Women's Political Participation in Himachal Pradesh: A Case Study

PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN STATE
POLITICS: A CASE STUDY OF

HIMACHAL PRADESH
A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO HIMACHAL PRADESH UNIVERSITY, SHIMLA

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN
POLITICAL SCIENCE
2018
Supervised by: Submitted by:

Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta Jai Kiran
Assistant Professor
Himachal Pradesh University
Regional Centre, Dharamshala
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

HIMACHAL PRADESH UNIVERSITY
(NAAC ACCREDITED ‘A’ GRADE UNIVERSITY)
SUMMER HILL, SHIMLA-171005
SUMMER HILL, SHIMLA 171005
Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta

Assistant Professor
CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that Ms. Jai Kiran a research scholar, Department of Political
Science, Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla-5 has completed her Ph.D. thesis
entitled, “Participation of Women in State Politics: A Case Study of Himachal
Pradesh” under my supervision and guidance. To the best of my knowledge, it is an
original piece of research work and no part of it has not been submitted elsewhere for
any degree or diploma. In my opinion the thesis is worthy of consideration for award of
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in social sciences. The assistance and help received
during the course of this work and sources of literature have been duly acknowledged.
She has completed the following requirements as per the UGC-regulations,
2009 for the Ph. D. degree:
a) Course work as per the UGC/ University rules.
b) Residential requirements of the University.
c) Regularly submitted six-monthly progress report.
d) Presented her work in the departmental committee.
e) Published two research papers in the referred research journal and edited book.
I recommend the thesis for submission and evaluation.
Date: .......................... Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta

Place: ......................... (Supervisor)
DEDICATED
TO
Mata Sarswati
&
My
Loving Parents
PREFACE
The term ‘political participation’ has a very wide meaning. It is not only related
to ‘Right to Vote’, but simultaneously relates to participation in: decision making
process, political activism, political consciousness, etc. Women in India participate in
voting, run for public offices and political parties at lower levels more than men.
Political activism and voting are the strongest areas of women’s political participation.
To combat gender inequality in politics, the Indian government has instituted
reservations for seats in local governments. Women turnout during India’s 2014
parliamentary general elections was 65.7 per cent, compared to 67.1 per cent turnout
for men. Women have held the posts of president and prime minister in India, as well as
chief ministers of various states. Indian voters have elected women to numerous state
legislative assemblies and national parliament for many decades.
Women’s organizations in India first began to emerge in the early 19th century
and later in the 1970s after a period of limited activity from the 1950s to 1970s. One of
the earliest women’s organization, Bharat Stree Mahamandal, formed in 1910 and
focused on helping women escape oppression from men. Women’s associations had
traditionally began with the help of men giving few women access to work and
education, while limiting the expansion of traditional gender roles. In 1927, the All
India Women’s Conference (AIWC) was formed to advocate for women’s education
and was helpful in the passage of the Hindu Code of Bills between 1952 and 1960.
Women were also active in the freedom movement in protesting British colonial rule
over Indian holding protests and public meetings in support of independence. The new
wave of feminism in the 1970s was in response to gender inequality issues and stagnant
development in India. The Committee on the Status of Women in India released a
report in 1974, and had a significant influence in the re-emergence of activism towards
gender equality.
The present empirical study is a modest attempt to analyse the participation of

women in state politics of Himachal Pradesh. Today, the Himachal Pradesh is blessed
with extensive natural resources, splendid beauty and vast deposits of minerals. The
cement industry is flourishing in the state. The state has a huge potential in hydro-
power. The state also has a large cover of green forest, constituting the backbone of the
state economy besides agriculture and horticulture are the main professions of the
peoples of the state. The 73rd constitutional amendment was the landmark step of
constitutional history of India which laid the foundation stone on women participation
in politics to a great extent. As a consequence of the 73rd constitutional amendment of
Himachal Pradesh government passed Panchayati Raj Act 1994 which was a major
step toward women participation in the democratic process. Initially, under this act
women were given 33 per cent reservations in the grassroots institution. However,
subsequently this reservation was enhanced to 50 per cent at grassroots level, which
resulted in more and more participation in the grassroots democracy.
The present study has been divided into six chapters. The first chapter deals
with the introduction of the topic, problem formulation, objective of the study, universe
of the study, review of existing literature, research design and methodology used for the
undertaken study.
The second chapter deals with the socio-economic and political profile of
Himachal Pradesh. This study gives us little attention to the details of socio, cultural
and economic life of the people of the state.
The third chapter deals with the political participation of women-an overview.
This chapter gives us reflection on the historical background of women in India.
During ancient period women held a high place of respect in the society, as mentioned
in Rig-Veda and other scriptures. The Vedic era was the golden era so far as
equilibrium of status and freedom between men and women, with rights of knowledge
and freedom to marry is concerned. The Rig-Vedic women played significant role in
family, society and even in political life. The position of women especially registered as
gradual decline after the advent of Muslim rule in India. The study further deals with
the various initiatives undertaken after independence for bringing improvement in the
socio-economic status and empowerment of women.
The fourth chapter deals with the socio-economic and political variables in the
participation of the women. This chapter gives us the reflection on the historical
background and political participation of the women in Himachal Pradesh.
The fifth chapter deals with the hurdles in the participation of women in
politics. The lack of women’s participation in political process can be attributed to
various socio-economic constraints under our traditional social set-up.
The last chapter gives us the summary of the whole study, along with
conclusions and certain suggestions for the women participation in the political
process.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
It gives me immense pleasure to convey the intensity of my feeling of high

gratitude to all the people who are directly or indirectly contributed to the successful
completion of this dissertation. This intensive research project would remain
incomplete if the sentiment of those who contributed directly or indirectly are not
acknowledged. First and foremost, I bow my head in reverence of “Almighty God”
who blessed me with this opportunity of higher education and gave me the courage
and confidence to follow the right path.
It is indeed my great privilege to express deep sense of gratitude to my

distinguished and esteemed research supervisor Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta, Assistant
Professor, Department of Political Science, Himachal Pradesh University Regional
Centre Dharamshala for his unvarying supervision and guidance in nurturing this
study from conception to completion. His wide range of knowledge, critical
understanding and research expertise has been of invaluable help in my research work.
In this regard, from start to finish, I have received great inspiration, steady
encouragement and affectionate guidance from my respected supervisor.
It giving me immense pleasure to place on record my deep sense of gratitude to

