Pak-Afghan relations: Hanging by a
Pakistan became increasingly negative. While
thread
By: Khalid Aziz (12th September 2015)
“O Motherland!
Why are all our tributaries
Of love in tumult
Our rivers of life
In revolt?” — Ejaz Rahim
I WAS recently in Afghanistan to attend the academic forum meeting
in connection with the sixth gathering of the Regional Economic
Cooperation Conference for Afghanistan. It gave me an opportunity
for discussion with the Afghan leadership, officials from the
Pakistani mission in Kabul, diplomats from different countries, and
an enriching interaction with the youth under the young Afghan
leaders programme run by the Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung, Afghanistan.
Many of us had high hopes of a paradigm shift in Afghan-Pakistan
relations when President Ashraf Ghani soon after taking office, in a
break with the past, visited GHQ on his maiden visit to Pakistan. His
gesture conveyed two clear messages; firstly, that he understood the
Pakistan military’s paramountcy in the oversight of its country’s
foreign policy with Afghanistan, and secondly, he depended on the
Pakistan military to deliver the ‘Quetta Shura’ so that a lasting
reconciliation with the Afghan Taliban could be achieved.
To this end, an MoU was also signed between Pakistan’s and
Afghanistan’s premier intelligence agencies — the ISI and the
National Directorate of Security (NDS) respectively — which aimed
at eradicating terrorist safe havens, despite strong misgivings
amongst components of Afghanistan’s national unity government.
Matters were proceeding smoothly when the rapidly developing
friendly relations between the two nations were grievously impacted
by a series of explosions that rocked the Afghan capital on Aug 7.
About 50 Afghans were killed and more than 300 innocent citizens
injured. Senior Afghan officials pointed the finger at Pakistan,
specifically accusing the Haqqani network for these atrocities. The
officials claimed their allegations were based on electronic intercepts
and they accused Pakistan of perfidy and dishonesty in its intentions
towards Afghanistan.
Two events then followed in quick succession. First, both the Afghan
parliament and civil society denounced the MoU that had been
signed between the intelligence agencies; second, the NDS criticised
the ISI as being less than honest for hiding the fact that the emir of
the Taliban, Mullah Omar, had died more than two years ago.
After this, the perceptions of Afghans towards
interacting with young Afghans in Kabul, I asked
if anyone amongst them could summarise in a
phrase their attitude towards Pakistan today. A
youth studying in Afghanistan University
responded by saying, “We hate you in the same
manner as the Palestinians hate the Israelis!” It
was a sobering exchange indeed.
The fear of violence at the hands of intelligence
agents and civilians (there have been instances of
intimidation) has forced the Pakistan ambassador
to pull his staff into the chancery; I also found
that while the rest of the diplomatic missions
attended formal gatherings, Pakistani
representation was usually absent. This clearly
showed that the improvement in Pak-Afghan
relations that had begun with so much hope now
lies shattered.
What is painful to note is that the effort required
to revive relations is also missing; surely now is
the time to reach out with a host of visiting
delegations from Pakistan to assuage Afghan
grievances. This is the accepted cultural norm in
the region, and if we don’t know that, then there
is a need to take a crash course in Pakhtun social
norms to fill the gap if we want to remain
relevant.
From my discussions, it became evident that not
only is there a huge trust deficit between our two
nations at the moment, but that the top Afghan
leadership feels betrayed and aggrieved. This is
especially so given the perception that the huge
truck explosion in Kabul on Aug 7 was meant for
the leaders of the national unity government. In
short, the perceptions in Kabul towards Pakistan
are far from positive.
At another level, there is criticism of the national
unity government for failing to address the
problems that beset their people. Also of concern
is the fact that its leadership is widely diffused
within the coalition which appears as a vehicle
that is out of sync. Kabul residents quip they have
a government with seven presidents — Dr Ghani,
Dr Abdullah, two deputies of Dr Ghani, two
deputies of Dr Abdullah and Mr Hamid Karzai.
