Andaya, B.W. (1978) - "The Indian Saudagar Raja (The King's Merchant) in Traditional Malay Courts". JMBRAS. Vol. 51. No. 1. (233) .

THE INDIAN SAUDAGAR RAJA (THE KING'S MERCHANT) IN TRADITIONAL MALAY COURTS
Author(s): BARBARA WATSON ANDAYA

Source: Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 51, No. 1 (233)
(1978), pp. 12-35
Published by: Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41492184 .
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THE INDIAN S AUD AG AR RAJA (THE KING'S MERCHANT)
IN TRADITIONAL MALAY COURTS1
by
BARBARA WATSON ANDAYA
Recent works on the Malay world in the period before 1800, largelycon-
cerned with the compilation and analysis of previouslyunpublished material,
have made available several case studies of specifickingdoms.2 Unfortunately,
despite the obvious gaps still remaining,the limitationsof known documentary
evidenceare becomingapparentand it is quite possible thatthe historyof certain
Malay states may never be satisfactorily reconstructed.3 Nonetheless,the on-
goingcontemporary research,by wideningthe scope forcomparisonand contrast,
is providinga more solid basis forgeneralisationsabout the natureof pre-colonial
Malay society. Whileat timessuchresearchmayquestionthevalidityofcommon-
ly advanced arguments,it may, on otheroccasions, supportaccepted theoriesby
supplyingdetailed evidence and particularexamples. It is in the latterdirection
thatthis paper is oriented.
The position of foreigners,notably Indians, as intermediariesbetween
Europeans and trading princes in the Indonesian archipelago has long been
recognised,4and a numberof historianshave singledout the post of Syahbandar,
one oftenheld by Indians, as being vital in the commercialrelationshipbetween
incoming traders and the court.5 The followingdiscussion is an attemptto
carrythe investigationa step further. Through an examinationof the officeof
saudagar raja, the king's merchant,it aims to elucidate the role played by one
type of Indian, the Muslim trader,in the political and economic life of Malay
courtsduringthe 17thand 18thcenturies.
In seeking firstto make some general commentsabout the nature of the
saudagar raja position,one is hindered by fact that relevantinformationis not
^his paperis a revised versionofoneoriginally presentedto theSecondNewZealandCon-
ferenceon AsianStudiesheldat Christchurch in May,1977. I wouldliketo express my
appreciationto Dr L.Y. Andaya, Dr ChristineDobbin,andespecially to Professor
S. Arasa-
ratnam fordetailed andinformative comments on earlier
drafts andalsoto themembers of
theHistory Department, University ofAuckland, forhelpfulquestionsandsuggestions.
2Forexample, R. Bonney, Kedah1771-1821 : TheSearch forSecurity andIndependence (Kuala
Lumpur andLondon,1971);Leonard Y. Andaya, TheKingdom ofJohor1641-1728: Economic
and PoliticalDevelopments (Kuala Lumpurand London,1975); BarbaraWatsonAndaya,
'Perak,theAbodeof Grace;A Studyofan Eighteenth Century MalayState',PhD Thesis,
CornellUniversity, 1975(forthcoming, Oxford UniversityPress).
3Thisargument is developed withreference to Terengganu byBarbaraWatsonAndaya, 'An
Examination ofSourcesConcerning theReignofSultanMansurSyahofTerengganu (1741-
1793)withSpecialReference to theTuhfat al-Nafis'JMBRAS, 49, 2 (1976),pp. 80-106.
4B. Schrieke,'Prolegomena toteenSociologische Studieoverde VolkenvanSumatra', TBG,
65 (1925),pp. 130-131;A.A.Cense,De Kroniek vanBandjarmasin 1928),pp. 33
(Santpoort,
and94; D.K. Bassett, 'EuropeanInfluence in SoutheastAsia,c. 1500-1630',JSEAH,4, 2
(1963),p. 143.
5W.H.Moreland, 'The Shahbandar in theEasternSeas',JRAS (Oct. 1920),pp. 517-534;
Purnadi Purbatjaraka,'Shahbandars intheArchipelago', JSEAH, 2, 2 (1961),pp. 1-9.
13

BARBARA ANDAYA
WATSON VOL. 51
JMBRAS,
easily located. On the one hand, while Europeans at the time may have been
interestedin a certainroyalmerchantin a certaincourt,the presentauthorknows
of no account whichtriesto collate commentsfromdifferent places and periods.
On the otherhand, Malay sources are even less informative than the records of
European trading companies. Court texts, though referringfrequentlyto the
presence of traders and the wealth of the ruler, contain disappointinglyfew
details about the actual mechanics of royal trade. No clear indicationcan be
gained, for instance,of when the saudagar raja firstemerged as an established
post withinthe Malay court hierarchy. Looking for some precedentin India,
fromwhence the Malay world derived many of its commercialpractices,one is
struckby the apparentabsence of a preciselyequivalentoffice,althoughindividual
merchantsoftenacted as agentsfor Indian princesand nobles.6 The systemas
it existedin Indian principalitiesis moreakin to thatprevailingin pre-Portuguese
Melaka, where selected traderswere delegated to conduct trade on the ruler's
behalf.7 The title of saudagar raja itselfdoes not appear in either Malay or
European sources describingMelaka, and it seems that the royal agents there
were employed on a casual basis withoutbeing accorded any officialstanding
in the court. But by the 17thcentury,and possiblyearlier,it had become desira-
ble forMalay rulersto institutionalise an officewhose holder would be entrusted
with all the ruler's business transactions. Indeed, one of the virtues of the
position may have been its very lack of traditionalprecedent,which meant it
could be adaptedto circumstancewithoutoffending courtprotocol. The saudagar
raja might thus be the sole person authorised to act on behalfof the king; in some
places the post was combined with that of Syahbandar;8in othershe shared his
officewithanother,or headed a group of royalmerchants.9
While it is impossible to ascertainthe exact origins of the saudagar raja,
referencesto royal merchantsrecur repeatedlyin informationdating fromthe
17thand 18thcentury. No doubtthisstemsin partfromthe increasingEuropean
documentationregardingthe Malay world, and one might also speculate that
Malay rulersimitatedthe customadopted by European Companies of employing
European or Asian representatives, witha titleand emolument. It seems equally
to
feasible,however, suggest that the growingimportanceof the saudagar raja
is relatedto the development of a number of Malay statesafterabout 1600 where
the economy was dominated by the ruler.10
6ProfessorArasaratnam toauthor, 6thJuly1977. See alsobelow,fn.71.
7M.A.P.Meilink-Roelofsz, AsianTradeandEuropean in theIndonesian
Influence Archipelago
between1500andabout1630(TheHague,1962),p. 51.
8SeeJohnHarris(ed.) Navigantium AtqueItinerarium Bibhotheca(London,1705),I, p. 733
and ThomasForrest, A Voyage fromCalcuttato the MerguiArchipelago, (London,1792),
p. 47. ManySyahbandars undoubtedly actedas royalagents. In thispaper,however, I
haveonlyusedevidence whichspecificallyusedthetermsaudagar raja,orwhichclearly stated
thattheindividual
described wastheroyalagent.
9In1690therulerofKedahhadtwosaudagar raja. KA 1348OB 1690,JanDop andSibrant
Siboniusto Governor ofMelaka,31 March1689,fo.267. Forreferences to a groupofroyal
merchants,see J.E. Heeres(ed.), CorpusDiplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum,BKI, 91 (1934),
p. 217;J.Ras,HikajatBandjar(The Hague,1968),p. 295;JohnDunmore, 'FrenchVisitors
toTrengganu inthe18thCentury ' JMBRAS,46,1 (1973),p. 155.
luInthisconnection itis interesting to notethatin Malabara direct oftheimposition
result of
royalmonopolieswasan increase inthepowerofroyalofficials.See A. Das Gupta,Malabar
inAsianTrade,1740-1800 (Cambridge, 1967),p. 34.
14

PART1, 1978 THE INDIANSAUDAGAR*
RAJA
IN TRADITIONAL
MALAY
COURTS
Of course, royal participationin trade was not per se new. In the grea,
emporium of Malay Melaka, despite a large group of independentmerchantst
the Sultan had still been one of the most prominenttraders. He owned many
vessels of his own, charteredmore junks than any other Melaka resident,and
was said to have a sharein the cargoofeveryjunk whichleftport.11 Two hundred
years later a similar patterncan be observed in establishedentrepotslike Johor
and Aceh, wherethe trade of the rulersrivalledthat of theirwealthiestsubjects.
Sultan Abdul Jalil of Johor(1623-1677), for example, sent his own ships to the
portsof Coromandeland as far afieldas Taiwan,12while Sultan Iskandar Muda
of Aceh (1607-1636) also traded directlywith India. So extensivewere Sultan
Iskandar's commercialactivities,in fact,thata Frenchvisitorto Aceh characterised
him simplyas 'a great trader'.13
One could go on to argue that in the majorityof Malay states at this time
the royal element in the country'seconomic life was even more pronounced.
In mostplaces the portwas not so much a clearinghouse forexoticgoods, a mart
in the Melaka tradition,14as a pointofexportforlocal products- gold,tin,pepper,
rice, elephants,rattans. When trade was thus concentratedon a relativelyfew
commoditieson which the economydepended, the ruler's interestswere usually
paramount. It was he who dictatedthe natureand extentof tradein these items,
who imposedtaxes and tolls on theirsale, and who in some cases held an exclusive
monopoly. The royalrightto assume controlover any productif he so desired
was almostimpossibleto challenge. A rulerlike Sultan Mansur Syah of Tereng-
ganu (1741-1793), described by a French captain in 1769 as '[the] kingdom's
onlymerchant',15 mightprotestto the Dutch that Terengganu'spepper belonged
to his subjects, but if the attractionwere sufficiently
great he could unilaterally
promise to deliver the entirecrop to the VOC.16 In the same mannerthe Sultan
of Perak announced in 1773 that henceforthhe would monopolise all sales of
opium, a policywhichwas continuedby his successor.17 The situationin Kedah
in 1770 can probablybe consideredfairlytypical. Accordingto Francis Light,
'the king engrossesall tin and opium to himself. Of other things he buys as
much as he thinksproper'.18 Though naturallya ruler's claims to controlof
trade did not always correspondwith reality,the experiencedEnglish country
^Meilink,AsianTrade , pp. 51-52;see also Armando Cortesão(ed.), The SumaOriental of

ToméPires(London.1944),IL pp. 284,243,251.
12Andava.TheKingdom ofJohor, dp.70-71.77.
13Harris, I, p. 746. The despatch
Navigantium, ofroyaltradingvesselscanalsobe foundin
smallerMalaystatessuchas Perak,Kedahand Terengganu.See below,fns.79 and 103;
BrianHarrison, 'Malaccain the Eighteenth Century:Two DutchGovernors' Reports',
JMBRAS, 27, 1 (1954),p. 29; Dunmore, 'FrenchVisitorsto Trengganu', p. 148; Tapan
Raychaudhiri,JanCompany inCoromandel, 1605-1690(TheHague,1962),pp. 13, 121.
14Johorinthe17thcentury wasan exception to mostMalayports, havinglittleto offer
byway
ofexports,butactingas an 'accessible
andexcellent market'.Andaya, TheKingdom ofJohor,
p. 38.
15Dunmore, 'FrenchVisitorstoTrengganu', p. 153.
16KA2776OB 1757,Gov.ofMelakato Batavia, 9 April1756,fo.33; KA 2858OB 1760,Gov.
of Melakato Batavia,10 March1759,fo.79. SultanMansurpromised theDutchall the
pepperin hiskingdom iftheywouldhelphiscousin,SultanSulaiman ofRiau-Johor, against
theBugis.
17B.Andaya, the
'Perak, Abode of Grace',pp. 507-508.
15