Prof. Harish Thakur, Chairman, Department of Political Science, Prof. Ramesh K.
Chauhan, Prof. Kamal Manohar Sharma, Dr. Bhawana Jharta, Dr. Mridula Sharda
and all distinguished teachers of Department of Political Science, whose ever willing
cooperation and inspiration help to complete this work in right perspective. I also
thank non-teaching faculty members of this department for providing me all possible
help and co-operation during the course of this research work.
I want to express my deep gratitude towards all those respondents who have
been a source of information and without their kind cooperation; it was not possible
to carry out my research work.
I am also indebted to the librarian and staff members of various libraries,

particularly, Himachal Pradesh University Library Shimla, Panjab University
Library, Indian Institute of Advance Study Library Shimla, Indian Institute of
Social Science Library New Delhi, Indian Institute of Public Administration (IIPA)
Library Delhi, Himachal Institute of Public Administration (HIPA) Library Shimla,
District Library Shimla, Vidhan Sabha Library Shimla for providing me every help to
consult all relevant study material. I am also deeply indebted to all the authors whose
books and research papers I have read consulted and cited in the thesis.
I am highly indebted to my parents and family members who helped in
pursuing of my higher education by providing me all the moral and financial help but
also gave me liberty to do anything. Their patience and moral support helped me in
completion of my research work.
I express my sincere thanks to my brothers and my sisters,, who always
encouraged and co-operated in completions of my research work.
I am also thankful to my friends especially Dr. Dayak Ram, Dr. Virender
Kaushal, Dr. Sideshwari Yambur, Dr. Uma Sharma, Dr. Lata Devi, Dr. Jyoti, Prem
Lata, Sushila Negi, Jamna, Pooja Kapoor, Pooja Sharma, Aarti Rana, Sunita, Divya,
Ankush, Anisha, Kundan Lal, Pawan Kumar, Shrwan Kumar, Amandeep, Ajay
Kumar, Tek Singh Thakur, Sunil Kumar, Himanshu Sharma and D.D Thakur for
their kind help during my research work.
I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to my respected teacher Prof. O. C.
Sud. He has always been a great source of strength and emotional support for me and
without his help my dream could never have become true.
I am also thankful to Mr. Tilak Sharma for printing and binding this
manuscript meticulously.
Finally, I have done my best to make this work informative and readable but
some technicalities however, were unavoidable. For any shortcomings, the reader may
find, I claim full responsibility.
Dated:
Dated: .............
..................
............... (Jai Kiran)
Kiran)
Place: …..…
..….....….
.....….
CONTENTS
PAGE
CHAPTERS TITLE
NO.
I THE PROBLEM OF THE STUDY 1-74
• Review of Literature 22
• Significance of The Study 66
• Objectives of The Study 68
• Hypothesis 68
• Universe of The Study 69
• Sampling 70
• Methodology 73
• Limitation of The Study 74
• Scheme of Chapterisation 74
II PROFILE OF HIMACHAL PRADESH 75-140

III POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN–AN 141-204
OVERVIEW
IV SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL VARIABLES 205-290
IN THE PARTICIPATION OF THE WOMEN
V HURDLES IN THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN 291-336
VI CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS 337-352
BIBLIOGRAPHY 353-384
ANNEXURES i-vi
PUBLICATIONS
LIST OF TABLES
Table No. Title Page No.
2.1 Himachal at a Glance According to 2011 Census 79

2.2 Area, Density and Decennial Growth of Population in 80
Different Districts
2.3 District Wise Sex Ratio 81
2.4 Performance of Parties in H.P. Legislative Assembly 90
Election from 1952-1972
2.5 The Position of Political Parties Since (1977- 2012) in 95
Himachal Pradesh
2.6 The Number of Gram Panchayats Since 1952-2015 96
2.7 Panchayat Samitis in Himachal Pradesh, 1972 to 2015 101
2.8 Distribution of Land Holdings 108
2.9 Food Grains Area and Production 109
2.10 Area Brought Under High Yielding Varities 109
2.11 Distribution of Population into Main Workers, Marginal 110
Workers and Non-Workers -2011 Census
2.12 Literacy Rate in Himachal Pradesh 2011 126
3.1 Decennial Sex Ratio in India (Females per 1000 Males) 161
3.2 Literacy Rate in India 164
3.3 State Wise Percentage of Female Literacy in India 166
3.4 Women Representation in Lok Sabha (1952-2014) 168
3.5 Voting Turnout Lok Sabha 170
3.6 Women as Contestants during Various Lok Sabha 172
Elections
3.7 Seats Allotted to Women Contestants in General 174
Elections by National Parties
3.8 Women Members in Rajya Sabha 175
3.9 The Representation of Women in the Union Council of 176
Ministers
3.10 Women Voter’s Turnout in Different Assembly 178
Elections in Himachal Pradesh
3.11 Women’s Representation in Himachal Pradesh 180
Legislative Assembly 1972-2012
3.12 Women Members in Himachal Pradesh Legislative 181
Assembly Territorial Council (1952-2012)
3.13 Women’s Representation in Lok Sabha from Himachal 183
Pradesh
3.14 Women’s Representation in Rajya Sabha from 184
Himachal Pradesh
3.15 Women’s Representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh 187
Year: 1995-2000 to 2000-2005
Year: 2005-2010 to 2010-2015
Year: 2015 to till Date
3.18 Life Expectancy at Birth, Himachal Pradesh and India 190
3.19 Birth Rates in Himachal Pradesh and India 191
3.20 Death Rates, Himachal Pradesh and India 192
3.21 Infant Mortality Rates, Himachal Pradesh and India 193
3.22 Violence against Women in Himachal Pradesh and India 194
4.1 Age Wise Classification of the Respondents 209
4.2 Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of Caste 213
4.3 Educational Levels of the Respondents 218
4.4 Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of their 221
Marital Status
4.5 Family Structure of the Respondents 224
4.6 Classification of Respondents for the Basis of Number 226
of Children
4.7 Occupational Patterns of the Respondents 229
4.8 Distribution of the Respondents of the Basis of Annual 232
Income
4.9 Size of Land Holding of the Respondents 235
4.10 Respondents Awareness Role of Newspapers 237
4.11 Respondents Awareness Role of Radio and Television 240
4.12 Respondent’s Opinion Regarding Interest in Politics 242
4.13 Political Participation of Respondents Father/Husband 244
4.14 Respondents Views on Participation in Voting in 246
Different Past Election
4.15 Respondents Views Regarding Influence on the Voting 248
4.16 Respondents Views Regarding Participation of Women 251
in Campaign Activities
4.17 Respondents Views with regard to Winning the Election 253
4.18 Level of Political Participation of the Respondents 255
4.19 Respondents view Regarding Age at the Time of First 257
Election
4.20 Respondents Opinion With Regard Motivation Factors 259
4.21 Respondents View Regarding Elections Contested on 262
the Seats
4.22 Participation in Strikes/Protest/Bandh Calls 264
4.23 Source of Political Information of the Respondents 267
4.24 Parties Affiliation of the Respondents 271
4.25 Respondents Opinion about Type of Party Membership 274
4.26 Views Regarding Financial Contribution to a 275
Party/Candidate
4.27 Respondents Views Regarding Membership of 277
Voluntary Organisations
4.28 Respondents Views on Attending Party/Organisational 280
Meetings
4.29 Respondents Awareness with Regard to the Panchayati 283
Raj Act
4.30 Respondents Opinion with Regard to Women 285
Participation in the PRIs
4.31 Respondents Opinion with Regard to Reservation for 287
Women in PRIs
5.1 Respondents Views Regarding Hurdles Come in the 297
Way of Women’s Participation
5.2 Respondents Views on Caste Dominance 301
5.3 Respondents Opinion Regarding Social System 304
5.4 Respondents Opinion Regarding Family Problems 306
5.5 Respondents Opinion Regarding Educational 308
Qualification
5.6 Respondents Opinion with Regard to Economic 311
Dependence
5.7 Influence of the Male Family Members on Voting 313
Choice of Respondents
5.8 Respondents Opinion Regarding Bureaucratic 315
Interference in Working of PRIs
5.9 Respondents Views Regarding Corruption and 318
Favouritism
5.10 Respondents Opinion Regarding Reservation for 321
Women in State Politics
5.11 Respondents Opinion Regarding Giving Training to the 323
Elected Women Representatives of Grassroots
Institutions
5.12 Respondents Opinion Regarding Women’s Role in 326
Decision Making Process
5.13 Respondents Opinion about PRIs as the Best Platform 328
of Democratic Process
5.14 Respondents Opinion With Regard to Increasing 331
Women’s Participation in Politics
5.15 Respondents Views As Women Political Activist what 334
would be Your Priorities
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure No. Title Page No.
1.1 Political Map of The Study Area 71