The former president continues to enjoy official
resources and protection afforded by the
government. Obviously, this is a heavy burden on
the meagre resources of the Afghan state that is
barely able to generate $874 million from taxes
and duties, while the cost of maintaining the Afghan National
Security Forces alone is $4.3 billion.
Despite the passage of nine months, no defence minister has yet
been appointed and corruption levels remain high. People in Kabul
speak of a lack of willingness to tackle this menace that is harming
Afghan nation-building. It is also important to remember that
improved security is vital for Afghanistan to develop into an
effective state.
So how does one put Pakistan’s Afghan policy back on the rails?
We must understand that Afghanistan is a proud, sovereign nation
and cannot be considered a client state: it obviously causes anger
when Pakistani security managers respond to Afghan concerns by
claiming that their attention was diverted by the Saudi-Yemen
conflict.
The most effective step will be to undertake a strategic dialogue
with Afghanistan with progress strictly monitored rather than being
left on paper alone. Afghanistan needs help and sympathy; in return
Pakistan will gain a friend and also enhance its own security. The
international community can help create a firefighting protocol that
should come into play the moment any provocation takes place.
It is the region’s bad luck that it abounds in false flag operations
that are likely to increase in the days to come, since there are too
many spoilers who are taking part in this version of the Great
Game.
New blow for Pak-Afghan ties
By: Anonymous (20 July 2021) th
THE unfortunate episode involving the daughter of
Afghanistan’s ambassador to Pakistan has taken a new twist
with the police saying that the impressions created by her
claims of abduction have not been corroborated by their
investigations though a final conclusion will only be reached
once the investigators can have full cooperation from the
family.
In a press conference on Monday that was also addressed by
Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi and National Security
Adviser Dr Moeed Yusuf, the IG Islamabad Qazi Jamilur Rehman
said the police had traced the taxi drivers who had taken her from
Islamabad to Rawalpindi and back and had also mapped out her
route by scanning CCTV camera footage. The foreign minister
added that he would wait for the final conclusion of the
investigation before saying anything further, while the national
security adviser said a smear campaign against Pakistan was being
choreographed on social media from abroad.
The entire affair has put Pakistan’s relations with Afghanistan under
strain as Kabul has recalled its Islamabad embassy staff for the time
being. This comes at a crucial time with the US about to
complete its exit from Afghanistan and the Afghan
Taliban stepping up their offensive against the
government of President Ashraf Ghani.
Read: Pakistan’s Afghan predicament
Pakistan has been working feverishly to broker a
power-sharing arrangement so that Afghanistan
does not descend yet again into civil war. In this
regard, Prime Minister Imran Khan is hosting
a conference in Islamabad for important leaders
from Afghanistan shortly. The foreign minister has
done well to restrain his rhetoric about the
allegations of the Afghan ambassador’s daughter
and the government has also taken the correct
proactive approach by extending full cooperation in
investigating the matter.
However Interior Minister Sheikh Rashid has,
unfortunately, been less careful with his words.
While talking to a TV channel, he made some
irresponsible statements about these allegations
being a conspiracy against Pakistan. Even if the
details are murky and the investigation so far is
suggesting something contrary to what has been
stated, the interior minister should have remained
tight-lipped till everything was clear. His
undiplomatic utterances are harmful to Pakistan and
Prime Minister Imran Khan should have a firm
word with him.
The Islamabad police need to build a watertight
case around their final conclusions because the
stakes could not have been higher. It is heartening
to hear that the police has dedicated a large number
of investigators to the case and they have traced
crucial details about what transpired that day. The
complainants should also now fully cooperate with
the police so that all loose ends can be tied. The
Kabul government should have waited for the final
investigations before taking the drastic step of
recalling its staff from Islamabad. It should see
reason and avoid further vitiation of the situation.
This would be in both sides’ interest.
 History
Winter Vacation Homework

Problems faced by both of the countries in the period 1947-2021:

1. The border issue:
Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947 none of the Afghan governments
have accepted the Durrand line as the border between the two countries.
