Social Competence During Adolescence Across Cultures

Grace Iarocci and Emily Gardiner, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC, Canada
Ó 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Abstract

In this article, we consider what it means to be socially competent within the unique contexts that characterize adolescence.
This critical period constitutes an especially salient time for examining social competence, as rapidly maturing developmental
capacities have significant implications in terms of adolescents’ rapidly emerging new social-cognitive resources, changing
social goals, and shifting social focus. We discuss the key developmental milestones of adolescence, and illustrate the
transactional nature of the social competence construct. Finally, we consider how socially competent processes and outcomes
in adolescence may vary cross-culturally.

Developmental scientists have increasingly acknowledged the
important role of social competence in children’s everyday
lives. Social competence has been studied from different levels
of analysis, including at the level of cognition (e.g., perspective-
taking), overt behaviors/skills (e.g., use of eye contact), and
outcomes (e.g., social status, peer acceptance). However, social
competence cannot be reduced to any single index or ability;
the active and skillful coordination of multiple lower order
as well as contextual processes are necessary in order to
adequately meet the social demands of a particular situation
(Iarocci et al., 2007).
Social competence is both a developmental phenomenon
that can be measured over the course of a child’s development
(ontogenesis), as well as a characteristic of a particular social
encounter where the time scale is in the order of seconds and
minutes (microgenesis). Thus, continuities and discontinuities
in its development are expected, as children are better able to
coordinate abilities and take advantage of resources with
increasing age, but may be less competent at certain develop-
mental stages or in specific social contexts.
We must also consider that what constitutes socially
competent behavior changes throughout development.
Whereas in infancy social competency may be defined in terms
of the quality of the parent–child relationship, the social world
becomes significantly more complex in adolescence, and social
interactions begin to require proficiency in a range of sophis-
ticated social repertoires and skills (e.g., appreciation of social
context/subtle social nuances, initiating and maintaining
conversations, offering emotional support to others).
Adolescence is an especially salient developmental period
for examining social competence. The transition to adolescence
is marked by a rapid convergence of significant neurobiolog-
ical, cognitive, emotional, and social transformation. It is
recognized as the second major ’window’ of development and
change, next only in significance to early childhood. For
example, significant advances in cognition, in particular meta-
cognition and representational capacity, as well as competence
in abstract thinking and complex problem solving, help youth
to develop a differentiated and psychologically rich under-
standing of their social world. Relevant social interactions, such
as those with parents, enhance the continued development of
complex social understanding, and foster critical social
competencies including empathy and self-understanding.
However, entering this new social-psychological phase is
accompanied by a change in social focus, as the amount of time
spent with parents precipitously drops, while time spent with
peers increases. During this transition, the parent–child rela-
tionship requires renegotiation as children strive toward
autonomy and parents must find new ways of relating to, and
being supportive of, their children.
Paradoxically, adolescence is both a time in which greater
focus is directed inward toward self-reflection, as well as outward
toward consideration of others’ perspectives. These advancing
reflective processes serve youth well with regard to self-identity
formation, a key developmental task during this period, as
they begin to consider how they are similar, yet also unique from
their peers. During this time, the self is simultaneously differ-
entiated from others and viewed in relation to others. A person’s
identity is shaped by social experiences (Martin et al., 2008) and
therefore depends on the youth’s ability to relate to others.
Within the peer context, intergroup processes take on added
significance as youth work to establish their own identity and
status within the group. The steadily increasing centrality of
peer and romantic relationships heighten the social challenges
for adolescents. Those youth who successfully face these
challenges improve their social competence whereas those who
are unsuccessful may further diminish both their social status
and social competencies (Monahan and Steinberg, 2011).
Social Competence in Adolescence
Social competence is conceptualized as incorporating charac-
teristics of individuals and their environments, whereby these
two sources of influence are transactional. Within this frame-
work, social competence involves the active and skillful coordi-
nation of multiple processes and resources available to the child.