WATSONANDAYA
BARBARA VOL. 51
JMBRAS,
'
trader Thomas Forrestcould still remarksuccinctly: In most Malay countries
where I have been . . . the princeof the countryis the chiefmerchant,sometimes
the only one of conséquence'.19
Europeans recognisedthe royal umbrellaunder which trade was conducted
in Malay states, and did not seek to negotiatecontractsoutside the ambiance
of the court as they could do in India.20 Nor was the European relationship
with Malay kings filteredthrougha pipeline of merchantsand businessmenlike
that which servedas a link with Indian princes. In the Malay worldtherewere
no castes or classes on which the role of middleman naturallydevolved, and
commercialnegotiationswere conducted throughconsultationwith the ruler.21
But it was unfittingfor the latterhimselfto supervise all the details connected
with the successfulcompletionof a sale - the hagglingover price, the decision
about payment(whetherin specie or kind), the time and mannerof deliveryand
so forth. This became the responsibility of the saudagarraja.
The post of royal merchant,it is thereforesuggested,arose in response to
the demands of local economies, but there may be other less obvious reasons
behindthe need forMalay kingsto have theirown saudagar. Though the Islam
which Malays professedgave a special statusto the merchant,Malay rulers,like
theirPersian counterparts, still saw somethingdistastefulin any close association
with commerce.22 One king in a Malay folk story is reluctantto marryhis
daughterto a man of the bangsa saudagar (merchantclass) because 'I shall be
put to shame whenthe kingsin othercountriescome to hear of iť.23 In Professor
Wolters'view, it is no accidentthatthe Raffles18 versionof the Sejarah Melayu
seeks to conceal the penetrationof the Bendahara familyby Moslem traders.24
In 18thcenturyPerak a crisiswas reached in relationswiththe Dutch East India
Company because the wordingof a treatyimplied that the ruler was merelya
delivererof goods. The Dutch, who described themselveswithoutembarrass-
18B.M.Add.Ms. 29133,Lightto Hastings, 17 Jan.1770,fo.9. An extreme example ofthe

degreeofcontrolwhichcouldbe exercised overcertainproducts bykingsintheMalayworld
canbe seenin thepeppermonopoly ofSultanIskandar MudaofAceh. It is interesting to
compare thiswiththesituation in Malabar,alsoa pepperproducing area,where priorto 1743
thepepperbelonged tothemerchants andnottothekingsorlandedgentry.See J.Kathiri-
thamby-Wells,'Achehnese Control overWestSumatra up to theTreatyof Painan,1663',
JSEAH.X, 3 (1969),p. 460-461:Das Gupta,MalabarinAsianTrade , pp. 14-15.
A Voyage
19Forrest, , p. 36.
20See,forexample, Raychaudhiri, Jan Company in Coromandel, pp. 11, 19-20; Das Gupta,
MalabarinAsianTrade,pp. 105-108. A treaty ofpeaceandtradesignedbetween thehead
ofthemercantile Muslimcommunity in oneareaoftheMalabarcoastandtheDutchEast
IndiaCompany canbe found inHeeres,Corpus Diplomaticum,BKI, 87 (1931),p. 264.
21JosephJ. Brennig, 'ChiefMerchants and the EuropeanEnclavesof Seventeenth Century
Coromandel', Modern AsianStudies, 11, 3 (1977),pp. 321-340. S. Arasaratnam, 'Aspects
oftheRoleandActivities ofSouthIndianMerchants, c. 1650-1750',Proceedings oftheFirst
International
Conferenceof TamilStudies, Kuala Lumpur,1966,pp. 587, 595; Das Gupta,
MalabarinAsianTrade,p. 90. In 1689,whena Dutchmission arrived in Johorto conclude
a newtreaty,theBendahara wasinsistentthathewasonlysigning onbehalf oftheruler, then
a minor,andthatall arrangements weretentative untiltheSultanhadcomeofage. Andaya,
TheKingdom ofJohor, pp. 169-170, 175-176.
22S.D.Goitein,StudiesinIslamic History (Leiden,1966),pp. 231-236. Perhaps
andInstitutions
canbe tracedto pre-IslamicHindubeliefs,
thisattitude whichplacedmerchants onthethird
after
levelofsociety priests andwarriors.See alsoMeilink, AsianTrade,p. 53.
23G.M.Laidlaw(ed.),'The StoryofKherudin', JSBRAS,45 (Dec. 1906),pp. 34-35,50.
24O.W.Wolters, TheFall ofSrivijaya inMalayHistory (IthacaandLondon,1970),p. 246,n. 9.
16

PART1, 1978 THE INDIANSAUDAGAR
RAJA
IN TRADITIONAL
MALAYCOURTS
ment as 'merchants,interestedonly in their food and the execution of trade',

could not understandthis royal indignationand were puzzled at the claim that
the Company had placed 'a king in his own realm on the same footingas a
merchant'.25
From a Malay standpoint,however,the outrageof the Perak rulerwas justi-
fied. Merchantswere buyersand sellers; this was not a suitable occupationfor
princes. Royal trade was conducted not by the king, but by his servant,the
saudagar raja. The latterposition thus served as a bufferbetween royaltyand
the demeaningaspects of that commerceon which,conversely,the ruler'swealth
depended. A text fromPatani recountsthat one Queen, who did not draw on
royaltaxes forher income but lived on the sale of fruitand vegetablesfromher
own gardens, still employed a personal merchantto manage her affairs,a man
'who was called by the people saudagarraja'26
The factthat the personal name of this individual (Nakhoda Sandang) was
recordedin a courthistoryis indicativeofthe prestigeaccordedthe royalmerchant
as the king's representative. He had his own agents,a staffof clerksand scribes,
traditionalsymbolsof officesuch as a personal seal,27and an imposingtitlelike
Orang Kaya, Datuk, or Mahajana (used of a merchantwhen a great man).28 A
descriptionof the installationof Tomas Dias as saudagar raja in Minangkabau
in 1684 demonstratesthe respect with which the royal merchantwas regarded.
The ceremony,Dias wrote,was held in the ruler's residenceat 3 o'clock in the
afternoon. Walking inside, Dias saw the king sittingon his thronesurrounded
by the assembled nobles. As soon as he had conveyedhis greetings'the king
was pleased to honour me, callingout in a grandvoice, 'O Orang Kaya Saudagar
29
Raja, who has access to the palace (orang didalamistana)
Dias approachedand answeredrespectfully, 'Daulat, Tuanku.'30
Then a silverplatterwith a gold standardwas broughtto me, on which
25KA1045OB 1642,Gov.ofMelakatorulers ofRakan,TapongKiri,TapongKananandBatu
Hampar, 8 March1642,fo.291r; B. Andaya, 'Perak,theAbodeofGrace',p. 220. Thesame
dichotomy canbe seenin thereignof SultanAgungofMataram (1613-1645) whotoldthe
Dutchthathewas'a prince anda soldier,nota merchant liketheotherprinces ofJava',and
yetin1641assumed a monopoly ofthericetrade. SeeAnthony Reid,'TradeandStatePower
in16thand17thCentury Southeast Asia'. Paperpresented totheSeventh Conference, Inter-
national Association ofHistorians ofAsiaheldinBangkok, August 1977.
26a TWmiw onHD.ŤC.Wvfltt. HikavatPatani(The Hacrue. 1970VL n. 114?II. n. 185.
27ThesealofJamal, saudagar rajaofKedahis inonetheletters between himandFrancis Light
ofPenang,contained in thelibrary oftheSchoolofOriental andAfrican Studies,London,
Ms. 40320. I am most gratefulto theassistanceof Ms. Helen Cordell, Dr R. Jones Dr
and
A.C. Milnerin obtaining copiesoftheseletters forme. The sealitselfreads'OrangKaya
Saudagar Rajadi NegeriDar'ulAman,1178'. Dar'ulAman,theAbodeofPeace,is Kedah's
honorific. The datecorresponds to A.D. 1764,presumably theyearofJamal's installation.
28KA3491OB 1782,Res.ofPerakto Gov.ofMelaka,21 Feb. 1780. 'The Moor,Maganna
(sic)'supervised thedelivery oftinfrom therulerandseveral other princes.
14Raja
Orangdtdalam istanawasitselipartotthetitle,sinceadmittance to thepalacewasa markot
highhonour.Normally wishing those to see the ruler were given an audience in thebalai,
theopenreception hall. See R.J.Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary (London,1959),
I. d. 250.
30Theworddaulathasno realequivalent in English.Hereit is usedin thesenseof'longlive
theking',butencompasses all Malaybeliefsin the'sacrednature oftherulerandthespecial
powersarising fromthisstatus*.Forfurther discussion,see Wilkinson, Malay-EnglishDic-
tionary, I, p. 261; Andaya, TheKingdom ofJohor, p. 313; Barbara Watson Andaya, 'TheNature
oftheStatein Eighteenth Century Perak',in Anthony Reidand LanceCastles,(eds.)Pre-
Colonial StateSystems inSoutheast Asia, MBRAS Monograph No. 6, 1975,pp. 25-26.
17