2.1 Growth Rate of Population 2001-2011 81
2.5 District Wise Literacy Percentage (2011 Census) 126
3.2 Literacy Rate in India 1901-2011 164
4.2 Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of Cast 213
Marital Status
of Children
Income
4.18 Level of Political Participation Respondents 256
Election
4.20 Respondents Opinion With Regard To Motivation 260
Factors
the Seats
Party/Candidate
Meetings
Raj Act
Women in PRIs
Qualification
Dependence
Favouritism
Institutions
5.15 Respondents Views as Women Political Activist what 334
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AMSL : Above Mean Sea Level

ASIDE : Assistant to the States for Development of Export
Infrastructure and Allied Activities.
B.C. : Before Christ
BDO : Block Development Officer
BJP : Bhartiya Janta Party
BJS : Bhartiya Jana Sangh
BPL : Below Poverty Line
BSP : Bahujan Samaj Party
CCA : Cultivable Command Area
CDP : Community Development Programme
CEDAW : Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women
CIPET : Central Institute of Plastic Engineering and Technology
CM : Chief Minister
CPI : Communist Party of India
CPI (M) : Communist Party of India (Marxist)
CSWI : Committee on the Status of Women in India
DC : Deputy Commissioner
DDUGKY : Deen Dayal Upadhaya Gramin Kaushal Yojna
DIPP : Department of Industrial Policy & Promotion
DPC : District Planning Committee
DRDA : District Rural Development Agency
DWACRA : Development of Women & Children in Rural Areas
EAS : Employment Assurance Schemes
EVM : Electronic Voting Machine
EWRs : Elected Women Representatives
FCA : Financial Conduct Authority
GP : Gram Panchayat
GS : Gram Sabha
GSDP : Gross State Domestic Product
GT : Grand Total
HIMFED : Himachal Milk Federation
HLM : Him Lok Tantric Morcha
HP : Himachal Pradesh
HPMC : Himachal Pradesh Marketing Corporation
HPPR : Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj
HPSEB : Himachal Pradesh State Electricity Board
HRTC : Himachal Road Transport Corporation
HVC : Himachal Vikas Congress
i.e. : that is
IAY : Indira Awas Yojana
IGMC : Indira Gandhi Medical College
IIM : Indian Institute of Management
IIIT : Indian Institute of Information Technology
IIT : Indian Institute of Technology
INC : Indian National Congress
IRDP : Integrated Rural Development Programmes
JD : Janta Dal
JD(S) : Janta Dal (Secular)
JD(U) : Janta Dal (United )
JP : Janta Party
JRY : Jawahar Rojgar Yojana
KMPP : Kisan Majdoor Praja Party
LD : Lok Dal
LJS : Lok Jan Shakti
LRP : Lok Raj Party
M.T. : Metric Ton
M.W. : Mega Watt
MC : Municipal Corporation
MLA : Member of Legislative Assembly
MLC : Members of Legislative Council
MGNREGS : Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee
Scheme
MPA : Mandi Planning Area
MP : Member of Parliament
MVSSP : Maharshi Valmiki Sampooran Swachhata Puruskar
NES : National Extension Service Programmes
NABARD : National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development
NGO : Non-Governmental Organization
NIFT : National Institute of Fashion Technology
NIRD : National Institute of Rural Development
NP : Nyaya Panchayat
NRLM : National Rural Livelihood Mission
OBCs : Other Backward Classes
PEPSU : Patiala and East Punjab States Union
Ph. D. : Doctor of Philosophy
PMEGP : Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme
PMJJBY : Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana
PMSBY : Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana
PNB : Punjab National Bank
PR : Panchayati Raj
PRIs : Panchayati Raj Institutions
PS : Panchayat Samiti
PSP : Praja Socialist Party
PURA : Providing Urban Facilities in Rural Areas
RBI : Reserve Bank of India
REEP : Research Education and Extension Project
RPGMC : Rajendra Prasad Government Medical College
RVTI : Regional Vocational Training Institute
SAGY : Saansad Adarsh Gram Yojana
SBI : State Bank of India
SC : Scheduled Caste
SDP : State Domestic Product
SEC : State Election Commission
SFC : State Finance Commission
SGRY : Sampoorna Gramin Rojgar Yojana
SGSY : Swaran Jayanti Gram Swarojgar Yojana
SHGs : Self Help Groups
SLBC : State Level Bankers Committee
SP : Samajwadi Party
Sq. Kms. : Square Kilometers
SP : Socialist Party
ST : Scheduled Tribe
TRYSEM : Training Rural Youth for Self Employment
UN : United Nations
UNCSW : United Nations Commission on the Status of Women
UNESCO : United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural
Organisation
UNICEF : United Nations International Children Emergency Fund
USA : United States of America
USAID : United States Agency for International Development
UT : Union Territory
Vol. : Volume
VP : Village Panchayat
WTO : World Trade Organization
ZP : Zila Parishad
CHAPTER-I
THE PROBLEM OF THE STUDY
The word ‘participation’ refers to those voluntary activities by which the