Such processes include basic sensory/perceptual and cognitive
abilities (i.e., attention, memory, motivation) fundamental to
the development of higher-order social-cognitive processes. For
example, sharing attention, understanding that others’ thoughts
and feelings differ from one’s own, and expressing emotions and
recognizing them in others, are only a few of the sophisticated
social abilities involved in social competence. Furthermore,
socially competent behavior also requires that a child coordinate
these basic social capacities with available contextual resources

216 International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2nd edition, Volume 22 http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.23189-9
 Social Competence During Adolescence Across Cultures
(e.g., opportunities for peer interactions). This higher-order
coordination is a critical component of social competence
because it permits children to appropriately match their social
goals with the demands of the social context. Accordingly, social
competence entails the development of strategic processes (i.e.,
techniques) that allow one to evaluate which resources are best
given the demands of a particular task in a particular context.
Social learning, through mediation and scaffolding, likely
influence the development of these strategies or ‘techniques,’ as
well as surrounding systemic factors. For example, the practices
of parents and other relevant social mediators (e.g., teachers)
play a significant role in shaping how social strategies are
implemented in socially appropriate ways.
Various sociocultural systems influence the development of
social competence through both proximal (direct) and distal
(indirect) effects (Bronfenbrenner, 2000; Cicchetti and Toth,
1997). Direct influences include the youth’s interactions with
significant persons or events in their lives (e.g., parenting
customs, sibling and peer relations, and teaching practices).
Indirect influences are thought to emanate from macrosystems,
or global-political contexts; mesosystems, which encompass the
patterns, beliefs, and values of the culture in which the child exists;
and exosystems, which comprise the various formal and informal
social structures in the adolescent’s environment, including the
neighborhood, schools, and local government policies on
education and health (Bronfenbrenner, 2000; Cicchetti and Toth,
1997). Within these systems, risk and protective factors are
present throughout the course of development and may operate
through distal and/or proximal processes to support or hinder
the development of social competence.
With this conceptual framework in mind, we now focus on
key developmental tasks (i.e., renegotiating parent–child
relationships, developing friendships and intimate relation-
ships, and self and cultural identity achievement) of adoles-
cence that illustrate the transactional nature of social
competence. The ways in which these major milestones are
achieved both influence the future course of social competence
development and are shaped by the adolescent’s existing social
competencies.
The Parent–Child Relationship
The parent–child interactions provide the primary social
learning context from infancy. A variety of social-cognitive
and socio-emotional processes, such as emotion regulation
and recognition, referencing, gaze following, gesturing, and
communication, are first evident in parent–child interactions.
For example, between the second and third month of life there
are significant developments in parent–infant behavioral
synchrony, turn taking, and reciprocity, all of which are
precursors to a healthy attachment. In typically developing
children between the ages of 3 and 6 years, however, there is
a marked decrease in time spent in direct contact with care-
givers and a concurrent increase in time spent with peers. As
such, peer relationships play an increasingly prominent role
in a child’s social development during the school years. This
trend continues throughout middle childhood as increased
availability of social opportunities is coupled with increased
social interest, social-cognitive maturation, and indepen-
dence. Despite these contextual changes, parenting behaviors,
217
specifically those related to supporting children’s changing
developmental needs, continue to impact the child’s bur-
geoning competence. While there are key parenting behaviors
that support growth in social skill acquisition (i.e., warmth,
sensitivity, and responsiveness), there are also those that
interfere with, or hinder these developmental processes (i.e.,
parental negativity and overreactivity).
There is generally strong continuity of social competence
during earlier developmental periods (from early childhood to
middle childhood), yet studies of continuity from childhood to
adolescence have yielded inconsistent findings (Obradovic et al.,
2006). Longitudinal studies have shown that although at-
tachment classification in infancy does not predict attachment
beyond childhood, functioning during childhood is sig-
nificantly related to functioning in adolescence, which predicts
future functioning in young adulthood (Simpson et al., 2007).