WATSONANDAYA
BARBARA VOL. 51
JMBRAS,
was a pistol mountedin silver,made in the shape of a halberd, a ring

of tembagasuasa [gold, copper and zinc alloy], and a letterof authority
with a seal. These were given to me formy whole life by His Majesty
as a token.31
The commercialduties of the saudagar raja were similar in most courts.
Should the ruler send a ship to trade elsewhere,the saudagar raja was usually
in command,entrustedwith royalgoods to sell or monies to invest.32 At home
he was required to meet incomingtraders,to settle prices and amounts, and
arrange all preliminariesprior to any audience with the king. He might be
assigned to entertainenvoysuntil the time fortheirreceptionat court,33and in
ensuing negotiationscould also be asked to carrymessages too confidentialto
committo paper. The saudagar raja was personallyresponsiblefor delivering
the king's goods to the purchaserand forthe collectionof payment.34 Expected
to work in close collaborationwith the Syahbandar and officialinterpreters, he
frequently assisted in the of
drafting any tradingagreements between the ruler
and outsiders.
In addition, the saudagar raja played a key part in enforcingthe ruler's
monopoliesby buyingup supplies fromlocal producers,supervisingthe collection
of tolls,and reportingany illegal sales. A letterfromSultan Mansur of Tereng-
ganu to Francis Light, forexample,complainsbitterlybecause a certainEnglish-
man, Captain Clark, 'began clandestinelyto sell opium to inhabitantsotherthan
our saudagar',35 By the same token,the royalmerchant'sreceptionof legitimate
traders,his abilityto presentthe ruleras an attractivebusiness partner,and his
adroitnessin diplomaticbargainingcould considerablylessen the temptationto
circumventroyal monopolies. Sultan Mansur, when absent fromhis kingdom,
had no hesitationin leavinghis affairsin the hands of his merchant,and in 1769
when a French ship arrivedthe crew were enthusiasticabout the receptionthe
saudagarraja gave them.
We had nothingbut praise for his services,since he supplied all the
assistancehe could.... He was most hospitable. It was he who took
all the trade goods with which we paid for the expenses of our stay.
We noted that he deals veryfrankly;his word is his bond, thereis no
trickeryin his behaviour,which seems very open and straightforward,
whichis rare indeed among easternmerchants.36
31F.de Haan,'NaarMiddenSumatra in 1684',TBG,39 (1897),pp. 343-348. Goodtembaga
suasais an improved gold,andthealloymaybe morevaluablethangolditself.Wilkinson,
Malay-English , II, p. 1125.
Dictionary
32<AdikRaja',themerchant ofSultanIskandar ofAceh,wassentto thewestcoastofSumatra
in 1616to invest3,000taelin thepeppertrade. Kathirithamby- Wells,'AchehneseControl
overWestSumatra', p. 462;SamuelPurchas, Purchas hisPilgrimes
(Glasgow,1905),IV,p. 288.
3 "Dunmore, 'FrenchVisitors to Trengganu', p. 147; KA 3594OB 1786,Report byJanBoekse
andGt.Pungelontheirmission to Kedah,28 April1785.
J*Seetheletters between Jamalof Kedahand FrancisLight,Governor of Penang,in SOAS
Ms.40320,fassim.
35SultanMansurto Light,no date(1786?),in WilliamMarsden, A Grammar oftheMalayan
Language (London,1812),p. 140. MostMalayrulersat thistimeretained a monopoly of
opium, perhaps tocontroltraffic inthedrug. See above,fns.17and18.
36Dunmore, 'FrenchVisitors to Trengganu', pp. 147,155,158.
18

RAJA
IN TRADITIONAL
MALAYCOURTS
The task of furthering royaltrade was assigned to all saudagar raja , but his
influencecould also extend outside the limits of strictlycommercial matters.
Here, however,his authorityvaried accordinglyto the ambitions of the man
himself,his relationshipwith the ruler,his standingin the court,and the parti-
cular circumstancesofthe time. The royalmerchantwho had the trustof Aceh's
mightySultan Iskandar Muda wielded such power in consequence that 'all men
stood in awe of him'37 His counterpartselsewherewere oftenalmostas influen-
tial. The ruler might seek the advice of his saudagar in decisions related to
foreignpolicy; the king's merchantcould be givenjurisdictionover certainareas,
or permitted to write letters in the Sultan's name, like Tomas Dias in
Minangkabau.38 In charge of royal trade, the saudagar raja might be given
responsibilityforthe ruler'sotherpossessions. In 1788,forinstance,the saudagar
raja of Kedah wroteto Francis Light requestinghelp in capturinga palace servant
who had stolen some of the Sultan's propertyand had fled to Penang.39 The
saudagar raja, as the king's personal appointee, frequentlybecame the royal
confidant,entrustedwith highlydelicate affairsinvolvingother states. In 1718
Raja Kecil, a Minangkabauprincewho had usurpedpowerin Johor,senta mission
to Dutch Melaka which included his saudagar raja, a merchantfromBengkalis.
Fiftyyearslaterthe saudagarraja of Perak was chosen as the emissaryto Selangor
in orderto determineopinion concerninga sensitiveroyalmarriage.40
Yet though such non-commercialactivitieswere sometimeswide-ranging,
the raisond'êtreforthe saudagar raja was economic. He was above all to act as
the brokerbetweenthe outsideworldand the court,the middlemanwho smoothed
the path so that trade could be carried out amicably. A prime requisite for
candidates to the officewas obviously an extensiveknowledgeof business, and
those appointedwere usually well knowntraderswithyearsof experiencebehind
them. Equally decisive, however,was an applicant's abilityto converse easily
with other merchants,both European and Asian.41 Few Malays would have
been qualified in either respect. Professor Meilink has remarked that the
Malay ruling class in Melaka held itself apart from commercial activities
and the evidence shows that most of the wealthymerchantsthere were Indians
or Javanese.42 Again, while the nobles in 17th centuryJohoracted as sponsors
for trading voyages,the principal traders were either Chinese or Indians, and
in other places such as Aceh, Kedah and Perak the 'merchants'were almost
PurchashisPilgrimes,
37Purchas, IV, p. 288.
J8deHaan, NaarMiddenSumatra , p. 349.
39Ms40320,Folder3, letter
32.
40KA1803OB 1719,Gov.of Melakato Batavia,28 September 1718,foil.24-25;KA 3491
OB 1782,Res.ofPerakto Gov.of Melaka,26 July1780. The circumstances surrounding
thismarriagebetweentheSultanMudaofPerakandthedaughter of a royalrefugee
from
Kedahhavebeendescribed by Barbara WatsonAndaya,'The Role ofthe AnakRaja inMalay
History:A Case StudyfromEighteenth Kedah',JSEAS, 7, 2 (1976),p. 182. In
Century
1751SultanMohammad of Siak,insteadof coming himselfto payhomageto therulerof
senthis saudagarraja, SyedMohammad,
Johor, as his representative.
See below,fn.52
andKA 2673OB 1752,Gov.ofMelakatoBatavia, 17Aug.1751,fo.428.
41Schrieke, pp. 130-131.
'Prolegomena',
^Meilink,Asianlrade,pp. 53,58.
19

WATSONANDAYA
BARBARA VOL. 51
JMBRAS,
entirelyof Indian origin.43 Malays themselvesacknowledgedthe contribution

made by otherAsians to local economies,and in 1747 the rulerof Perak wroteto
the Governorof Melaka specificallyrequestingthatthe Company send 'Chinese,
Indians, etc. to live [in Perak] and carryout trade'.44
Furthermore, despitethe intenseadmirationforanyone able to speak several
languages,45only unusual Malay would have been fluentin any Indian language,
an
much less those of Europe. In 1621, forexample,when the French commander
Beaulieu arrivedin Aceh, he noted that 'the Acehnese Syahbandarknew a little
46 Malay rulers
Portuguese',but not enough to interpreta letterto the Sultan
were well aware, on the otherhand, of the diplomaticblunders which could be
made throughdeficienciesin speech or conduct,and theywere carefulto choose
as their trading representativesmen accustomed to dealing with foreigners.
Oftenthe most suited would be a person of mixed blood, who himselfstraddled
two worlds. The firstDutch envoyto penetratethe Minangkabau area was the
ChristianPortuguese mestizo, Tomas Dias, sent by the Melaka Governor in
1683. Letters froma number of chiefs in the Sumatran interiorpraised Dias
forhis knowledgeof theirlanguage and customs,47and it is certainthat without
such commendationhe could not have qualifiedforthe position of merchantto
the Minangkabauruler.
At othertimes the obvious choice would be a man froma racial group with
an established reputationas traders, like the Armenians. They were, as one
travellerremarkedin 1698, 'skilled in all the intricaciesand subtletiesof trade
at home and travellingwith these into the remotestkingdomsbecome ... the
wealthiestmen, being expert at bargains whereverthey come'.48 Driven from
theirhomelandin the firstdecades of the 17th century,many fledto India, and
by 1700 severalArmenianmerchantshad takenup residence in Melaka.49 Such
men were traditionallyaccustomedto 'enter the theatreof commerceby means
of some benefactor,whose money they venture upon' and it is not surprising
thatin 1713 the saudagarraja of Riau was an Armenian.50 The mercantileability
43Andaya, TheKingdom ofJohor, p. 39; Raychaudhiri,JanCompany in Coromandel, p. 123;

D.K. Bassett,'The Historical Background, 1500-1815', in WangGungwu,ed.,Malaysia :
A Survey (Singapore, 1964),pp. 121-122;KA 3491OB 1782,Res.ofPerakto Gov.ofMelaka,
10 Tune1780.
44KA2592OB 1784,Gov.ofMelakatoBatavia, 5 March1747,foil.90-91. SeealsoRajaKeciPs
requestin 1719forChineseand Malabarese to be allowedto tradein Riau. Andaya,The
Kingdom ofJohor,p. 287.
45Thearchetypal Malayhero,HangTuah,forinstance, wasreputedlyfluent inmanylanguages.
KassimAhmad(ed.),HangTuah(KualaLumpur, 1971),pp. 349-350,390.
46Harris.Navisantium. I. on. 730-731.
47KA1292OB 1685,ReportbyDias on histripto Siak,10 Tan.1684,fo.383r.
48JohnFryer, A NewAccount ofEastIndiaandPersiainEightLetters (London,1698,reprinted
Hakluyt Society,1912),II, p. 249. For an overview of Armenian activities
in theMalay
world, see B.E. Colless,'The TradersofthePearl;theMercantile andMissionary Activities
ofPersian andArmenian Christiansin SoutheastAsia',Abr-Nahrain, 10 (1970-71),
pp. 102-
121.
49Harris,Navigantium, I, p. 917; CharlesLockyer, AnAccount oftheTradeinIndia(London,
1711),p. 75, remarks thattheArmenians livingin Melakawere'honesttraders'.See also
F. Macler,'Sur quelquesinscriptions funérairesarméniennes de Malacca',Journal ,
Asiatique
13(1919),pp. 560-566.
A NewAccount
S0Fryer, , p. 249; KA 1733OB 1714,Report byMelakainhabitant, 21Nov.1713,
fo.16.
20