There are many factors which have made it very hard to control that
border.
i) The area is too large to be controlled properly
ii) At many areas along the Durrand line, people from the same
tribes and families live on both sides of the border and move back
and forth without much regard of the boundary.
iii) Since the Jihad against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, many
have mastered crossing the border without detection by
authorities on at least the Afghan side.
2. Afghan objection of Pakistan being admitted into UN:
When Pakistan appeared on the world map in 1947 Afghanistan objected
to its admission in the United Nations (UN). The afghan government,
present at that time, decided not to recognize Pakistan as the legitimate
inheritor of the territorial agreements reached with the British.
3. Smuggling of drugs in both the countries:
Afghanistan is responsible for more than 90% of the world’s illicit opium
production, and 33% of that product is smuggled across the Pakistan-
Afghanistan border.20 Pakistani cities of Quetta and Karachi and the
ports associated with them have significant importance in the drug trade
out of Afghanistan. But Pakistan is not just a transit point for drug
smugglers; it also has a significant drug problem itself, with around
700,000 opiate abusers in the country, making up 0.7% of the population
ages fifteen to 64—almost twice the world average.
 4. The division of the Pashtun population by the Durrand line:
The 1893 Durand Line effectively divided the Pashtun population in half.
Numerous Afghan-Pashtun leaders have argued that Afghanistan is the
“original home” of the Pashtun, therefore the Pashtun regions of Pakistan
should be part of Afghanistan. Others have tried to incite nationalist
sentiments in Pakistan by calling for the creation of “Pashtunistan.” Such
policies tied to it has contributed to Pakistan’s fears that its neighbors —
Afghanistan and India—are bent at breaking it down to several parts.
5. The execution of the TAPI project:
The Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline vision is
far from implementation because of many reasons including insecurity,
high prices demanded by the supplier and unreliability of Turkmen
reserves, lack of adequate outside financing and the on again off again
tensions between India and Pakistan.
Positive developments faced by both of the countries in the period
1947-2021:
1. The ATTA project helps in improving economic relations between
the two countries:
Afghanistan has long had a dependent economic relationship with
neighboring Pakistan, and Islamabad has done much to foster this
dependency. The Afghan Transit Trade Agreement (ATTA), which
allows Afghanistan to import goods duty free through the Pakistani port of
Karachi on the Arabian Sea is key to their trade. It is recently being
renegotiated and the United States is facilitating the process of updating
the agreement. Pakistan is the largest exporter to Afghanistan, with around
US$ 1.7 billion in exports annually, which accounts for 36.8 percent of
Afghan imports and 8.4 percent of Pakistan’s exports. Pakistan also
represents a major export market for Afghan products, with roughly about
US$ 71 million exported to Pakistan every year—equal to 21.8 percent of
all Afghan exports. However, much of Afghanistan’s exports are raw
materials, which are processed or used in manufacturing in Pakistan. The
finished goods are frequently resold to Afghans at a higher price.
2. Both of the countries have agreed to build a gas pipeline:
Since early 1990s, Afghanistan and Pakistan have sought to build a
pipeline that will transport Central Asian—especially Turkmen—energy
to markets in South Asia.
3. Pakistan has limited the supply of drugs to different parts of KPK:
The Pakistani government has successfully limited opium poppy
cultivation to small areas of the KPK, and has continued to close down
drug labs and interdict shipments from Afghanistan. Pakistan, Iran, and
Afghanistan have agreed to coordinate border security in order to stop
drug traffickers, and they have also agreed to block the transport of
chemicals used to produce heroin.
4. Pakistan has provided political and military support for different
factions within Afghanistan:
Pakistan has provided political and military support for different factions
within Afghanistan since the early 1970s. During the 1980s, Pakistan was
a major backer of the Afghan Mujahideen (holy warriors) fighting against
the Soviet invasion and hosted millions Afghan refugees fleeing the war.
5. Pakistan continued to train the Mujahideen and the Taliban:
Even after the withdrawal of Soviet troops in 1989, Pakistani military
officers continued to provide training and guidance to the Mujahideen and
eventually to Taliban forces to combat their enemies.

By: Hassan Khan

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