members of a society take part in decision-making in the different processes and
aspects of developmental activities at different levels of government. It implies also
that the people do so as matter of their role as sovereign in a democratic form of
government. There are many types of participation-political participation,
administrative participation and social participation. The concept of political
participation is crucial since the highest and the broadest fabric of society in the state. It
thrives on its political ideals which bear the spirit and the principles of that society
based on place; consent of the people and their institutional device of government
operative in nature and effective in administration. In a democratic form of
government, with a mixed economic structure and a determined hierarchy of values-
liberty, equality and progress arranged in priority of first, second and third respectively,
the political participation is the most important variable.
The sphere of administrative participation is the exclusive area of civil servants,

who participate under the conditions of their service and in contract with the
government as individuals. This formal participant must be either a member of the
government or must be deemed to be so, for a fixed tenure either as an expert
consultant or as a political associate, legitimately holding his position vested in the
structure of the law- the rule of the law manifested by constitution, statutes, rules and
regulations of the government.
The area of social participation is the widest in meaning and is entirely

dependent on the understanding, identification and sense of social responsibility of the
volunteering individual or volunteering group of individuals motivated by the values of
social justice and national objectives. In a simple language, political participation refers
to those voluntary activities by which the members of society take part in the selection
of rulers at different levels of the government, directly or indirectly associate
themselves in the process of formulating a public policy.1
1
Shashi Ranjan Tewari, “People’s Participation: A Theoretical Framework”, in Ramesh K. Arora, and
Meenakshi Hooja (eds.), Panchayati Raj, Participation and Decentralization, Jaipur: Rawat
Publications, 2009, pp. 23-24.
1
There could be three modes of participation- direct at the community or project
level, indirect or mobilisation from above. In case of direct participation the main types
include turn out in elections, contesting elections and getting elected, taking part in
election campaigns, contacting or trying to influence government policies, associational
membership. The forms of participation which engage people between elections are
important. There could be two kinds of participation namely institutional and non-
institutional. The institutional participation refers to participation in the formal
structures while non-institutional participation refers to participation in meetings,
processions, rallies etc.2
The participation in politics is a pre-requisite and minimal requirement for a

successful democratic political system. It is this feature that distinguishes a democracy
from any other form of government. A democratic society in principle is a participant
society in which power is shared and authoritative decisions concerning the society are
made by the representative of the citizens. The ordinary citizens are expected to take
part in the process of governing the country, irrespective of the sex, caste, class,
religion or any other consideration.3 Citizens’ active participation in political affairs in
a democracy is crucial and necessary because it assures the legitimacy of the system
and also strengthens the democratic system.4 Political participation is also a criteria for
political development. The principle political difference between traditional and
modern societies lies in the scope and intensity of political participation. The citizen’s
participation in political affairs is also important because a situation which results in
high participation by members of a group normally has higher potential for
democracy.5 There are various many definition of participation by different scholars
and institutions.
The participation is to develop human capabilities for development, decision-

making and action. It means a kind of local autonomy in which people discover the
possibilities of exercising choice and thereby, becoming capable of managing their own
development.6 Participation in political process has been subject of abiding interest in
2
Prabhat Dutta, Decentralisation, Participation and Governance, Delhi: Kalpaz Publications, 2006,
p.19.
3
J.L. Singh, Women and Panchayati Raj, New Delhi: Sunrise Publications, 2007, p.375.
4
Bhawana Jharta, Women and Politics in India: Impact of Family and Education on Women Political
Activists, New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications 1998, p.10.
5
Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man, Bombay: VFS, 1959, p. 82.
6
Hari Mohan Mathur, Administering Development in the Third World: Constraints and Choices, New
Delhi: Sage Publications, 1986, p.19.
2
political science since the days of Plato. The Aristotle defined citizen, as one who
shares in the administration of justice and in the holding of office. The declaration of
French Revolution of 1789 says that all citizens have the right to take part personally or
by their representatives in the formulation of law. The Marxists tradition also argued
about universal political participation as a means and end of the manifestation of
human freedom. The political participation generally requires two decisions. One must
decide to act or not to act, and one must also decide the direction of this action. The
participation of active citizens in the process of political decision making lies at the
core of any democratic system.7
The International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences refers political participation

to those voluntary activities by which members of a society share in the formation of
public policy. It excludes from the scope of political participation such involuntary
activities as paying taxes, serving in the armed forces and performing jury duty.8 The
United Nations International Children Emergency Fund (UNICEF) defines
participation as an active involvement in decision making at every stage starting with
the identification of problems to the study of feasibility, planning, implementation and
evaluation.9
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) defines

participation as the active engagement of people in sharing ideas, committing time and
resource, making decisions and taking action to bring about a desired development
objective.10 According to United Nations Human Development Report, participation
means that people are closely involved in the economic, social cultural and political
process that effect their lives.11 Further, participation as defined in a United Nations
Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) document is “Collective
sustained activity for the purpose of achieving some common objectives, especially a
more equitable distribution of the benefits of development.”12
7
Kalpana Roy, Women and their Environment, Vol. I, Delhi: Rajat Publications, 1999, pp. 289-291.
8
Herbert Mcclosky, “Political Participation”, International Encyclopaedia of the Social Science, Vol.
12, New York: Macmillan, 1968, p. 253.
9
Report: Development Cooperation, The Role of Development Cooperation in Participatory
Development, Paris: DECD Publication, 1973, pp. 45-46.
10
Canadian International Development Authority (CIDA), Mainstreaming Participatory Development:
Experiences and Lessons of the Inter Agency Group on Participation”, Draft Working Paper, CIDA,
1997, p. XIII.
11
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report, New York: Oxford
University Press, 1993, p. 21.
12
D. Sundar Ram (ed.), Dynamics of Grass-roots Governance in India: Dreams and Realities, Vol.2,
New Delhi: Kanishika Publishers, 2007, p.46.
3
According to Norman D. Palmer, “Political participation as an involvement of
citizens in such political activities which directly or indirectly influence the behaviour
and actions of private citizens by which they seek to influence or to support the
government and politics.”13 Whereas, Huntington and Nelson define political
participation as, “Knowledge about politics, interest in politics, feeling of political
competence, and efficiency, perceptions of the relevance of political, all these may
often be closely related to political action, but at other times they are not. Their study
and measurement also require techniques that differ significantly from those needed to
study behaviour along.”14
Myron Weiner defines political participation as “any voluntary action,