RAJA
IN TRADITIONAL
MALAYCOURTS
of Arabs, too, was renowned,and althoughtheyno longer dominatednavigation

in the Indian Ocean, theystilltraded extensivelyin the Indonesian archipelago.51
Among Malays Arabs were regardedwith particularrespect because they came
fromthe same race as the Prophet,and were thereforeaccorded special trading
privileges. In 1750 a governorof Melaka complainedthatthe Arabs 'had spread
everywherethroughoutthe Malay countries and [had] taught the natives too
much'. One of theirnumber,a certainSyed Mohammad, was at that time em-
ployed in the courtof Siak as royalmerchant.52
A surveyof the materialfromthe 17th and 18th centuries,however,shows
that while representativesof other races were not by any means unknown,the
officeof royalmerchantwas dominatedby Indians, or moreprecisely,by Muslims
fromsouthernIndia, or benua Keling, as the area was called by Malays.53 So
markedwas this in Kedah, in fact,that accordingto Francis Light the trading
affairsof the Kedah ruler 'were alwayshandled by a Malabar [i.e. a Tamil]'54
Beforelooking at some examples of these Muslim Indian saudagar raja, it
is necessaryto sketch brieflythe cultural and historicalattitudeswhich made
them so acceptable as royal merchantsto Malay kings. In the firstplace, the
appointmentof Keling tradersto high posts in Malay courtshad been common
practice for generations; Melaka's famous Bendahara Tun Mutahir is not an
isolated case.55 Among these merchants,Muslims had a particularadvantage.
Unhinderedby obstacles of religion,theymoved easily into the highestranksof
Malay society through marriage with daughters of noble families.56 At this
level theywere oftenable to sway the opinions of princes,and in Malay Melaka
it was said thatthe 'Moors' (Muslim Indians) were 'greatfavouriteswiththe king
and obtainedwhatevertheywanted'.57
51SSRG34/6,Lightto Shore,23 Jan.1794(FWCP 1 Aug.1794),fo.127; G. Houráni, Arab
Seafaring intheIndianOceaninAncient andMedieval Times 1951andBeirut,
(Princeton, 1963),
p. 83. P.K. Hitti,TheArabs(London,1953),p. 100,notesthatArabsdidnotdespisetrade
astheydidagriculture. Seealsoabovefn.22.
52Harrison, 'MalaccaintheEighteenth Century', pp. 28-29.
Keling(a derivative of Ralinga,oncean important trading kingdom northoftheGodavari
delta)is a vagueterm, butthecontext in whichit is usedin mostMalaytextsindicates that
it referred to the Tamil-speaking areasof southern India,and especially the Coromandel
Coast. MunshiAbdullah, forinstance, saysthathisfather stayedfora timein Nagore(in
theTanjoreareaoftheCoromandel Coast)'in thelandofKeling'. W.G. Shellabear (ed.),
Hikayat Abdullah (Singapore, 1916),p. 3: seealsoAhmad, HangTuah. p. 348.
54B.M.Add.Ms. 29133,fo.9. The vagueness ofterminology to Indiansduring
referring this
period presents something ofa problem toobtaining exactinformation. Professor
Arasaratnam
informs methatthepractice ofcallingTamils'Malabars'wasa peculiarity in 17thand18th
century usage. (Personalcommunication to author,21 Sept. 1977). See also Forrest, A
Voyage , p. 42 forthecomment 'Chuliasand Malabars... are,I believe,synonymous', and
below,fn.58.
55Meilink, AsianTrade , pp. 53-54. The remark byan English trader
intheearly17thcentury
thatin Bantan'manyofthecountry ofClynwhichcomehither todwellareveryrichandrise
to greatoffice anddignities amongthem'couldbe appliedto manyothertrading centresin
thearea. Purchas, Purchas hisPilgrimes, II, p. 443.
56S.Arasaratnam, IndiansinMalaysiaandSingapore (KualaLumpurandLondon,1970),p. 6;
Wolters, TheFall ofSrivi]aya, p. 175.
57Cortesao, SumaOriental , II, p. 241. Europeans in Indiamayhavebeenmoreprecise intheir
reference to Indiansas Mughalis, Deccani,Bangla,Chulia, etc.,buttheDutchrecords from
Melakaseemto makeonlya generaldistinction between'Gentoos'(Hindus)and 'Moors'
(Moslems, from thePortuguese Mouros).In 18thcentury documentsfrom theMalayworld
thepresent writer notedan almost totallackofanyreferences toHindutraders.
21

WATSONANDAYA
BARBARA VOL. 51
JMBRAS,
Secondly, the demand for the economic expertise which Muslim Indians
could supply increased throughthe 16th centuryas Hindu shipping declined.
By the 17th centurymost of the commercebetween India and the Malay archi-
pelago had fallen into the hands of Indian Muslims, primarilythose fromthe
south. In the words of an English trader,Thomas Bowrey
The Chulias [Southern Indian Muslims, especially from Coromandel]
are a people that range into all the kingdomsand countriesof Asia ...
They are a verygreat hindranceto us ... They have crept into Ujung
Salang, Bantan,Achin, Kedah, Johor,Siam and manyother places.58
Operatingwitha low profitmargin,functioningas partof a chain whichstretched
fromAfricato China, the 'Moors' were widely acknowledgedas the most able
tradersin the eastern seas.59 Often sons and grandsons of traders, they were
heirsto a long mercantiletraditionand had been raised in an environmentwhich
regardedcommerceas an honourable profession. As the Dutch commanderof
Cochin (Malabar) commentedin 1766, Tt is knownhow much the Muslims are
attachedto trade'.60
Malay rulersclearlyrecognisedthe specificskillsand experiencewhich made
such men eminentlysuited to the positionof saudagar raja. Their sophisticated
businesstechniqueswere withoutparallelin the Malay world,and in 1759 a VOC
envoyto Terengganuremarkedthatthe only 'true merchant'he met therewas a
Muslim Indian resident.61 Eyewitness descriptionsfrom elsewhere attest the
degree to which the economy of most Malay states hinged on the commercial
acumen of Indian Muslims, especially fromthe Coromandel Coast. In Aceh,
for instance,Chulias dominatedtrade in the capital and along the Pedir coast,
as well as servingas the ruler'sclerks,portofficials,and ship captains.62
Malay kings also realised that these Indian Muslim traders could tap the
resourcesof a complexcommercialnetworkand had access to largesums of money
which could be used to supply creditand grantconcessionsbeyond the reach of
theirrivals.63 The Malay stereotypeof the Keling merchantas a man wealthier
58Bowrey, A Geographical Account, p. 258. See also Andaya,TheKingdom ofJohor , p. 69.
Chuliais a vagueterm, strictly
speaking appliedto Muslims from theCoromandel Coast,but
oftenusedlooselyto applyto anyMuslimfromSouthIndia. HenryYule,Hobson-Jobson ,
being a GlossaryofAnglo-Indian Colloquial Words andPhrases (London,1886),p. 159,uses
itin referenceto Muslims from certain of
parts Ceylon and Malabar. ProfessorArasaratnam
tellsme,however, thatin thecontext of 17thand 18thcentury Southeast Asiaonecan be
fairlycertainthat 'Chulia* means a Muslim IndianfromCoromandel, sinceMalabardidnot
figure in SoutheastAsiantradeinthisperiod. Further, he adds,onecanbe moreexact,and
narrow downtheprovenance oftheseChuliatraders to thecoastbetween MadrasandTuti-
corin. (Personal communication toauthor, 21 September 1977).
59Forrest, A Voyage, p. 43; JohnMasefield, ed,Dampier' s Voyages(London,1906),p. 63.
60DasGupta,MalabarinAsianTrade , p. 111. Compare thiswiththeattitudes describedamong
Muslimtraders in Gujerat andtheskillstheybrought totradeinEastAfrica.A. Das Gapta,
'TheMerchants ofSurat,c. 1700-50', in E. LeachandS.N. Mukherjee (eds.),Elites
in South
Asia(Cambridge, 1970),p. 206; C.S. Nicholls, TheSwahiliCoast: Politics , Diplomacy and
TradeontheEastAfrican Littoral
, 1798-1856 (London, 1971),pp. 78,209, 347-48.
01KA 2858OB 1760,Abraham Werndly, envoyto Terengganu, to Batavia, 6 Jan.1759,fo.31.
62LeeKam Hing,'Foreigners in the Achehnese Court,1760-1819', JMBRAS, 43, (1970),
p. 70; Bowrey, A Geographical Account , p. 262.
63Andaya, TheKingdom ofJohor, pp. 75-76andB. Andaya, Terak,theAbodeof Grace, pp.
107-108;seealsoDas Gupta,MalabarinAsianTrade, p. 108,fora description oftheresources
whichwealth gavea Malabarmerchant.In an economy rapidlychanging from tradein kind
toonemainly inspecie,thisaccesstomoney wasobviouslyofsomeimportance.
22

PART1, 1978 RAJA
THE INDIANSAUDAGAR MALAYCOURTS
IN TRADITIONAL
than 'ten Malay kings'64was of some significancein courts where the saudagar
raja was oftenexpected, should the ruler's financesbe pressed, to draw on his
personalfundsto shoreup royalpurchases.643.If a 'Moor' held the post,it could
be assumed that capital would almost always be available. This was not an
unjustifiedassumption,as Francis Light found in his dealings with the Chulia
saudagar raja Jamal of Kedah. In 1788, when Light asked Jamal to buy rice,
oxen, wood, cotton,and poultryforhim on credit,the merchant,thoughlacking
sufficientready cash himself,was able to borrow 1,500 reals from a wealthy
acquaintance.65
Another practical skill contributingto Muslim Indian dominance of the
saudagar raja post in the 17th and 18th centurieswas their knowledge of the
languagesnecessaryto carryout trade and conductdiplomacywitha wide variety
of people. In theirhomelandtheymoved in a cosmopolitan,multilingualsociety,
and the fluencyof Indians generallyhad become legendaryamongst Malays.
The Hikayat Hang Tuah, recountingthe arrivalof a Keling merchantin Melaka,
remarksthat he was not only wealthybut was Very sweetlyspoken and knew
many languages'.66 Accordingto the Hikayat Banjar, a Keling who was 'head
of the king's tradingcaptains' was famed for his knowledgeof 'Arabic, Persian,
Dutch, Malay, Chinese, and Javanese,all of which he had mastered'.67 In the
late 17thcenturyThomas Bowreysimilarlynotedthe diligencewithwhichChulias
'do learnto writeand speak severalof the easternlanguages',and a Dutch report
on Perak in 1777 mentionsthatthe ruler's personal scribe was a 'Moor', respon-
sible for dealing with all royal correspondence.68 Masteryof Malay, the lingua
francaof the region,was clearlyvital fortradingpurposes,but a Chulia saudagar
raja in Aceh, Po Saleh, also knew Acehnese.69 Nor did the migrantIndian
settlements whichgrewup in a numberof Malay statesforgettheirmothertongue.
Munshi Abdullah, describing the Keling mercantilecommunityin late 18th
centuryMelaka, recordedthat it was customaryforthe childrento learn Tamil
because of its usefulnessin business circles.70
64Ahmad, HangTuah.pp. 347-352.
64aSeeR. de Roo de la Faille,"Uit denPalembangschen Feestbundel
Sultanstijd," published by
the Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Künstenen Wetenschappen on theoccasion
of its 150thanniversary (Weltevreden, 1929),II, p. 338 forthefinancialobligations of the
saudagar rajainPalembane.
65SOASMs 40320,Folder6, letter 17. It is interesting
tonotethatafter thedeparture ofmost
Muslim tradersfrom Melakain1511theHindumerchants whoremained assistedthePortuguese
in business, loanedthemslavesin timeofwar,andsometimes advanced money. I.A. Mac-
gregor, 'NotesonthePortuguese inMalacca,'JMBRAS,28,2 (1955),pp. 25-26.
66Ahmad, Hang Tuah , p. 74.
67Ras,HikajatBandjar, pp. 235,255-259.
A
08Bowrey,Geographical Account, p. 258;KA 3387OB 1778,Res.ofPerakto Gov.ofMelaka,
7 March1777. The crucialroleplayedbyletter andletter
writing recitation in Malaydiplo-
macymeant thattheposition ofscribewouldonlyhavebeengiventoa person fullycompetent
in thelanguage.In 1612PeterFlorisnotedthata letter fromKingJames VI to theQueen
ofPataniwastranslated intoMalaybya groupofIndianmerchants livingin Patani. W.H.
Moreland (ed.),PeterFloris , hisVoyage totheEastIndiesin the'Globe* 1611-1615 (London,
Hakluvt Societv.SecondSeries.75. 1934).p. 33.
69Forrest, A Voyage , p. 53.
7ÜA.H.Hill,HikayatAbdullah (Kuala Lumpurand London,1970),p. 45. The number of
locallybornIndianswasgrowing duringthisperiod. Anobserver in Johor in theearly18th
century mentions a sailor Ъогп on theCoast [i.e.Coromandel]but married in the Kingdom
ofJohor'.T.D. Hughes,ťAPortuguese Account ofJohore',JMBRAS,13,2 (1935),p. 125.
23