Secure infants who are more socially competent in middle
childhood have more secure friendships at age 16, and these
individuals demonstrate greater emotional expression in their
romantic relationships as young adults. Those who begin as
secure are much more likely to experience high-quality
relationships across development. Early attachment experiences
are foundational and influence one’s ability to form intimate
and stable bonds over time. The parent–child attachment
provides a framework within which the child forms expectations
about the predictability of relationships. Those youth who have
a secure attachment with their parents are likely to view peer
interactions and relationships as similarly predictable and safe,
providing a secure context for social exploration. Similarly, these
early experiences influence later representations of romantic
relationships, suggesting continuities between experiences with
primary caregivers and the quality of later attachments (Roisman
et al., 2009). Thus, although parents play a less prominent role
during the adolescent period due to the changing demands of
peer-dominated social interactions, an established secure base
of parent–child attachment allows adolescents to form their own
secure attachments with friends and romantic partners. Parents
continue to be a significant influence in the development of social
competence, but the relation between parent–child attachment
and social competence is modest. For instance, accounts that
include other mediational child variables, such as empathy, effi-
cacy beliefs, emotional regulation, and social information pro-
cessing, as well as community variables, such as neighborhood
context, school factors, extracurricular activities, and religious
involvement, may better explain the link between parent–child
attachment and social competence.
Friendships and Intimate Relationships
During adolescence, peer relationships typically assume
increased significance. The relationships that emerge during
this time, such as close friendships and romantic relationships,
tend to be less based on shared play activities and more on
a higher degree of intimacy and self-disclosure (i.e., sharing of
personal thoughts and feelings), greater mutuality, and
increased reciprocity. During this period, a key behavioral
expression of social competence includes the successful devel-
opment and maintenance of more intimate peer relationships.
This period likely involves both an emergence of new skills
(e.g., social problem-solving and abstract reasoning), as well as
218 Social Competence During Adolescence Across Cultures

further developments in existing social-cognitive processes, some minority adolescents are undecided or reluctant to make
such as perspective-taking (theory of mind), emotion process- a firm commitment to a particular ethnic identity. However,
ing, and pragmatic language abilities. Whereas gains in social developmental and social changes conspire to resolve this crisis
competence enable individuals to better contend with social in most youth. Whereas in early adolescence minority teenagers
developmental tasks, the successful negotiation of these tasks, may deny any interest in their racial or cultural background, by
in turn, creates further opportunities for continued social the latter part of this stage, as moral reasoning becomes more
learning and growth. For instance, close friendships with more sophisticated and social awareness of the relations between the
competent peers provide adolescents with valuable social dominant and subcultures are raised, minority adolescents may
learning opportunities to refine and practice more sophisti- be ready to explore their heritage. Positive social interactions
cated skills, and to receive important social feedback. with other members of the same culture, and attendance at
religious services or cultural events, can increase the adoles-
cents’ knowledge and instill a sense of pride in their ethnic
Self and Cultural Identity Achievement
background. Achieving a positive ethnic identity has been
Although the process of identity development may appear to be found to be associated with better grades, higher self-esteem,
a solitary endeavor that occurs within the individual adolescent, better relations with family and friends, and reduced physical
the social-constructionist perspective on identity is that a self and relational peer aggression.
only exists in relationship to other selves (Martin et al., 2008).
Related to this notion is that the choices adolescents have are
typically constrained by their social situation, and similarly,
Cultural Variations in Social Competence
their decisions are made within the context of societal
Social competence is particularly advantageous in modern
demands. There are several cognitive shifts in higher-order
society as the cultural context becomes increasingly diverse. For
reasoning about the self and abstract and conceptual ways of
adolescents developing in a multicultural environment, being
perceiving the self and others’ perspectives that facilitate the
able to effectively navigate the social-cultural demands of
exploration of various options. Alongside these cognitive mile-
multiple and diverse perspectives is likely to be integral to their
stones are important changes in the social landscape including
healthy social adaptation and development. However, to fully
emerging peer groups, cliques, and cross-gender relationships.
understand the impact of social competence on development,
Within these peer contexts, adolescents learn a great deal about
we must consider the variations in social relationships, social
the self, social and group conformity and deviancy, social hier-
contexts, and social goals and values across cultures.
archies, and ostracism. In addition, moving in and out of
Developmental research on social competence specifically,
different peer contexts provides opportunities for experimenta-
or development more broadly, raises the long-standing
tion with ‘trying on’ various identities. Being included and
concern about the universality of psychological principles and
accepted is important in the formation of one’s identity, and the
findings. Within a universalist framework, researchers deter-
identity experimentation that inclusion allows may have
mine whether ‘universals’ found in commonly studied groups
a particularly formative impact on the development of social
hold true in others. However, we must also consider the
competence. For example, lonely or socially isolated adolescents
varying social resources, demands, goals, and values that are
are more likely to turn to the Internet to experiment with their
reflective of the diverse environments in which social
identity, and apparently benefit from the relative anonymity that
competence develops. Cross-cultural researchers refer to this
this setting provides in learning how to relate to people.