successful or unsuccessful, organised or unorganised episodic or continuous,
employing legitimate or illegitimate methods intended to influence the choice of public
policies, the administration of public affairs, or the choices of political leaders at any
level of government, local or national.”15 Whereas D. R. Mathews and J. W. Protho
define political participation as, “All behaviour through which people directly express
their political opinions.”16 However, Nie and Verba included in political participation,
those legal activities by citizens, which are more or less directly aimed at influencing
the selection of government personal and the actions they take.17
Jan Leighley is of the view that “Participation in national problem- solving and
campaign activities enhances political conceptualisation (individual’s information
about politics); as individual’s are exposed to the conflict of ideas, through
participation they develop more abstract understanding of the political system.”18 Thus
13
Norman D. Palmer, Elections and Political Development: The South Asian Experience, New Delhi:
Vikas Publishing House, 1976, pp. 50-57.
14
Samuel P. Huntington and Joan M. Nelson, No Easy Choice: Political Participation in Developing
Countries, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976, pp. 4-5.
15
Myron Weiner, “Political Participation: Crisis of Political Process”; Quoted in Norman D. Palmer,
Elections and Political Development: The South Asian Experience, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing
House, 1976, p. 58.
16
Sandip Kumar Ghatak, “Political Participation of Women of West Bengal: Its Nature and Extent”,
The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 71, No. 1, January-March 2010, p. 285.
17
Norman H. Nie, and Sidney Verba, “Political Participation”, in Fred I. Greenstein and Nelson W. Polsby
(eds.), Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 4, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company,
1975, p. 1.
18
Jan Leighley, “Participation as a Stimulus of Political Conceptualization”, Journal of Politics, Vol.
53, No. 1, February 1991, p. 207.
4
political participation is the heart of democracy. Democracy is the form of government,
where majority of people possesses the right to share in the exercise of sovereign
power. In a democratic society, power is shared and the representatives of the people
make decision concerning the society.
Modes of Participation
Participation is a multi-dimensional phenomenon. The citizen can participate in

various ways to influence the government. Participation is more than an activity in the
electoral system. The Verba and Nie grouped the alternative activities by which citizens
can participate into four broad modes of participation i.e. voting, campaign activity, co-
operative activity and citizen- initiated contacts.19
Huntington and Nelson defined political participation as the activity to provide

citizens designed to influence governmental decision making. A wide spectrum of
political activities ranging from mere participation to public office-holding is available
to citizen, of the most countries. Generally speaking, the more demanding and time
consuming a political activity, the fewer people participate. There are a number of
factors that influence the degree of an individual’s voluntary political involvement.
The sources of these are personal factors related to the individual’s attitudes, beliefs,
and personality traits. Another set of factors influencing involvement related to the
political factors influencing involvement related to the political setting which include
the amount of exposure to political information accessible through the media or
personal contracts, the political party structure, the relative accessibility of other
organized political action groups, the relative importance of elections and the regimes
attitude towards participation.
Political participation denotes a series of voluntary activities which have a

bearing on political process. The activities mainly are: (i) voting at the polls (ii)
supporting possible pressure group by being a member of them (iii) personally
communicating with legislators (iv) participating in political party activities (v)
engaging in habitual dissemination of political opinion through word of mouth
communication to other citizens.
19
Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie, Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social
Equality, New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1972, p. 58.
5
Participation includes (i) the activities designed to influence the decisions of
government through pressure or persuasion to attain ends such as retaining or replacing
the existing decision makers on changing some aspects of the political system as a
whole and the rules of the political game (ii) electoral activities such as voting,
campaigning, lobbying, (iii) protests strikes, demonstrations, resort to violence.20
Lester W. Milbrath has ranked these activities in a hierarchal order. At the top
he has given those activities in which an individual participates most and goes down to
lesser degrees of participation, until at the bottom where the degree of participation is
the least. Gladiatorial Activities: (i) holding public or party office, (ii) being a candidate
for the office, (iii) soliciting political funds, (iv) attending a caucus or a strategy
meeting, (v) becoming an active member in a political party, (vi) contributing time in a
political campaign. Transitional Activities: (vii) attending a political meeting or rally,
(viii) making a monetary contribution to a party or candidate, (xi) contacting a public
official or a political leader. Spectator Activities: (x) wearing a button or putting a
sticker on a car, (xi) attempting to talk to another to voting in a certain way, (xii)
initiating a political discussion, (xiii) voting, (xiii) exposing one-self to political
stimuli.21
Schonfeld has mentioned, ten types of activities, which are often cited in the
literature on political participation these include: (i) running or holding public (or
party) office, (ii) belonging to a party or other political organization, (iii) working in an
election, (iv) attending political meeting or rallies (v) making financial contribution to a
party or a candidate,(vi) contacting a public official (vii) publicly expressing a political
opinion to convince others (viii) taking part in political discussion (ix) voting and (x)
exposing one-self to political stimuli.22
Huntington and Nelson identify and define the following common variables of
political participation; Class: Individuals of similar social status, income, and
occupation; Communal group: Individuals of similar race, religion, language, or
ethnicity; Neighbourhood: Individuals residing in geographical proximity to each other;
Party: Individuals who identify with the same formal organization attempting to win or
20
Kalpana Roy, op.cit., 1999, pp. 292-293.
21
Lester W. Milbrath, Political Participation: How and Why do People Get Involved in Politics,
Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965, p.18.
22
William R. Schonfeld, “The Meaning of Democratic Participation”, World Politics, Vol. 28, No. 1,
1975, pp. 136-137.
6
maintain control of the executive and legislative branches of government, and Faction:
Individuals united by sustained or intense personal interaction with each other.23
The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies has considered the following
activities like, canvassing for candidates; getting out the voter; raising money;
organizing meeting’s and rallies; participation in procession and demonstrations;
distributing campaign literature; other types of campaign activities; involvement in
campaign through associations and groups; attending public meetings and rallies; being
member of a political party; contacting party leaders for help in solving problems;
contacting government officials for help in solving problems; and voting.24
The voting is considered as the simplest political activity which does not
require much information, initiative and motivation as do most other political activities.
Since vote determines who holds elective office, it exerts a great pressure upon the
leaders and is called the blunt instrument of control over the government. The
campaign activities require more initiative and are more difficult than the voting, but
these activities have more collective effective upon the decision-making process than
voting. The membership in political party or voluntary organisation is the co-operative
mode of political participation. However, this mode of participation requires much
initiative on the part of private citizens. Contesting election is the highest and most
serious form of political participation than the other modes of political participation.
Protest activities- marches, demonstrations and other such direct actions-which are also
called the unconventional political participation generally considered as unhealthy for
democracy.25
Variables
Political participation is a complex phenomenon and depends upon many