BARBARA
WATSONANDAYA VOL. 51
JMBRAS,
Thirdly,the role of mediator between court and trader so crucial to the

success of anyroyalmerchantwas one whichIndians understoodwell. Although,
as we have noted, a formalpost like the Malay saudagar raja does not seem to
have existedin India, the customof appointinga courtagent,especiallyin dealings
withEuropeans,was common.71 In the Malay worldbothEuropeans and Malays
had come to regard Muslim Indians in particularas capable interpretersand
negotiators,acceptable to both parties in any transaction. When a Portuguese
fleetanchored at Melaka in July 1511, for example, the Sultan considered it
properthat a 'Moor' be sent to meet them,and in 1746 the ruler of Perak per-
sonally selected the local 'Moor' captain to initiate secret discussions with a
Dutch emissary.72 Europeans likewise recognisedthe services Indian Muslims
could render,and in 1645 the Danish East India Companyentrustedall its affairs
in Kedah to its Indian agent.73 A centurylater the VOC appointeda 'Moor',
Piro Muhammad, to live in Perak and act as the Dutch representativein the
collectionof tin.74
In short,in Malay societyin the 17th and 18th centuries,Muslim Indians,
notablyfromCoromandel,were not only the most numerous but also the most
competentAsian traders,equipped with the knowledgeessential to satisfactory
tradeand experiencedas intermediaries in a worldwhereEuropeans wereconstant-
ly increasing. In thiscontext it was natural fora Malay rulerto choose,ifpossible,
a Muslim Indian to assume the duties of saudagar raja . It could fairlybe said
thatthe ruler'sdominanceof tradeand his need to be well representedin a highly
competitivemarketenabled the 'Moors', like otherminoritygroups such as the
Jews in medieval Europe or the Armenians in Ottoman Turkey75to exploit
particularskillsto carve out forthemselvesa niche in Malay courtlife.
In 1784Lightnotedthat'theChooliars ... havelongbeenresidents ofKedahandsomeof
them[were]bornthere.' SSR G34/6,Lightto Shore,23 Jan.1794(FWCP 1 Aug.1794),
fo.124. See alsoRaja Cholan,Misa Melayu(KualaLumpur,1968),pp. 78, 100-101,131
and KernialSinghSandhu,Indiansin Malaya: Immigration and Settlement, 1786-1957
(Cambridge, 1969),pp.28-29.
71Brennig, 'ChiefMerchants andtheEuropeanEnclaves , pp. 324-339;Das Gupta,Malabar
inAsianTrade , p. 108;Raychaudhiri,JanCompany inCoromandel, pp. 119-120;Arasaratnam,
'Aspectsof theRole',p. 595; S. Arasaratnam, 'Commercial Policiesof theSethupathisof
Ramanathapuram, 1600-1690',Proceedings of the Second InternationalConferenceof Tamil
Studies, Madras1968,p. 254and'A NoteonPeriathamby Marikkar- a 17thCentury Com-
mercial Magnate', TamilCulture, XI, 1 (1964),pp. 1-7. Malaylegendrecords thateventhe
mythical heroHangTuahwasstruck bythewaya Kelingrulerreceived himsurrounded by
merchants, andthelongevity ofthismerchant -ruler alliancein Indiacanbe seenbyexamining
theroleof 13th century Muslimmerchants as intermediaries between Hinduprincesand
invading Mongols.S.A.A.Rizvi,'Indiaand theMedievalIslamicWorld',in A Cultural
History ofIndia,ed.A.L. Basham(Oxford, 1975),pp.464-465,andabove,fn.66.
72E.Коек,'History ofMalaccafromPortuguese Sources', JSBRAS,16 (June,1886),p. 123;
B. Andaya, 'Perak,theAbodeofGrace',pp. 117-118. The kingsofJohor alsocustomarily
employed 'Moors'as envoys to theDutchin the 17th century.KA 1200OB 1676,Gov.
Bortto Batavia, 21 Feb. 1675,fo.353v;KA 1217OB 1678,Bortto Batavia,21 Feb. 1677,
foil.306v-307r.
73G.Irwin, 'The DutchandtheTin TradeofMalayaintheSeventeenth Century',inJ.Ch'en
andN. Tarling(eds.),Studies in theSocialHistory ofChinaandSoutheast Asia(Cambridge,
1970),p. 273.
74B.Andaya, 'Perak, theAbodeofGrace',p. 195.
75See,forexample, Robert Chazan,Medieval Jewry inNorthern France : A PoliticalandSocial
History (Baltimore and London,1973); Bernard Lewis,TheEmergence ofModernTurkey
24

PART1, 1978 RAJA
THE INDIANSAUDAGAR MALAYCOURTS
IN TRADITIONAL
In the foregoingdiscussion,attentionhas been concentratedon the origins

and natureof the saudagar raja post, and the reasons underlyingMuslim Indian
dominance of the officeduring the 17th and 18th centuries. Let us now turn
to examine more closelythe relationshipwhich developed between these 'Moor'
merchants,the courtsand rulersthey served,and the outsiderswith whom they
mediated.
In general,royal trade under the supervisionof a Muslim Indian saudagar
raja flourished. In Aceh, forinstance,Europeans preferredto deal directlywith
Po Saleh, the king'sagent,since his priceswere cheap and he guaranteeda speedy
sale. Englishmen,as Thomas Forrestpointedout, 'would not have the patience
to deal with the natives, as the Chulias do'76 Po Saleh also understood the
importanceof maintainingfriendshipwith white traders. It was he who was
instrumentalin arrangingfor Forrestto be received at court and honoured with
a royal title; as a token of goodwill, Forrest presentedthe saudagar raja with
'a pair of pistolshe fancied'.77 Po Saleh's relationswithFrancis Light in Penang
were equally amicable,and in one letterhe thanksLight forthe lattei's assistance
in detainingan Acehnese ship whose crew had mutinied.78
But royal trade was not confinedonly to Europeans, and an account from
the 18thcenturyPerak chronicle,the Misa Melayu, documentsthe way in which
an Indian agent could servehis royalmasterin facilitating intra-Asian commerce.
According to this story,the ruler of Perak, Sultan Iskandar, had a number of
elephants which he was anxious to sell. He therefore decided to send a personal
envoy to India to encourage traders to come to Perak. As his representativehe
chose a Tamil, Tambi Kecil, 'A man who had one wifein Perak as well as one in
India'. Tambi Kecil was orderedto inquire if any merchantsor tradersin the
countryof Keling wished to returnwithhim to Perak.
Tambi Kecil set sail, and when he arrivedin India Ъе discussed the matter
with all the ship captains and all the merchantsand asked who wished to take
his ship and trade in Perak in order to buy elephants'. One Keling merchant
agreed to the proposal and as soon as the winds were favourablehe and Tambi
Kecil embarkedon theirvoyage. They arrivedsafelyin Perak, wheretheywere
given a statewelcome. Afterspendingsome time in Perak,the Keling merchant
boughtseveralelephantsand Sultan Iskandargave him two moreas gifts. When
the monsoon season arrived,all the elephantswere loaded onto the Indian ship
and the merchantleft for his own country. So pleased was Sultan Iskander
withthe success of the missionthat he rewardedTambi Kecil withthe title Raja
Mutabar Khan.79
The honoursgivento Tambi Kecil and otherIndian merchantsdemonstrate
that theirtradingabilitycompensatedfor any deficienciesin birthor breeding.
(Londonand NewYork,1968),p. 62. JewsandArmenians alsoplayedan important

role
in Indianeconomic Indiaat theDeathofAkbar
circles.W.H. Moreland, : an Economic
Study(London,1920),p. 23.
7ĎForrest,A Voyage
, pp.41,47.
77Ibid p. 53-55.
78SOASMs 40320,Letter43.
79RajaCholan, MisaMelayu, pp.78-80.
25

BARBARA
JMBRAS,
For those who came to the Malay world in search of a prestigewhich theyhad
presumablyfailedto achieve at home therewas alwaysthe possibilitythat a man
could ťrisefromnothing',like the Tamil who had become treasurerof Melaka.80
The saudagar raja post, because it required very specificskills, and because it
was one of the few titlesin the traditionalMalay court which was not inherited,
enabledambitiousoutsidersto obtainconsiderablepoliticalinfluence. A merchant
who attractedthe king'snotice and gained his trustcould become a man of great
prestige. In 1599 the rulerof Aceh's secretarywas actingas the royalrepresen-
tativein negotiationswithEuropeans,but 17 yearslaterhe had risento the position
of saudagar raja with an officialtitle and the authority'the king's goods to sell
and power to receive all the king's customs past and to come'.81 The Chulia
Datuk Sri Raja, Kedah's royal merchantin 1786 had, claimed Light, once been
'a common coolie' but was now one of the most powerfulmen in the country.82
When Forrestvisited Aceh in 1775 Po Saleh was Syahbandar,but by 1784 he
was 'king's merchantand prime minister',though he was less than thirtyyears
old.83
The degree of power wielded by these Muslim Indian tradersis a tribute
to theirown capacities and to the potentialitiesof the post itself. By virtueof
his officethe saudagar raja , whateverhis origins,was entitledto a voice in the
Assemblyof Nobles, and if he was a persuasivespeakerhe could oftensway the
court's decisions. The Dutch resident in Perak in 1689 described such an
Assemblywhen 'the king and his nobles gatheredtogether... and the 'Moor'
Saudagar Raja, or Sedelebe, sat by the side of our interpreter'.84Sedelebe
complained that he had not received paymentfor tin he had delivered to the
Dutch. So convincingwere his argumentsthatthe rulerwas readyto confiscate
the tin on a Chinese ship about to depart for Melaka as compensationfor the
merchant'salleged loss.85 On this occasion Sedelebe met resistancefromthe
Bendahara,but the authorityof manyroyal merchantselsewherewas sufficiently
entrenchedto make opposition extremelydifficult. Po Saleh of Aceh had his
own privatearmyof about 200 Indian mercenaries,and it was said that he was
somehowresponsible,or at least implicated,in the death of Sultan Mahmud in
1781. Three years afterthe succession of the new ruler, Sultan Alauddin, Po
Saleh was in total control of government,being 'much in Sultan Alauddin's
favour'and spendingmost of his time at the palace.86 Po Saleh's contemporary,
80Cortesao,SumaOriental , II, p. 249. Malaytextsalsomention Indianswhofoundfameand

fortuneintheMalayworld. An Indianmerchant intheHikayat Banjartellshisson,'ifyou
remain herein Kelingyouwillneverbecome a man of influence.It is betterforyouto flee
fromKelingandfindyourself another home.' The son dulyheedshisfathers adviceand
goesto Borneo, where he establishes a new dynasty.Ras,HikajatBandjar, p. 231. See also
C.C. Brown, 'SejarahMelayu, orMalayAnnals ' JMBRAS,26,2 and3 (1953),pp.59-60,162.
81Purchas,Purchas hisPilgrimes, II, p. 315:IV,p. 288.
82SSRG34/2, to 12
Light Hastings, Sept. 1786(FWCP13 Dec. 1786),fo.166.
^Forrest, A Voyage , pp.51-58.
84ProfessorArasaratnam hassuggested thattheso-called'Sedelebe'wasa member ofthewell
known Lebbefamily basedin theNagoreareaofTanjore, ontheCoromandel Coast. There
werealsoa number ofMuslims from theLebbe groupin theCuddalore district,
tradingexten-
toBurma,
sively SouthThailand, andtheMalay(Peninsula. ProfessorArasaratnam toauthor,
6 Julyand21stSeptember 1977.)
*5KA1348OB 1690,Res.ofPerakto Gov.ofMelaka,6 Jan.1689,fo.231r.
26

