Atrocity and Anthropology

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Atrocity and Anthropology

How can representations of atrocity re-inscribe its violence in other registers and how might
anthropologists work to subvert such complicity?

Introduction
Atrocity crimes like genocides and crimes against humanity are often marked by a large-

scale killing of civilians or violation of their rights. The aftermath of atrocity includes reduced

access to justice, ethnic and religious division, neglect of the vulnerable communities, and

mistrust between nations. But prevention of re-inhibition of atrocity is a complex challenge

especially in a society marked with distrust, grievance, and revenge. A strategic way to minimize

the reoccurrence of atrocities includes a strategic representation and documentation of the

atrocity to prevent vengeance and hate speech. Horrific photography and newspaper headlines

could be a source of future violence because the memories could sprout anger and hatred against

conflicting groups (Keilbach, 2009). However, anthropologists have a role in preventing the re-

occurrence of atrocity by identifying risks, preventing the conflict, promoting peace and

reconciliation, and considering possibilities of political instrumentalization of international

politics. An anthropologist can achieve this by utilizing the genocidal process and seeking

specific ways to prevent future conflicts. Moreover, anthropologists can prevent the negative

depiction of atrocity from re-inscribing violence by developing approaches to challenge such

narratives by the developmental states. The purpose of the paper is to review how representation

of atrocity could lead to its re-occurrence and the role of the anthropologist in eliminating such

issues based on the three close readings of the text.

A negative representation of the atrocity could be converting the history and memory to

invoke a sense of revenge among the victims. According to Rafael (2014), the French

photograph of the Algerian massacre could cause Algerians to develop animosity against their
colonizer's actions. This could result in stirring anger guilt, and embarrassment through the

distribution of such images. As for the French, it reminds them of how cruel they were. As in the

1990s, the memorial of independence made Algeria have resentment towards France because the

Algerian government was largely made up of former freedom fighters. Therefore, photography

has acted as an apparatus of disavowal and it could re-inscribe the historical violence between

nations. The American-Filipino atrocity representation through images was also a potential

source of future violence between the two nations. Rafael (2014) provided an image of dead

bodies from New York; Harper and Brothers reported that the Americans did a wonderful

execution in the battle by killing and burying about 38 bodies of Filipino revolutionists.

Moreover, the photography did not capture dead American or Spanish soldiers but they were

solely reserved for Filipino bodies. The photography made visible the history of the Filipino

genocide and the images consolidate the memory of prior confrontations. The images were a

negative representation of atrocity because the Filipino would be perceived to be much inferior

to Americans, and the losers of the war. On the other hand, American photography presented

them to be much more superior and brave, risking their lives to fight in wars. However, the

anthropologist can solve the photography dilemma by considering their removal from museums

and government offices as a means of eliminating the chances of stimulating historical anger and

revenge. Atrocity prevention depends on effective assessment of the surveillance of the

photography risk factors and considering them as an early sign of violence. Therefore,

anthropologists have a duty to surveillance of such disturbing images during the ideal stage to

intervene before they are released to the public.

Another form of misrepresentation of atrocity was the response to the 1955’s Mississippi

shooting of a fourteen-year-old African American boy. He was then thrown in the river and in
another narration he had his penis cut and stuffed in the mouth for whistling at a white girl.

However, the mother chose to have an open casket so that the whole world can witness atrocity

(Eng, Kazanjian and Butler, 2003). The funeral had hundreds of thousand mourners hence the

view of the body would have a massive implication on the African American people and minor

races. Although the mother’s intention was pure, the mutilated and disfigured body would have a

lasting impact on the African American’s hatred of the whites because they will consider them to

be a historical enemy. While it is often assumed that such views would prompt empathetic and

humanitarian responses, they could also provoke negative feelings of hatred and revenge that

could lead to future racial violence. Also, Elizabeth Alexander recites a narrative of the killing of

fourteen-year-old African America by stating that “Can you be Black and Look at this” (Eng,

Kazanjian and Butler, 2003). In other words, the scene of the racial violence against the African

Americans are horrific and could on create anger, hatred, and desire to revenge against the

historical injustices. However, anthropologists can minimize the reoccurrence of atrocity by

documenting the human nature of feeling anger, pain, frustration, and trauma due to ethnic

violence. Anthropologists can prevent the destructive harm of racism by speaking out against

racial injustice and challenging the mainstream interpretation of historical events to focus on

fostering fairness and equality. The anthropologist also recognizes the harm against communities

caused by the misrepresentation of history hence they collaborate with victimized communities

to ensure that voices and views are well represented in the larger society to prevent repulsion. 

The media is a great tool for addressing and creating awareness of historical atrocities.

However, the media could also be influential in re-inscribing historical violence especially if the

stories focus on making certain communities victims of violence from others. The media’s

representation of the Filipino revolution could be a significant source of violence between the
Philippines and the Americans. Rafael (2014) reports that the media played a vital role in

escalating the Philippine-American war. Rafael (2014) posts an image from the New York:

Harper and Brothers 1900. The photography includes dead bodies of the Philippines while the

headline of the newspaper is “harvest of war.” The media description of the dead Philippines as

the harvest of wars could sprout anger and revenge from future generations. Also, such media

headlines would imply that the Americans kept the photography alive persevering the death of

the Philippines as a living legacy of Americans and their superiority. According to Crane (2008)

the media could provoke violence especially when the victimized community are exposed to

photography that represents their forefathers being mutilated and killed by the colonial powers.

Crane (2008) adds that the historically victimized community may begin developing hatred and a

desire to revenge for their historical injustices. Anthropologists can address this complex issue

by focusing on stabilizing the relationship between the victimized community and the historical

perpetrators. Compensation of historical injustices is a strategic way of fostering relationships

between conflicting nations and minimizing the chances of atrocity re-occurrence. For example,

the anthropologist considered the UK to make an official public apology accompanied with

compensations against the human violence during the colonialization era (Keilbach, 2009). The

approach would ensure that the British accept their historical errors of inhuman acts which will

foster peace and reconciliation with their colonies. 


References

Rafael, V.L., 2014. White love and other events in Filipino history. Duke University Press.

Eng, D.L., Kazanjian, D. and Butler, J. eds., 2003. Loss: The politics of mourning. Univ of
California Press.

Neher, C.D., 2004. The Funeral Casino: Meditation, Massacre, and Exchange with the Dead in
Thailand. By Alan Klima. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002. xii, 317 pp.
22.95. The Journal of Asian Studies, 63(1), pp.256-257.

Crane, S.A., 2008. Choosing not to look: Representation, repatriation, and holocaust atrocity
photography 1. History and Theory, 47(3), pp.309-330.

Keilbach, J., 2009. Photographs, symbolic images, and the holocaust: on the (im) possibility of
depicting historical truth. History and theory, 48(2), pp.54-76.

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