factors such as the psychological factor, socio-economic factor and political factor.
Psychological variable refers to the degree to which citizens are interested in and
concerned about politics and public affairs.26 These include individual’s knowledge,
values, attitudes and personality. As far as socio-economic variables, including age,
23
Samuel P. Huntington and Joan M. Nelson, op.cit, 1976, p.15.
24
S. Bhatnagar, Political Theory, New Delhi: Meenakshi Prakashan, 1984, p. 279.
25
Bhawana Jharta, op.cit., 1998, pp. 14-15.
26
Madan Lal Goel, Political Participation in a Developing Nation-India, Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1974, pp. 89-98.
7
education, occupation, income, religion, race, family background, residence, etc.,
greatly condition political participation.27 Participation tends to be higher among better
educated, members of the higher occupational and income groups, middle aged, the
dominant ethnic and religious groups, people with political family background, settled
residents, urban dwellers and members of voluntary organisations.28
According to S.M. Lipset, “the co-relation between level of education and

extent of participation is particularly noteworthy. The educated citizen is more likely to
engage in political process than the uneducated citizen.”29 Hazel D. Lima has also put
emphasis on social backgrounds. According to her, participation is directly influenced
by the individual’s own educational level and the educational status of the family. In
addition to this, in India caste, landholdings and the political influence of a family also
create the opportunity to participate.30
However, the correlation between participation and some of these socio-

economic variables may vary from culture to culture with different political context and
their effect on political participation may not be stable. As far as social environment is
important for understanding the character of political participation in the political
environment. In a state, where political map of country is too large, the machineries for
political communication do not function properly there, the governmental institutions
are enmeshed in highly rigid and complicated rules, people are likely to develop
somewhat a feeling of remoteness that seriously affects the rate of their political
participation. 31
The ideological, psychological, social and political factors affect the political
participation. Ideological factors as one of vital factors that patriarchy and gender
discrimination which still exists in society, shape women’s participation globally.
Patriarchy as a system of male domination shapes women’s relationship in politics. It
constructs the hierarchy of gender relations where men are privileged. Andrienne Rich
defines patriarchy, “A familial-social, ideological, political system in which men by
force, direct pressure or though ritual, tradition, law, and language, customs etiquette,
27
Ronald D. Hedlund, “The Electability of Women Candidates: The Effects of Sex Role Stereotypes”,
The Journal of Politics, Vol. 41, No. 2, 1979, pp. 515-516.
28
Bhawana Jharta, op.cit.,1998, p. 16.
29
Seymour Martin Lipset, op.cit., 1959, p. 82.
30
Hazel D. Lima, Women in Local Government: A Study of Maharashtra, New Delhi: Concept
Publishing Company, 1983, pp. 160-161.
31
8
education, and the division of labour, determine what part women shall or shall not
play in which the female is everywhere subsumed under the male.”32
The psychological factors are also responsible for women to have low
participation in politics. Generally, men are more psychologically involved in politics
because they have more ‘sense of civic duty’, ‘feelings of efficacy’ and above all they
regard politics as their respective sphere, while women are generally unfortunate in
these matters. But voting is only marginally dependent upon psychological involvement
in politics: many individuals vote because of patriotic sentiments, traditional
commitments and group or party pressures rather than personal involvement. The
psychological variables have the most complex modes of political participation.33
According to Milbrath, it is a tradition in almost all societies that politics is mainly an
affair of men and that women should fall in line with them politically. The changes
brought by modern industrial societies are eroding this sex difference but the impact of
tradition is still visible. The men tend to be more psychologically involved in politics
than women.34
The social factors are also important which effect women’s participation in
public spheres. The women find it difficult to participate in politics due to limited time
available to them because of their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres.
With their primary roles as mothers and wives and competing domestic responsibilities
and care work, they are left with little time to participate in politics. In some of the
countries, particularly in South Asia, women also face cultural constraints on their
mobility.35 Nie and Verba consider protest participation outside the orbit of their study
because they consider it an illegal activity. On the other hand, Ali Ashraf and L.N.
Sharma view of the political participation refers to activity that is designed to affect
governmental decision making and actions.36
These general precepts in the social environment of the women undoubtedly

affect her political participation. The family in India is the most important social
32
Quoted in Farza Bari, “Women’s Political Participation; Issues and Challenges”, Paper Presented in
Expert Group Meeting, Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), Bangkok, Thailand, 8-11
November, 2005, pp.3-4.
33
Bhawana Jharta, op.cit., 1998, pp.15-16.
34
Lester W. Milbrath and M.L. Goel, op.cit., 1977, p. 48.
35
Farza Bari, op.cit., 2005, p. 5.
36
Ali Ashraf and L.N. Sharma, Political Sociology: A New Grammar of Politics, Hyderabad:
Universities Press, 1983, pp. 140-145.
9
influence on the life of women, who are confined (mentally, if not physically) to the
home mainly. Her identity and course of life are normally considered to be determined
by her father, brother or husband. The limited political training and socialization that
takes place for her takes place within the family and home. Practices such as female
seclusion and sex segregation, the relative rigidity of the division of labour and the
notion of the ‘naturalness’ of males and females’ work and many subtle aspects of
gender relations all contribute to the shaping of and are themselves shaped by the
ideology underlying their practices and behaviour patterns.37
Political atmosphere is also considered as one of the deterrents which create an

unfavourable condition for women’s participation in political processes. Political
processes have not only become complicated but many decisions are also made behind
the scenes. In the present political situation where corruption has become a
phenomenon in politics, money in some way or the other has played an important part.
Power games are controlled by monetary deals.38 In India, politics has been associated
with unhealthy competition, display of physical strength, greed struggle for the exercise
of authority in this perspective, women have been socialized to believe that politics in a
‘male domain’, ‘a dirty game’. Besides being a “dirty game” it is also regarded as a
coveted male domain. Politics is essentially an art of acquiring and co exercising
power-the power to effectively influence the decision-making processes and policies
and implementing desired changes. This involvement with power and decision-making
makes it a protected field. Decisions are meant to be taken by men and followed by
women. They themselves do not enter the “Power Zone” and are less politically
efficacious and less politically interested as compared to men.39
Thus, all these factors may condition participation differently in different