RAJA
IN TRADITIONAL
MALAYCOURTS
the Chulia saudagar raja Jamal of Kedah, was alreadya formidablefigurewhen

Sultan Abdullah ascended the Kedah throne in 1779, and Jamal's letters to
Penang make only passing referenceto the ruler. AlthoughJamal insists that
he is 'a servantof His Majesty', Light contendedthat the saudagar raja virtually
governedthe country.
He is a deep, cunningand villainousChulia. By workingon the king's
pusillanimityand raisingjealousies he reduced the power of the great
men and engrossedthe whole of the administrationby preferringonly
such as he thoughtattachedto himself. To secure the king frompre-
tended assassinationshe built a small brick fortand shut him up as in
a bag. No one durstpresumeto go to audience withouthis knowledge.
If he found any of the great men likelyto get into favour he bribed
them to his interest. By monopolisingeveryspecies of commerceand
oppressingthe people he found means to supply the king's necessities
withouthis having the troubleto enquire how it came.87
Because of theirknowledgeof the commercialworld,and theircontactswith
merchantselsewhere,these Indian saudagar raja frequentlyadvised their ruler
on foreignpolicy. According to a Terengganu legend, it was Nasruddin Ali,
the Indian merchantof Sultan Mansur Syah, who firstsuggestedthat in order
to satisfySiam's demands for tributea small tree of gold and silver (bunga mas
danperok) ysimilarto those used in a bridal ceremony,should be sentto Bangkok.
These ornamentsshould be suitable for a palace or wat, and the King of Siam
would be able to see them when he prayed. Sultan Mansur agreed, and the
88 English recordsalso
bungamas was sent to Siam everythreeyearsfrom 1781.
show thatin 1788 NasruddinAli was sentto Penang by Sultan Mansur to arrange
a treatywith the English and give them the authorityto establish a factoryin
Terengganu.89 He later continuedon to Bengal to meet the Governor-General,
and so well knownwas his influencethatthe Dutch Governorof Melaka protested
at the activitiesof Sultan Mansur's 'Moor servant'.90 AfterNasruddin's death
in 1792, Sultan Mansur was obviouslyconcernedlest the link with the English
be broken,and he even sent a special letterto Light, urgingthat the loss of this
middleman'should not make any alterationin any transaction,but let us proceed
on the path of reciprocalaccommodation'.91
86Forrest,A Voyage, p. 58; Lee Kam Hing,'Acheh'sRelationswiththeBritish,1760-1819',

M.A.Thesis,Uni.ofMalaya,1969,p. 73,andLee,'Foreigners intheAchehnese p. 71.
Court',
87As above,fn.84. A further tothebrick
reference fort
wheretherulerofKedahwasreputedly
is foundin Reinhold
isolated Rost(ed.),Miscellaneous
PapersrelatingtoIndo-China
(London,
1886),p. 2.
88Misbaha (Hj. Mohd.Salehbin Hj. Awang),SejarahTrengganu (Kuala Terengganu,1968),
p. 98-99.
89SSRG34/3,Lightto Cornwallis, 6 Jan.1788(FWCP6 Feb.1788),fo.54 andSultanMansur
withLight'sletter
to Light,enclosed of10 Tan.1788(FWCP13 Feb. 1788),fo.83.
to KingofTerengganu,
9°Ibid.,Cornwallis 21 March1788(FWCP 24 March1788);ICA3802
OB 1790,Gov.ofMelakatoBatavia, 10Feb.1789,fo.202.
91SultanMansurto Light,n.d.(1794?),in Marsden, MalayGrammar . p. 144.
27

BARBARA
JMBRAS,
Europeans,aware of the influenceof manyIndian saudagarraja, and of their

intimateknowledgeof local affairs,were anxious to obtain their support.92 In
1747 the Governorof Melaka, apprehensiveabout the futureof the newly-signed
tin contractwithPerak,wroteto 'a Moor there,knownunderthename of Saudagar
Raja? who was held 'in good credit by the king'. Requesting the merchant's
assistance in expeditingthe Company's tin trade, the governorpresentedhim
with a gift,a piece of scarlet cloth.93 When a group of English merchantsin
Madras senta representative to Aceh in 1772 theyfounda Malabar named Kassim
controlledmuch of the country'scommerce. Though a shadowyfigure,Kassim
probablyacted in the capacity of saudagar raja, and the Madras agent, Gawan
Harrop, 'has found it necessaryto keep on good termswith [Kassim], in order
thatthe trade of his employeesmightbe carriedon withoutinterruption'.94
For those Indians who came to the Malay world less in hopes of attaining
politicalpower than in expectationof makingtheirfortune,the financialbenefits
accruingfromthe saudagar raja position were numerous. The royal merchant
could continueto carryon his own privatetrade,freeof royaltolls,and he could
despatchhis own goods on royalvessels.95 The lettersbetweenLight and Jamal
of Kedah indicatethe extentofprivatesales whichcould be made and theresources
at the merchant'scommand. Jamalsupplied Penang with basic provisionssuch
as rice, oil, beef, mutton,poultryand timber,for which he was paid sometimes
in cash and sometimeswith cloth or opium. On occasion Jamal also sold tin
and gold to Light. His standingin Kedah was such thathe could freelynegotiate
with Light's agent,bringcargoes orderedby Light to the kualayand recruitand
pay bearers,workmen,and clerksinvolved in the transaction. A percentageof
the profitswas at times given to the ruler,but it does not appear as if this was
alwaysso.96
Anotherperquisitewas therightofthesaudagarraja to claiman upar (retainer)
or belanjato cover costs incurredin any purchase. Obviouslythis custom could
be abused, and in 1616 the Acehnese saudagar raja demanded 100 reals before
he would permitan English ship to trade.97 A few days later one of the English
merchantsreceiveda request fromthe saudagar raja 'to borrow300 reals to buy
him a wench, and prestthe matterso instantlythat I was forcedto send him a
hundred'.98 A letterto Francis Light fromJamal of Kedah rejects an upar to
110 reals on the groundsthatit does not compensateforall the worryand anxiefy
to whichhe was subject,and asks for 120 reals instead.99
92Forinstance,a Portuguesetrader whoinformed theDutchofthereasonforthepresence of
RajaYahyaofSiakinTerengganu hadobtained hisinformationfromtheTerengganu saudagar
raía. ICA3653OB 1788.Report bv Toacauin CardozoGalvao,30 Nov.1786.
93KÄ2592OB 1748,Gov.ofMelakato OrangKayaSaudagar RajaofPerak,29 July1747(in
Gov.ofMelakatoBatavia.13 Oct.1747.fo.685).
9*SFRG35/15,Desvoeuxto Du Pre,15 April1772(FSGCP 25 June1772). Compare these
caseswiththosedescribedbyNicholls in EastAfrica.TheSwahiliCoast, pp. 291-292. See
alsoLee,'ForeignersintheAchehnese Court*,p. 70.
A Voyage,
95Forrest, pp.41-42,47. In Melakathemerchants whosoldontheSultan'sbehalf
werealsoexempt from tolls. Meilink,AsianTrade , p. 51.
96SOASMs. 40320,Folder6, Letters 11,14,15,17.
97Purchas, IV, p. 288.
PurchashisPilgrimes,
9*Ibid.
"SOAS Ms. 40320,Folder6, Letter21.
28

RAJA MALAYCOURTS
IN TRADITIONAL
In TerengganuNasruddinAli was also a man withan eye forany commercial

advantage,and a letterto Light in 1791 suggeststhathe and Light, togetherwith
a Mr Farley, share the profitsfrom a proposed tradingventure. Nasruddin's
plan was that Light should purchase the ship, which he specifiedshould be no
morethan threeyearsold, and capable of carrying3,500pikul (onzpikul = about
133J lbs). Farley would be responsiblefor outfitting the vessel as 'a warship'
and for providingthe crew, a cargo of cloth worthfourto fivehundred rupiah,
and four hundred chests of Patna opium. Nasruddin was prepared to pay a
premium of 30%, estimatingthe opium at 350 reals the chest.100 When the
ship arrivedin Terengganu Nasruddin would unload the articles which would
later be sold there. He would proceed to load a furthercargo and then sail
himselfto Borneo with the vessel. In Nasruddin's view this proposal was more
sensible than a long trip to China, since opium sold in the eastern archipelago
would fetchas good a priceas in Canton. When the ship returnedto Terengganu,
the pepper and tin remainingthereafterotherships had leftfor China with the
monsoon could be loaded and sent on to Bengal. He even suggesteda captain
for the vessel, one Mr Carnegie, 'He being a person with whom I can converse
and to whom I have alreadycommunicatedall the informationat each place we
now propose to visit'.101
Yet despitethe undoubted attractionsattachedto the officeof saudagar raja,
it did not always mean unlimitedfreedomin commercialmatters. The royal
merchant'sstatus could be reduced overnightby a whim of the ruler,and the
Indian traderSaudagar Priya,who succeeded his relativeNasruddinAli as Sultan
Mansur's agent, was clearlydisappointedwith the way he had been accepted at
court. 'Every piece of goods I might wish to draw fromthe warehouse', he
complained,'must be made known at the palace, and the keys are then brought
and the doors opened by someone sent forthe purpose. This conduct towards
me is that of half confidenceand half distrust'. So dissatisfiedwas Saudagar
Priya with this situationthat he had decided to returnto Penang.102 Further-
more,as the ruler'spersonal appointee,the tenureof a royalmerchantdepended
above all on his abilityto retainkinglyfavour. The fearof headingan unsuccess-
ful business venture,in which royal resourceshad been heavily invested,must
have haunted many a saudagar raja. In 1781, for example, after months of
preparation,the Indian Mahajana Raja of Perak leftforCoromandelin the ruler's
ship, with a cargo of elephantsforsale. In October he returned,havingsuffered
a financialdisaster. The vessel had been wreckedat Porto Novo, on the Coro-
mandel coast, and althoughten elephantswere saved, he had been forcedto sell
them at Cuddalore for a price much lower than their marketvalue. 'This has
caused greatcommotionin the court',reportedthe resident,'because of the great
loss sufferedby the king'.103 Though the Mahajana Raja survivedthis episode,
Nasruddin
100Saudagar toLight,26Muharram
1206(25Sept.1791)inMarsden ,MalayaGrammar
,
pp. 141-143.
101
Ibid.
1U2Saudaerar
Privato Licrht.
29 Muharram
1207Í17 Sent.1792Ìinibid.. pp. 145-146.
103KA3491OB 1782,Res.ofPerakto Gov.ofMelaka,17 April1780;30 Dec. 1780;28 Oct.
1781.
29