period as ‘adolescences’ (Larson and Wilson, 2004, p. 299) to
Social and cultural expectations about adolescence also
communicate the greatly divergent trajectories that individuals
have a profound impact on self-identity development. Parental
navigate during this period. This latter perspective is known as
and cultural beliefs about the adolescent’s autonomy, respon-
a relativist framework. This perspective examines each culture
sibility, and achievements provide a point of reference for the
for its uniqueness, and is not concerned with establishing
adolescent. However, experimentation with social rules and
cross-culture commonalities (Iarocci et al., 2009).
structures is common. Through active exploration of alterna-
In examining how the study of cross-cultural continuity and
tives to mainstream social roles, adolescents solidify their
diversity can be approached, it is first important to consider the
identities and eventually firmly adopt or reject certain social
question: What is culture? This, too, is a diversely defined and
and cultural norms. Identity achievement occurs when the
complex construct that exerts significant influence in terms of
adolescent has explored and committed to fundamental
a society’s values, expectations, practices, beliefs, and patterns
aspects of their identity. Supportive parents, schools, and
of interaction. We adopt Larson and Wilson’s (2004)
communities that encourage exploration are thought to
comprehensive definition:
promote identity achievement. Identity achievement is associ-
ated with higher self-esteem, increased critical thinking, and
advanced moral reasoning in adolescents. Culture might best be understood as the frame of reference that
Some aspects of adolescents’ identities, such as commit- people begin acquiring in infancy and that molds how they think
about themselves and others. It is embedded in the language one
ments to occupational, religious, or ethnic identity, may occur learns, one’s intimate relationships and daily activities, the religion
later in development. For example, unlike most adolescents of one is taught, and other existential fundamentals, such as when,
the majority culture, minority adolescents must consider the where, and how one experiences different emotions. Each culture
degree to which their racial or cultural background will be part contains its own indigenous psychology, which includes develop-
mental tasks and precepts, as well as postulates what is ‘true, beau-
of their identity. Identification with a minority culture may
tiful, good, and normal’. (p. 303)
result in racism, ostracism, and marginalization, and thus,
 Social Competence During Adolescence Across Cultures
This explanation highlights the pervasive influence of the
cultural environment, and demonstrates how its influence
extends across socio-ecological levels over time to become
integrated within everyday actions and interactions. Thus, one’s
behavior cannot be evaluated as competent or not without
a deep understanding of the specific social influences within
the culture. It is the overarching norms and mores present
within a particular society that dictate what is considered
appropriate. For example, social behaviors considered critical
for successful interaction in individual-oriented Western
nations, such as sustained and appropriately modulated eye
contact during conversation, may actually be considered
socially inappropriate in others, such as in socially oriented
Asian countries.
Researchers often draw distinctions between collectivist and
individualist cultures. However, we must acknowledge that
these are merely labels used to refer to aggregated groups of
individuals who are not homogeneous. Modern adaptation to
urbanization and globalization has led to the coexistence of
elements from both dimensions, at least to some extent. This
review is not intended to be exhaustive, and as such, will not
delve into this discussion in detail. Instead we aim to provide
examples that will highlight how interrelated social compo-
nents contribute to one’s expression of socially competent
capacities in diverse contexts.
Diversity in Relationships
Resources that are essential to the development of social
competence emerge from the interactions that take place
between children and their primary caregiver(s). In Western
nations, child-rearing activities primarily fall to the nuclear
family unit and positive social outcomes are associated with
secure child–caregiver attachment. In cultures where child-
rearing may rely on greater involvement from extended
family or community members, such as Israeli kibbutzim,
hunter-gatherer tribes in African cultures (e.g., Dogon of Mali,
Efé of Congo, and Gusii of Kenya), and Aboriginal commu-
nities, it is important to consider the diversity in caregiving
contexts and the potential implications for social competence.
