated as also in other artifactual
outside in the open. This also underlines the remains such as brightly painted pottery,
importance of the courtyard in Indian archi- beads of semi-precious stones, tools and orna-
tecture for in fact much of the life is lived in ments of copper and rarely even of gold. One
the courtyard. Besides, the rectangular houses of the houses consisted of several rooms some
exposed in the course of excavation had usu- of which were added to the main structure as
ally inside them a round mud platform, about and when necessary. This can taken to be indic-
one metre in diameter, but sometimes smaller ative of an extended family (Flannery 1972).
and rarely larger, and about 10-15 cm high. In sharp contrast to the spacious rectangu-
Such platforms have so far no parallels in the lar houses of the first two cultural periods, the
country, but in the area around Inamgaon Late Jorwe houses are small round huts. This
there are many houses which have such mud house type is said to be a distinguishing fea-
platforms almost exactly of the same size. ture of seasonally settled life. This is corrobo-
They are meant for supporting a storage bin; rated by the Inamgaon evidence for this last
inside they have sand and thorny bushes espe- cultural period is characterised by a sharp
cially for preventing the rodents from des- decline in agricultural production and at the
troying the grain in the bin. The mud same time an increase in the number of animal

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 62 M. K. DHAVALIKAR

bones indicating a religious

shift in special
life deserves subsistence
attention. In all fr
plant food to animalprehistoric
foods. communities
It ais
mother goddess is
highly like
that these first farmers of Maharashtra were most predominant and male divinities are
gradually resorting to cattle pastoralism after almost non-existent as is borne out by the
the opening of the first milleniumB. C.,and evildence from neolithic settlements in the
slightly later around 900 B. C. to sheep pas- southern Deccan and also from the sites of the
toralism since the number of bones of cattle Indus civilisation. But at Inamgaon we have
decreases and that of sheep/ goat increases found male figurines of unbaked clay which,
enormously. This is further confirmed by the on the basis of ethnographic parallel, can be
absence of well made huts in the upper levels identified as those of a god. Two such clay
of Late Jorwe. figrines were recovered from the courtyard of
A remarkable feature of the round huts of a Late Jorwe house where they were found
the late Jorwe period is that they are found in carefully deposited near a hearth. The figu-
clusters of three or four or five huts, each rines, being unbaked, began to crumble on
cluster having a common courtyard. One is exposure, and were therefore immediately
likely to be misled in identifying each hut as given preservative treatment. Even today, the
an independent household for even today villages of Inamgaon prepare such a figurine,
round huts are built in which a family resides. sometimes of wheat floor and almost of the
But a careful examination of the artifactual identical form and size and worship them
remains showed thàt all the huts in a cluster when a community meal is to be cooked. It is
did not have a hearth inside but only one or placed by the side of the hearth and is
sometimes two huts had this cooking facility. immersed in the river or well after proper
The only obvious conclusion we could draw worship. The god is presently known as Gane-
was that each cluster was an independent sha, but he is not the elephant-headed god of
household unit and as such was occupied by a the Hindu pantheon, and the name may have
singji family. But the question that necessar- been given only because we invoke Ganesha
ily arises is that: where was then the need to at the beginning of any undertaking for
have several huts for one family. The possibil- success.
ity in this case appears to be that the Late Another divinity is more curious. We d
Jorwe society was probably polygamus and not know whether this god is as ancient as t
hence whenever the head of the family settlement of Inamgaon. To west of t
acquired a new wife, he built a hut for her. ancient settlement at the site, about hundre
Late Prof. Ira vati Karve (1951 : 112-113) tells meters away is the shirne of what is no
us that the Kohalis of Vidarbh are polygamus locally known as Mhasoba. It is the anicon
and the number of huts in a cluster in their representation of the god in the form of a hu
habitations represents the number of wives. It amorphous rock which is presently wo
has rightly been observed that "the separate shipped surprisingly enough, not by the vil
living houses, functionally not self contained lagers of the surrounding areas, but by Bhi
are merely the residences of co-wives in a who come in hordes from distant places l
polygamus family" (David 1971 : 120). It has Nagar, Nasik and even Dhulia districts. Th
also been inferred from evidence elsewhere come any time of the year, according to th
that people occupying round huts generally convenience, worship the god, offer wood
lead a semi-nomadic existence and are poly- bulls and live chicken and go back. Year afte
gamus (Flannery 1972.) year we have been observing this with gr
We need not go into all the aspects of the curiousity and talking to them, but the ant
chalcolithic lifeways, but one aspect of their uity of the god could not be proved. Here t

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 Plate I

a. A large rectangular house, Period II, IrTamgaon.

b. A modern hut of wattle-and-daub construction, Wangdari.