BARBARA
WATSONANDA
YA VOL. 51
JMBRAS,
it mightwell have caused his downfallhad he been shown to be at fault. The

basic reasonformaintaininga royalmerchantwas to bringwealthto the ruler.
Almost as importantas his standingwith the king was the royalmerchant's
popularityamong the ruler's subjects. Some royal merchants,notwithstanding
theirnon-Malay background,were able to maintainwidespread support,and in
1750 the Melaka governorsaid of the Siak saudagar raja, an Arab, that he was
'much loved by the people'.104 Forrestwroteof the Chulia Po Saleh in a similar
vein. He not only had 'a pleasing address', but appeared to be liked by the
Acehnese.
I have oftenlistenedto him hearingpetitionerswhen theyspoke Malay
in the streetbeforehis house of a morningwhich, when he rejected,
it was in a mild and politemanner,sendingthe petitionersalmostalways
satisfiedaway.105
Yet at the same time anotherobserverremarkedthatPo Saleh faced growing
oppositionamongthe local nobles,who obviouslyresentedhis privilegedposition.
It was this hostilityfromwithinthe court which finallybroughtan end to Po
Saleh's regime. In view of the royal merchant'spart in the enforcementof
monopolies it is significantthat the main demand of the rebellious chiefs was
freedomof trade.106
There are also indicationsthat the originsof a Keling merchantcould never
be totallyforgotten, even if he were elevatedto a high positionin the court. In
one instancethe authorof the Sejarah Melayu complainsthat 'a Keling doesn't
know how to behave', and in Malay folkstoriesthe Indian merchantremaineda
favouritebutt of jokes.107 At a deeper level Muslim Indians who took on the
post of saudagar raja in the 17th and 18th centuriesmust have been aware that
theywere gamblingwiththeirown futures. The officewas not an inheritedone,
and it was customaryin Malay statesfora deceased foreigner'spropertyto revert
to the ruler.108 When Nasruddin Ali died in 1792, his successor and kinsman
Saudagar Priya arrivedin Terengganu only to findhis brother'schildrenleftas
orphans,the house empty,and all the goods and effectstaken to the palace,
includingthe children's clothes and the household keys. 'Not one article was
restoredto me'.109 In the days of the Melaka sultanatea number of Indians
safeguardedtheir wealth by marriageinto the higher levels of the court, but
althoughthereis mentionof a 'Moor brother-in-law'of the Johorrulerin 1665,
Malay princesin the 17thand 18thcenturiesgenerallypreferredmarriageswhich
allied them with a prestigious genealogy.110Presumably most Indians who
104Harrison,'Eighteenth Century Malacca',p. 28.
A Voyage
105Forrest, , p. 58.
106Lee,'Acheh's RelationswiththeBritish', pp. 76,89. In a letter
to Light,Po Salehalsomen-
tionsgrowing unrestinthecountry.See above,fn.78.
1U7Brown, 'SejarahMelayu, p. 161; R.O. Winstedt, Classical
MalayLiterature(KualaLumpur
andOxford, 1969),p. 19.
1UMBonney,Kedah,pp. 52-55 : Harris,
Navigantium, Asian
I, p. 721;Meilink, Trade,p. 57.
109Asabove,fn.102.d. 145.
110Andaya, TheKingdom ofJohor, p. 76; Wolters,TheFall ofSrivijaya,p. 175. This desireto
marry intootherMalayroyalfamilies mayin partreflect theanxiety
to strengthentheclaims
tothethrone ina periodwhenrivalclaimants wereincreasing.
30

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RAJA
IN TRADITIONAL
MALAYCOURTS
filledthe officeof saudagarraja duringthistimehoped thateventuallytheywould

be able to take their their accumulated wealth and retiresafelyto a place like
Dutch Melaka, as did Sedelebe of Perak.111
In the meantime,the Muslim Indian, like other non-Malay saudagar raja,
had to remain on his guard, constantlyappraisinghis strength,his friendsand
his enemies. Not unexpectedly,many became involved in court intrigueswith
the object of tighteningtheir hold on power. But this in itselfwas dangerous.
A false step, a misguided venture,a whisper of disloyalty,and they could lose
everything. In 1716 a Melaka residentreturningfrom Riau reportedthat the
Armeniansaudagar raja therehad had 'his house, his wife,his slaves and all his
possessions' confiscatedbecause the Raja Muda discoveredhe had been sending
guns and ammunitionto a rebel prince in Palembang.112 As outsiders, the
motivesof foreignsaudagar raja were foreveropen to suspicion,and indeed there
were sufficientinstances of corruptionto give credence to any rumour of dis-
honestyor betrayal. A ruler not infrequentlydiscovered that a merchanthe
trustedhad cheated him or had perpetratedsome deceit in his name. In 1674,
for instance, Sultan Mahmud of Perak denounced his Indian agent ťwho had
caused great disrespectto the king' by deliveringtin mixed with stones to the
Melaka authorities,and nine years later the ruler of Johorwrote to the Dutch
governoraskingforhelp in regaininga sum of moneywith which an Indian had
absconded.113 Piro Muhammad, the VOC's representativein Perak in 1748,
was in high favourat court and 'could do anythinghe wanted', but in the next
reignwas foundto be involvedin a plot to dethronethe ruler.114
For saudagarraja , particularly
those ofnon-Malaybirth,the westernpresence
posed particularproblems. To what degree would the support of Europeans
be useful? Would they undermine the delicate relationship between ruler,
merchant,and noble on whichthe careersof most royalagentsrested? Po Saleh
of Aceh, thoughpersonallyfriendlywith English traders,and preparedto accept
a Britishresidentin the Acehnese court, would not allow an English envoy to
gain directaccess to the ruler.115 By 1690 Perak's saudagar raja , Sedelebe, was
so opposed to the Dutch post on Dinding Island, just offthe coast, that he was
attemptingto instigatea surprise attack.116 Some merchantswere obviously
of two minds. Saudagar raja Jamal of Kedah was accused of permittingan
Indian sailorwho had been involvedin the murderof severalEuropeans to escape
fromjustice, and Light ascribed all his difficulties
in Kedah to the merchant's
influence. Nonetheless, Light also believed that Jamal was so afraid for the
futurethat he had personallypersuaded Sultan Abdullah to lease Pulau Pinang
^See below,fn.125.
112KA1775OB 1717.2ndRee.Renort bvMelakainhabitant. 28 Oct.1716.foil.12-14.
113KA1192OB 1675,Gov.of Melakato Batavia,6 April1674,fo.212r;SultanMahmudof
Perakto Gov.ofMelaka,14 June1674,fo.255r;KA 1274OB 1684,KingofJohor to Gov.
ofMelaka,received23 May1683,fo.835v.
114Fora discussion
of thisincident,
see B. Andava,'Perak,theAbodeof Grace',pp. 195-210.
I15D.K.Bassett,
'BritishCommercialand StrategicInterestin theMalayPeninsula during the
LateEighteenth
Century', inJ.BastinandR. Roolvink,(eds.),MalayanandIndonesianStudies
,
(London.1964),p. 135.
116KA1375OB 1691,Gov.ofMelakato Batavia, 23 Feb. 1690,foil.261v-262r.
31

BARBARA
JMBRAS,
to the English 'to secure a place of retreatagainsthis numerousenemies'.117 For

Kassim of Aceh an asociation with the English was an added resource,and he
feared that if the factorywas removed 'the Sultan's enemies would prevail in
which case Cofsim would undoubtedlybe cut off'.118 The king's merchantin
Terengganuin 1769,by contrast,aware ofthe rivalrybetweenEngland and France,
favouredthe latterand warnedsome Frenchmenof English interestin the area.119
A wily merchant,however,could not only ride above the waves of scandal
which periodicallysweptthroughthe court,but could also manipulatethe Euro-
pean presenceto his personaladvantage. Perhaps the most outstandingexample
is the Muslim Indian whom the Dutch called Sedelebe. Though probablynot
Melaka born,120 he had taken up residencethere and duringhis tradingvoyages
had acted as agentforthe kingsof Malay stateslike Johorand Jambi. For thirty
yearshis name recursin the VOC sources and we catch tantalisingglimpsesof a
man who was clearly a adventurer,willingto take greatrisks,who seemed to be
able to turn every situationto his own profit. In 1674 he was reportedto be
living in Perak, with no less a person than the Raja Muda, despite the ruler's
disapproval. The latterclaimedthatSedelebe was a constantsource of dissension
among the Indian tradersin Perak and had interferedin the cloth trade. The
Dutch also suspected him of duplicityin tin sales and believed that he was to
blame when a cargo of impuretin was sent to Melaka in the king's name. Even
his fellow 'Moors' complained at his activities,121 and the Governor of Melaka
wrotedirectlyto the Perak ruler askinghim to restrainthe merchant. Sedelebe
remainedin Perak,but althoughhe owned his own ship he was financiallypressed,
and in October 1675 the Perak rulersent a letterto Melaka askingforassistance
in reclaiminga sum of money Sedelebe had borrowedfromhim.122
Sedelebe appears to have weatheredthis crisis,yet by the beginningof 1679
he was in trouble again, being so deeply indebted to the Perak Bendahara that
the latterhad threatenedto kill him. Sedelebe fled to the Dutch post at the
kuala, and was taken fromthence to Melaka, leaving behind all his possessions.
Since he also owed tin to the VOC, the Governor was interestedin acting as
mediator,and a compromisewas made wherebySedelebe returnedto Perak and
the Dutch were paid back thirtybahara of tin.123 Through some means he
managed to ingratiatehimselfwith the Perak court once more, and it was not
117Bonney,Kedahy pp. 53-54. Bonney to determine
feelsthatit is difficult thesaudagar raja's
roleintheleaseofPulauPinang, sincethereis noevidence
especially helaterwenttoPenang.
SultanAbdullah maywellhavehadotherreasons.Ibid.,p. 54,fn.8.
118Asabove,fn.94.
119Dunmore, 'French p. 158.
Visitors',
120Seeabove,fn.84.
121
Sedelebewassaidto be buying clothfrom otherIndiansoncredit andfailingto paythemso
thattheyreturned to Melaka'withempty hands'. KA 1192OB 1675,Gov.of Melakato
SultanMahmud ofPerak,24April1674,fo.23lr.
Gov.ofMelakato Batavia,
122Ibid., 6 April1674,fo.212r; to SultanMahmud,24 April1674,
foil.230r-231r;SultanMahmud toGov.ofMelaka,14June1674,fo.255r;KA 1196OB 1676,
Gov.ofMelakato Batavia, 7 Oct.1675,fo.386v.
12JAbaharawas about375 lbs,buttheweight varied. See also Dagh RegisterGehouden int
CaseteelBataviavan'tPasserende DaerterPlaetsealsoverGeheel Nederlandts
Indie, 1624-1682
(Batavia,1887etc.),27May1679,p. 217;W.Ph.Coolhaas, Missiven
Generale vanGouverneurs-
Generaal enRadenaan HerenXVII derVereenigde Oostindische , IV (The Hague,
Compagnie
1971),p. 347.
32