Interestingly, even in such distinct settings, the importance of
a secure attachment with the primary caregiver(s) emerges as
critical. For instance, infants raised in kibbutzim who are
securely attached with their mother or father have been found
to attain higher school achievement and demonstrate greater
emotional maturity, as well as have higher self-perceived social
acceptance and self-esteem in adolescence, all of which enable
an individual to participate competently in social interaction
(Sagi-Schwartz and Aviezer, 2005).
In Western societies, authoritative parenting has consistently
been identified as the ideal style over authoritarian, indulgent, or
neglectful parenting. Authoritative parent–adolescent interac-
tions are characterized by high degrees of warmth, control, and
autonomy granting, and are associated with positive adolescent
outcomes including higher academic achievement, fewer mental
health concerns, and stronger self-esteem (Steinberg, 2001), yet
this is not universal. Authoritarian parenting, distinguished by
high control and low warmth, has been associated with the
same kinds of positive outcomes in American minority
cultures, such as for African-American children and
219
adolescents, as well as for adolescents in Asian societies, such as
China, Japan, Vietnam, and South Korea. In comparison to
Western parents, those who utilize nondemocratic approaches
(i.e., parents’ boundaries are nonnegotiable) may be designated
as low in parental warmth. However, close attachments can still
be characteristic of these relationships. It is likely the ways in
which these high-control approaches are interpreted within the
relevant cultural context (i.e., as indicative of interest and
concern), as well as how they are representative of broader
societal circumstances and values, that mediates these different
developmental pathways. For example, authoritarian parenting
may be protective in collectivist societies that place great
importance on respect for authority and group cooperation.
Authoritarian-like parent–child interactions, in which adoles-
cents must submit to parental rules, may be more culturally
appropriate in such environments as they prepare children to
comply with the implicit group harmony-focused social
demands of their society. These mechanisms may also have great
practical relevance within North America where neighborhoods
characterized by low socioeconomic status, high ethnic and
racial diversity, and a high proportion of young people are
associated with greater violence and delinquency. In circum-
stances such as these, parents may adopt high-control
approaches in an effort to prevent their children from becoming
engaged in risky activities.
Diversity in Social Contexts
Adolescence is a developmental period that involves confronting
novel social challenges and demands. These may include navi-
gating the complexities associated with more intimate peer and
romantic relationships, as well as adopting greater responsibility
in contributing to the family economy. Although the demands
facing adolescents in Western and non-Western societies differ,
this divergence is actually greatest when examining how imposed
expectations vary across genders in diverse cultures. Male and
female experiences during this stage can be so “dissimilar as to
constitute separate adolescences” (Larson and Wilson, 2004, p.
319). For example, in areas of the Middle East, Latin America,
Africa, Asia, and South Asia, entering adolescence is ac-
companied by a drastic transformation in roles. Males are
granted increased autonomy and are encouraged to spend time
with peers, whereas females experience restrictions on their
independence, as unsanctioned relations with the opposite sex
are considered highly inappropriate and may bring shame
upon the family (Larson and Wilson, 2004; Lee et al., 2010).
Moreover, females are often expected to fulfill caretaking roles
by taking on greater domestic and childcare responsibilities. In
contrast, males are encouraged to assert themselves, to express
their ideas, and to make their own decisions. Although these
latter behaviors may appear to be consistent with the goals of
those within Western society, research conducted with
adolescents in Taiwan identified that gender was a better
predictor of autonomous thought than cultural value
orientation (i.e., collectivistic or individualistic), demonstrating
that these patterns may not be reflective of a West-East
dichotomy, but of a stark division in how the two genders are
viewed and socialized cross-culturally (Lee et al., 2010).