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 Plate II

a. Inamgaon, a modem circular hut.

b. Late Jorwe (Period III) huts, Inamgaon.

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 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY IN INDIA 65

ethnographic analogypresent
throws environmenta x>f
welcome
the area, including
light. The Kolams of northeast
water resources, Maharashtra
suggests that "the clustering
are said to instai an imageof the
ofsites in the central
their chief part represents
god, dry
season aggregation
whom they refer to as 'Ayyak' whenever they of the Acheulian groups,
whereas the
select an area for establishing scattering
their of the sites marks the
settlement.
He is installed to the west of the habitation,
dispersal of groups during the ensuing wet
slightly away from it. Heseason. Further excavations
is their principle at twogod
of the
and is, therefore, identified as Bhimadeva
localities have revealed the presence of several
who is the same as Bhivsena of the
contiguous Gonds.
occupation spots,The
which suggest
Kolams now offer goat to this
that we aregod; but
probably were
dealing with a band type
formerly offering bulls of which they He
social organization". cannot
has now estimated
now afford. Could it bethe range of
that themovement
pioneringand human popula-
colonizers of Inamgaon tion have density (Paddayya 1981).
installed thisHe has also
aniconic representationexamined of their god
the utility when
of Ethnoarchaeology in
they came upon the site to locate their India (Padayya 1978-79). Nagaraja Rao
settlement? (1965) has given a reconstruction of the neo-
The foregoing discussion of the application litic dwellings of Tekkalkota on the basis of
of ethnographic parallels to the archaeologi- the evidence of the huts of the Boyas in
cal evidence amply shows the importance of Karnatak.
Ethnoarchaeology. I am not aware of any Another colleague of mine, M. L. K. Murty
such work being carried out by other Univer- (1981) is presently engaged in the exploration
sities or research centres in the country, but in and selective excavation of prehistoric cave
our Institute several colleagues of mine are sites in the Kurnool area in Andhra Pradesh
now employing ethnoarchaeological models which were occupied mostly by the Upper
for explaining cultural processes of the past. Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers and in some
My own guru Professor H. D. Sankalia had cases by the neolithic pastoralists who were
realised the importance of Ethnoarchaeology also practicing incipient agriculture. He is
and the first student to work under him was also combing eastern coastal tracts of Andhra
Dr. Malati Nagar who carried out a survey Pradesh and is simultaneously studying the
of the lifeways of the Bhils of Rajasthan and lifeways of some of the tribes in the region
attempted to interpret the archaeological data such as the Gonds, the Konda Reddis and the
from our large-scale excavations at Ahar, Koyas. He has observed a striking contiguity
near Udaipur which takes back the antiquity between the Stone Age hnter-gatherer sites
of the site to the beginning of the second and the present tribal habitats. He observes
millenium B. C. (Nagar 1966). Recently that "In view of such a contiguity implying
K.Paddayya has reconstructed the subsist- exploitation of varied ecotones from Stone
ence and settlement pattern of the palaeolithic Age times to the present can be drawn to
hunter-gatherers of the Hunsgi valley in the reconstruct models for prehistoric subsistence
Gulbarga district of Karnatak solely on the adaptations. But then the question would nat-
basis of ethnographic parallels. His intensive urally arise whether or not we can demon-
study of the Acheulian culture of the Hunsgi strate a continuity from Stone Age times to
valley has revealed an interesting distribu- the ethnographic preseñt in the traditional
tional pattern of sites - clustering of a major- economic behaviour of primitive groups
ity of sites in a small patch in the central adapted to similar enviornmentalT He
portion of the valley and random dispersal of argues that "such a continuity can be pre-
the rest in other parts. He observed that the dicted and ethnographic analogies can be

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 66 M. K. DHAVALIKAR

profitably and judiciously

premature to say anythingused, in
about their results, con
with it is nevertheless
archaeological and clear that the evidence is
environmen
extremely
ity, to interprete Stone encouragingAge in as much as it will
subsisten
Besides these colleagues,
throw a flood of light on the a past
good
lifeways of num
research studentstheare now
hunter-gatherers andworking
the flourishing first in
of ethnoarchaeology in
farmers of the Deccan. A newBastar,
picture of our G
Maharashtra and Karnatak areas. Their stu-past will no doubt emerge in the near future.
dies are in progress and although it may be
The future of our past is, therefore, bright.

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