RAJA
IN TRADITIONAL
MALAYCOURTS
long before the Governor-General himself was complaining of Sedelebe's

'insolence'. In May 1681, however, a missive from Batavia almost gleefully
reportedthat 'the notorious Moor Sedelebe is wholly in disgrace in Perak and
has been deprived of all his power'. The VOC records disclose nothingof the
intrigueswithin the court, but five years later Sedelebe was as strongas ever.
As saudagar raja, he was now in total control of all Perak tin, even refusing
tradingpasses to Chinese junks. He was able to compel all the upland people
to delivertheirtin onlyto him, and fromthis but a small amountwas sold to the
Dutch. Sedelebe's main rival in the court was his old enemy,the Bendahara,
who refusedto supportthe merchant'sdemand that the cargo of a Chinese ship
should be confiscatedas recompense for his purported losses. Instead, the
Bendahara persuaded the court to send ambassadorsto the Melaka governorto
settlethe issue. Sedelebe remained dissatisfied,however,and loudly advocated
an attackon the Dutch post on Dinding Island. He evensaid thatifthe Bendahara
did not wish to arrangethis, he himselfwould findpeople willingto carryout
the assault.124
ConsideringSedelebe's obvious hostilitytowardsthe VOC, it is surprising
to findhim living in Melaka ten years later, as one of the wealthiestmerchants
in the town. Even more surprisingis the fact that the Dutch are now willing
to defendhim, and when a ship belongingto Sedelebe was attackedin the Johor
river,a VOC mission sent from Melaka pressed for 5,000 reals compensation,
or ten kati of gold (one kati = 1' lbs). For Sedelebe, Melaka was a usefulbase
fromwhence to carryon his commercialactivitiesand he had no compunction
about ignoringcompanyprohibitionsconcerningtradewithJohor. When Dutch
envoysarrivedin the Johorcapital in 1706 theyfound that Sedelebe was one of
threeMelaka traderswho had establishedtheirown factorythere.125
Sedelebe's ultimatefate is not known,but he stands as one example of the
kind of Indian Muslim trader who filledthe post of saudagar raja in the 17th
and 18th centuries. Despite the insecuritywhich attended the position,there
was never any lack of suitable applicants. For many outsiders,and particularly
forIndians the officecontinuedto hold out the possibilityof gainingwealth and
power because it did not depend on inheritedstatusor noble blood. But though
the royalmerchantis a prominentfigurein Malay courtsthroughoutthis period,
referencesto the position abruptly disappear from the end of the eighteenth
century. A principalreason is clearlythe failureof Malay rulersto retaintheir
dominance of local trade. By the beginningof the 19th centurythe economy
of the Malay world was changingrapidly. In Riau, forinstance,the Dutch took
over controlof all trade in 1818, and in otherMalay areas royalmonopolieswere
graduallyfallinginto the hands of enterprisingchiefs,or being farmedout by
princesin need of funds.126
Generale
124Coolhaas, Missiven , 6 May1681,p. 274;KA 1318OB 1687,
, IV,p. 438;DaghRegister
Gov.ofMelakatoBatavia, 30March1686,fo.736v;KA 1348OB 1690,Res.ofPeraktoGov.
ofMelaka,6 Jan.1689,fo.231r;KA 1375OB 1691,Gov.ofMelakatoBatavia, 23 Feb.1690,
foil.261-261r.
125Andaya,TheKingdom,ofJohor.pp. 38-39.199-200.208.
126Hs.494,Koninklijk Leiden;Khoo Kay Kim,The Western
Instituut, Malay States
, 1850-
33

WATSONANDAYA
BARBARA VOL. 51
JMBRAS,
Indians could not fail to be affectedby these developments,which were

accompanied by fundamentalchanges in the mercantilerelationshipbetween
India and the Indonesian archipelago. In India itselfpolitical confusionafter
the disintegrationof the Mughal empiremeant a lesseningof Indian commercial
activities,while simultaneouslyEuropean political and economic interestsin
the region were extending. Trade and shipping between India and the Malay
areas inevitablysuffered,and in the new entrepotsof Singapore and Penang the
greattraderswere no longer Muslim Indians, but privateEuropean commercial
houses and local Chinese, anxious to deal directlywith the producers.127 The
role of 'Moors' was less vitalin an economydominatedby Europeans and Chinese
who had themselvestaken up residence in the area. Most of these newcomers
had mastered sufficientMalay for their purposes, and had access to the vast
financialresourcesof European and Chinese business. The language skills and
capital which the Indian saudagar raja had once supplied were now of little
importance. In the early19thcenturySultan Hussein of Singaporestillemployed
a youngMuslim Indian fromMelaka to control'the royaltreasuryand everything
to do withthe collectingand spendingof money',but his successor,Temenggong
Ibrahimof Johor,engageda European firmto manage his affairs,whilethe Sultan
of Perak appointedan English merchantas his confidentialagent.128
In this new world there were few places for a man whose principal qualifi-
cation was his abilityto mediate betweencourt and trader. The royalmerchant
had come to the forein earlieryearsbecause he filleda specificgap in traditional
society. As long as the rulerhimselfcontrolleda kingdom'strade,the saudagar
raja was a necesary component in the commercialstructure. As we have seen,
in the 17th and 18th centuriesMuslim Indians were able to dominatethis post
and play an influentialpart in local politics. But now an ambitious man like
Sedelebe would have found littlechance to exploit his talentsexcept perhaps as
scribe or interpreter. No more did the Malay states provide the same oppor-
tunitiesto rise quicklyto positionsof power and influence,and 'duringthe 19th
centuryIndian immigrantswere almost exclusivelylabourers and pettytraders,
not professionalmen or merchantsof standing'.129 The day of the formal
saudagarraja post had gone.
1873(KualaLumpurandLondon,1972),pp. 53-85;Anthony Reid,TheContest forNorth

Sumatra ; Atjeh,theNetherlands andBritain1858-1898 (KualaLumpurandLondon,1969),
pp.37-38,50.
127Sandhu, IndiansinMalaya, p. 30; Arasaratnam, AspectsoftheRole, pp. 583,592,596; Das
Gupta,Malabarin AsianTrade , p. 115; C.M. Turnbull,TheStraitsSettlements, 1826-67:
IndianPresidency to CrownColony(London,1972),p. 178. Khoo, The Western Malay
States, pp. 51-56,62,76.
128Hill,
Hikayat Abdullah, pp. 264,267,275; Khoo,TheWestern MalayStates , pp. 65, 66. It
is interestingthatthesamesituation didnotdevelopin EastAfrica.Nicholls, TheSwahili
Coast, p. 351.
12VTurnbull, TheStraitsSettlements, ofoneprominent
p. 8. The arrival merchant in Singapore
in 1819wasa matter forcomment.By 1849therewereonly17 merchants of standingin
Penangoutof a population of over5,000. Ibid.,p. 23. Compare this,however, withthe
career oftheIndianSyahbandar ofAcehsomewhat later. Reid,TheContestforNorth Sumatra,
p. 83,n. 1.
34

RAJA MALAYCOURTS
IN TRADITIONAL
ABBREVIATIONS
BKI: Bijdragentot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde.

B.M. Add. Ms: BritishMuseum, AdditionalManuscript.
fo., foil: folio,folios.
FSGCP: Fort St. George Council Papers.
FWCP: Fort William Council Papers.
Hs: Handschrift(Manuscript).
JMBRAS: Journalof the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
JRAS: Journalof the Royal Asiatic Society.
JSBRAS: Journalof the StraitsBranch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
JSE AH: Journalof SoutheastAsian History.
JSEAS: Journalof SoutheastAsian Studies.
KA: Koloniaal Archief,The Hague.
Ms: Manuscript.
OB: OvergekomenBrieven(Incoming LettersfromBatavia).
SFR: Sumatra FactoryRecords (India Office,London).
SOAS : School of OrientalStudies Library,London.
SSR: StraitsSettlementsRecords.
TBG: Tijdschriftvoor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde.
VOC: Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (Dutch East India
Company).
35


Andaya, B.W. (1978) - "The Indian Saudagar Raja (The King's Merchant) in Traditional Malay Courts". JMBRAS. Vol. 51. No. 1. (233) .

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THE INDIAN SAUDAGAR RAJA (THE KING'S MERCHANT) IN TRADITIONAL MALAY COURTS

Author(s): BARBARA WATSON ANDAYA

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.167 on Fri, 20 Jun 2014 20:05:24 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.167 on Fri, 20 Jun 2014 20:05:24 PM

This content downloaded from 194.29.185.167 on Fri, 20 Jun 2014 20:05:24 PM

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^Meilink,AsianTrade , pp. 51-52;see also Armando Cortesão(ed.), The SumaOriental of

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18B.M.Add.Ms. 29133,Lightto Hastings, 17 Jan.1770,fo.9. An extreme example ofthe

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ment as 'merchants,interestedonly in their food and the execution of trade',

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was a pistol mountedin silver,made in the shape of a halberd, a ring

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entirelyof Indian origin.43 Malays themselvesacknowledgedthe contribution

43Andaya, TheKingdom ofJohor, p. 39; Raychaudhiri,JanCompany in Coromandel, p. 123;

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of Arabs, too, was renowned,and althoughtheyno longer dominatednavigation

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Thirdly,the role of mediator between court and trader so crucial to the

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In the foregoingdiscussion,attentionhas been concentratedon the origins

(Londonand NewYork,1968),p. 62. JewsandArmenians alsoplayedan important

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80Cortesao,SumaOriental , II, p. 249. Malaytextsalsomention Indianswhofoundfameand

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the Chulia saudagar raja Jamal of Kedah, was alreadya formidablefigurewhen

86Forrest,A Voyage, p. 58; Lee Kam Hing,'Acheh'sRelationswiththeBritish,1760-1819',

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Europeans,aware of the influenceof manyIndian saudagarraja, and of their

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In TerengganuNasruddinAli was also a man withan eye forany commercial

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it mightwell have caused his downfallhad he been shown to be at fault. The

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filledthe officeof saudagarraja duringthistimehoped thateventuallytheywould

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to the English 'to secure a place of retreatagainsthis numerousenemies'.117 For

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long before the Governor-General himself was complaining of Sedelebe's

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Indians could not fail to be affectedby these developments,which were

1873(KualaLumpurandLondon,1972),pp. 53-85;Anthony Reid,TheContest forNorth

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BKI: Bijdragentot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde.

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