Social demands and expectations become particularly
complicated as non-Western societies become introduced to
220 Social Competence During Adolescence Across Cultures
Western ideals and practices through urbanization, globaliza-
tion, and increased access to information (i.e., greater use of the
Internet and social media, and exposure to international
broadcasting sources). This can result in value system adapta-
tions in younger generations, coupled with the presentation of
competing demands imposed by different groups (i.e., peers
and family). For example, parents may assume that their
adolescent daughters will embrace values from their culture of
origin; however, the adolescent may perceive these values as
outdated or incongruous with their ‘idealized’ culture. These
conflicts are evident even in groups that have emigrated from
non-Western societies to Western countries. For example,
adolescent daughters whose parents immigrated to Canada
from India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh seem to experience
a mismatch between their traditional social cultural expecta-
tions and those of the Western setting in which they live. These
youth were discouraged from intermingling with their Cana-
dian peers, social interactions were highly supervised, and they
reported that they were viewed as inferior in comparison to
male peers (Talbani and Hasanali, 2000). Children of
immigrants must navigate at least two, at times incompatible,
cultures to both successfully meet the social demands of their
same-aged native-born peer group as well as maintain ties to
their cultural heritage.
Aboriginal groups worldwide may share a similar experi-
ence even though their histories involved persecution and
colonization rather than emigration. In Canada, the term
‘Aboriginal’ refers to the country’s original inhabitants prior to
the European invasion. First Nations (the indigenous peoples
of the Americas located within the boundaries of Canada,
excluding the Arctic), Inuit (indigenous peoples located in the
Arctic), and Métis (persons of mixed European-First Nations
ancestry) are collectively referred to as Aboriginal peoples.
These groups share a history of oppression and loss of culture
that has had a deleterious impact on subsequent generations.
Currently, youth strive to participate and succeed in the
majority culture, which, in some cases, comes at a significant
cost to their own personal as well as the collective well-being.
The risk and protective factors associated with identification
with ancestral identity have begun to be studied among
Aboriginal youth. There is growing evidence that identification
with one’s cultural heritage is particularly protective for these
youth with regard to peer relations and educational and social
outcomes.
Diversity in Social Goals and Values
In Western societies, adolescence is typically conceptualized as
a developmental phase in which central milestones include
asserting greater independence, forming a unique identity that
distinguishes adolescents among family members, and shifting
social focus to the development and maintenance of stronger
peer relationships. However, social goals in adolescence vary
across cultures. For example, in non-Western countries,
including India and Asia, as well as across Arab societies (e.g.,
Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Palestine, Egypt, and Jordan),
the social goals of adolescence are not peer focused but remain
family centered. These adolescents often remain more con-
nected with their family members than their North American
counterparts do, viewing their parents as companions,
spending more time in their company than with their peers,
and confiding with their parents about personal matters. The
parent–adolescent relationship renegotiation characteristic of
the West is also not a central developmental task in such
contexts, as these relationships remain hierarchically orga-
nized, with adolescents expecting to defer to parents’ authority.
In such societies, family interdependence, as opposed to
independence, is the goal (Dwairy et al., 2006).
Interdependence is also a central concept around which
adolescents in collectivist cultures base their identities. In this
setting, the self is defined as a ‘we-self ,’ as opposed to a ‘me-
self ,’ and reflects the individual’s ability to conform to the
values and goals of the broader society. It is less tied to how one
is unique or what can be achieved independently. In interde-
pendent contexts, socially desirable, and therefore also socially
competent, individual characteristics are those that facilitate
harmonious group functioning, such as shyness, cooperation,
and vigilance. In stark contrast, these qualities may be pathol-
ogized in North America, with numerous studies documenting
the socially maladaptive outcomes associated with introver-
sion. In the latter context, adolescents are expected to be
assertive and independent, and individuals who effectively
communicate such qualities enjoy greater social opportunities.
Thus, socially competent behavior must be evaluated with an
understanding of the social goals and values of a particular
society.
Adolescence is the ideal frame of time to capture the
multidimensional and transactional landscape of social
competence. The unprecedented changes in social abilities and
opportunities during this developmental period shape, and are
shaped by, social competence. However, there are important
variations in social relationships, social contexts, and social
goals and values across cultures that must be considered to
fully grasp the impact of social competence on development.
See also: Adolescence, Sociology of; Childhood and
Adolescence: Developmental Assets; Friendship During
Adolescence and Cultural Variations; Identity and Identification,
Social Psychology of; Identity in Childhood and Adolescence;
Mass Media and Cultural Identity; Personality Changes During
Adolescence Across Cultures; Self and Identity Development
During Adolescence across Cultures; Social Identity in
Sociology; Stress in Adolescence: Effects on Development.
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