political and cultural contexts, and their effect on participation may not be stable. In
general, persons with higher education and higher socio-economic status have easier
access to politics than the uneducated and the persons of lower status. Further,
residents and urban dwellers tend to do better in the political sphere.40
37
Herbert McClosky, op.cit., 1968, p. 253.
38
Neera Desai and Usha Thakkar, Women in Indian Society, New Delhi: National Book Trust, 2001,
p. 112.
39
Manuka Khanna, “Political Participation of Women in India”, The Indian Journal of Political
Science, Vol. 70, No.1, January-March 2009, p. 57.
40
Ronald D. Hedlund, op.cit., 1979, pp. 515-516.
10
Feminism
The feminist movement emerged in around the late 19th century, with the
beginning of the first wave of feminism. Feminism, as a whole, came in three ‘wave’
dealing with different aspects of the same issue; the first wave is being the feminist
movement in the 19th and 20th century, which dealt mainly with the suffrage movement.
The second wave (1960-1980s) dealt with the inequality of laws as well as unofficial
inequalities. The third wave of feminism (1900-current) arose from the perceived
failures of the second wave. The word “feminism” appeared first in France in the
1880s, Great Britain in the 1890s, and the United states in 1910. The oxford English
Dictionary lists 1894 for “feminism” and 1895 for “feminist”. Prior to that time
“Women’s Rights” was probably the term used most commonly, hence Queen
Victoria’s description of this “mad wicked folly of women’s rights” is significant. In
the 17th century John Locke and Thomas Hobbes had observed that maternal child bond
was a primary relationship, compared to the child’s relationship to the father. The
French Utopian socialists of the 1830s and 1840s challenged the “natural order’ stating
that in the Romantic tradition, the only natural order was the mother-child bond,
paternity being a legal bond defined by civil law. Women’s voices are often difficult to
discern in the ancient world, but classical Greek Philosophers such as Aristotle and
Plato sometimes claimed to be feminist (a role that is debated). The most important
feminist writer of the time was Mary Wollstonecraft, often characterized as the first
feminist philosopher. 41
Wollstonecraft believed that both sexes contributed to the inequalities and took
it for granted that women had considerable power over men, but that both would
require education to ensure that necessary changes in social attitudes. Her legacy
remains the need for women to speak out and tell their stories. Her own achievements
speak to her own determination. The French Revolution focused people’s attention
everywhere on the cry for egalite and hence by extension but in a more limited way,
inequality in the treatment of women. In 1791, the Declaration of the Rights of Man
and of the citizen elicited an immediate response from the writer Olympe de Gouges,
the amended it as the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the female citizen,
arguing that if women were accountable to law, they must also be given equal
responsibility under the law. She also addressed marriage as a social contract between
41
Neeru Tandon, Feminism: A Paradigm Shift, New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers, 2008, pp. 1-4.
11
equals and attacked women’s reliance on beauty and charm, as a form of slavery.42
Therefore, Feminism is a social theory which is more associated these days with
political movement dealing primarily with the experience of women. There were
various feminist theories i.e. Liberal feminist theory, , Marxist school of feminism,
Radical feminist theory Psychoanalytic feminist theory, Existentialist feminist thought,
Cultural feminism, Lesbian feminism, Eco-feminism, Post-modern feminism, Post
feminism, Black feminism, French feministic theory.
The liberal feminism, also known as first wave feminism, strives to ensure a
more equitable and gender inclusive structural changes in the society. This school of
thought seeks women empowerment through various legal and administrative reforms.
Liberal feminism strives for the greater participation of women in the public realm.43
Liberal feminists, such as, Mary Wollstonecraft’s book, A Vindication of the Rights of
Women and J.S. Mill, The Subjection of Women, Harriet Taylor’s Enfranchisement of
Women44 focuses their study on the legal and political rights of women. This discipline
demonstrates the idea of equality before law and equal representation of women in
democratic institutions.
The liberal feminism has tried to explain and analyse the unjustified restrictions
imposed upon women in the male dominated socio-economic and political order the
society. The liberal feminism has inspired women to come out from private sphere to
public life, to ensure greater participation in order to secure more power in political
realm. Similarly, Margret Mend’s analysis focuses on the biological equality and
cultivated talent of each sex. Mend’s seeks an equal participation of women in the areas
of law and governance, religion, art and science. Her focus remains to ensure the
equitable and purposeful participation of women in the fields that were historically and
culturally supposed to be dominated by men. One of the important objectives of liberal
feminism remains to rescind the gender bias in the domain of art and aesthetics. A
number of liberal theorists are critical to the role of art in demonstrating and
perpetuating female inferiority. Women are generally considered an object of art rather
than a rational and creative being, to create and evaluate the aesthetical parameters.
42
Ibid.,
43
Pankaj Dodh, “Theorising Gender: A Way to Women Empowerment and Gender Justice”, in Sarbjeet
Singh and Pankaj Dodh (eds.), Gender Justice and Women Empowerment: An Integrated Approach,
New Delhi: Regal Publications, 2013, p. 23.
44
Neeru Tandon, op.cit., 2008, pp.1-4.
12
Therefore, it becomes imperative to demonstrate that the liberal feminist scholarship
dared to strike its earliest assault against the exploitation of women in both private and
public sphere. The movement initiated a very fervent criticism against the persistent
inequality and discrimination in the society. Consequently, public institutions were
reformed and made more inclusive, democratic and egalitarian in both structural as well
as functional level.
The Marxist and socialist feminism focuses primarily on the economic aspects
of women exploitation. Marx and Engels tried to understand women operation and
exploitations in terms of the nature of material production and the concept of
alienation. The Marxist thinking about women exploitation is essentially analogous to
the alienation of the working class in a capitalistic mode of production. The powerful
capitalist exploitative culture not only prevails in the economic sphere, but is equally
implied to the exploitation of women in the narrow confine of household affairs. Engels
vividly painted the picture of women subjugation in parallel to the emergence of the
private property over an extending period of history. Due to the expansion of
civilization and material possessions, male succeeded to assert greater control over the
exchange values of produced goods. This was further fortified with the emergence of
the family, a primary unit of the society. The exclusive controls of the male over the
domestic affairs as an owner of private property further worsened the condition of
women. Women were complexly marginalized in socio-economic and political life.
Therefore, Engels suggested for the complete demolition of private domestic labour
and supported the spread public industry for the liberation of women. One of the central
themes of the Marxist feminism is that, it tries to integrate women’s emancipation in
the wider context of a class struggle against the capitalistic society. 45
Whereas, Radical feminism emerged particularly in North America in the late

1960s and the early 1970s. The Radical feminist argued that women are oppressed by
men and this operation of male power cannot be reduced to other forms of power, such
as the power of capital over labour.46 The radical feminism tries to bridge the difference
between public sphere and private sphere. The radical feminists, most notably;
Patterson and Okin hold that, the public sphere continue remains to be controlled and
regulated by the male. Similarly, in private sphere the family is equally controlled by
45
Pankaj Dodh, op.cit., 2013, pp. 23-25.
46
Linda McDowell and Joanne P. Sharp (eds.), A Feminist Glossary of Human Geography, New York:
Oxford Press, 1999, p. 228.
13
the male through patriarchal customs and the male dominated rules and regulations in
the family affairs. The theory is chiefly concerned with the issues arising out of
‘pornography, prostitution, sexual harassment, rape and woman battering. In order to
be liberated from sexual oppression, radical feminists prescribe a strategy to create an
exclusively female sexuality through celibacy, autoeroticism, or lesbianism; they are
against heterosexuality and traditional roles of women as faithful housewives and child-
bearing machines.47 It seeks to eventually deconstruct the patriarchal power prevalence
in both public and private spaces. Radical feminism makes a clear distinction between
gender and sex. The sex stands for biological difference; while, gender is a historically
and socially constructed idea. The sublime virtues of care, affection, nurture and
motherliness were deliberately overshadowed by the patriarchal rationality and power.
The artificially allotted ‘submission’ to women; and men desire to exert exclusive
control over the nature, has led to the construction of a patriarchal culture, value system
and an economic and political structure as a historical process. The radical feminist
thinkers want to destroy the socially constructed parameters of gender differences.48
To sum up with an optimism that a new era of peace, progress, equality, justice
and respect for human rights would prevail in the foreseeable future where women
would enjoy equal socio-economic and political rights as compared to men.
Women Participation
Women play an important role in determining the destiny of a nation and they
are an integral part of society. Their greater involvement in socio-economic and
political affair becomes more important. However, history reveals that women have not
been given their actual status in the society. Socially, women are an ignored a lot in the
society. They have been and still are the victim of various social taboos in general and
particularly in developing country like India. Though, they enjoy equality but this
equality is more in legal terms rather than in reality. Women are virtually excluded
from political power all over the world. There contribution to the social and economic
development of societies is also more than half as compared to that of men by virtue of
their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres. Yet, their participation in
formal political structures and processes, where decisions regarding the use of societal
47
Neeru Tandon, op.cit., 2008, p. 44.
48
14
resources generated by both men and women are made, remains insignificant.
Presently, women’s representation in legislatures around the world is 15 per cent.49
Participation is a sensitive issue and women participation is more sensitive. The

issue is made complication of the term ‘participation’ irrespective of the contexts.
Hence, there are plenty of words analogous to the term participation, viz., involvement,
support, empowerment, mobilisation, joining-in, co-operation etc. The exact meaning
of the term can be correctly conceived only, if the objectives, values and the contexts in
which it is used are explicitly expressed. Hence, any systematic study of the problem of
participation warrants an in depth insight into the matters such as scientific definition of
the term, rationale of the issue, means/ methods involved and inter-relations among the
various variables influencing the problem. Women participation and related variables
highlight gender dimensions of the issue. It brings to one’s notice the polemics, status
of women, gender bias in development, sexual discrimination etc.50
Political participation of women means not only using the right to vote but also
power sharing, co-decision-making and co-policy-making at all levels. The active
participation of women in political sphere is integral to empowerment of women and
helps to build a gender-equal society as well as to speed up the process of national
development. Women’s political empowerment is premised on three fundamental and
non-negotiable principles: the equality between women and men; women’s right to the
full development of their potentials; and women’s right to self-representation and self-
determination.51
Women’s participation is considerably high in formal political activities like

demonstrations, mobilizations and other similar activities. Their participation in such
atmosphere is much encouraged and considered as important part of every political
party in the country.52 Later, demand for political equality of women started in
eighteenth century.53 New Zealand became the first country to enfranchise women in
49
R.Vijaya Kumari and K. Gangadhara Rao, “Women’s Political Participation in India”, Global
Journal for Research Analysis, Vol. 3, No. 8, August 2014, p. 1.
50
Molly Joseph, Women Participation and Development Strategies, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
1997, pp. 53-54.
51
Meenu Agrawal (ed.), Women Empowerment and Globalization: A Modern Perspective, New Delhi:
Kanishka Publishers, 2009, p.178.
52
K. Shamatha, “Women’s Participation in Electoral Politics”, Global Journal for Research Analysis,
Vol. 3, No. 2, February 2014, p. 196.
53
K.C. Vidya, Political Empowerment of Women at the Grassroots, 2nd edition, New Delhi: Kanishka
Publishers, 2007, pp. 2-3.
15
1893.54 Subsequently, Finland became the first country to enfranchise women in 1906.
55
Australia and Canada provided the voting right to their women counterpart in 1908
and Norway in 1913. 56 After a continuous struggle for equal political rights, women
achieved voting right in 1920 in USA and 1928 in UK. In Germany, women were
enfranchised by the Weimer Constitution of 1919. Gradually, women got universal
suffrage in all the countries of Asia, Africa, Europe America, and Latin America.
However, in the Middle-East countries women are yet to gain equal suffrage.57 Japan in
1945, France in 1947, Pakistan in 1947, China in 1949, India in 1950, Argentina in
1952 and Iran in 1963.58 In Switzerland, women are provided with the full and equal
voting rights in federal and most cantonal elections by 1971 and in 1973 same rights
were granted to women in Syria in 197359 and Iraq in 1980. In most of the countries of
the world, the right to vote to women became a reality in the 20th century. The
developed nations of the world have granted right to vote to women in the first half of
the 20th century, whereas the newly independent third world countries have given the
right to vote to women after 1945 and with their freedom from the colonial rules.60
Therefore, various International Organizations, Government Organization and

Non-Governmental Organizations took initiatives to promote women’s status in
society. For instance, the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women
(UNCSW) was setup as a permanent body of the Economic and Social Council.61 In
1952, the General Assembly of United Nations adopted the Convention on the Political
Rights of Women in which it was stated that, “Women shall be entitled to hold public
office established by national law on equal terms with men without any
discrimination.62 In 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted by the General Assembly of
54
Anjana Maitra Sinha, Women in a Changing Society, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1993, p. 57.
55
Yogendra Narain, et al., “Empowerment of Women”, Mainstream, Vol. 43, No.1-5, December 2014,
pp. 68-69.
56
Anuradha Chadda, “Political Participation of Women: A Case Study in India”, International Journal
of Sustainable Development, Vol.7, No. 2, 2014, p. 93.
57
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, pp. 2-3.
58
Bhawana Jharta, “Marginalization of Women in Politics: Some Observations”, in Mamta Mokta (ed.),
Dimensions of Gender Inequality in Society, Chandigarh: Shree Ram Law House, 2016, p. 80.
59
Anuradha Chadda, op.cit., 2014, p. 93.
60
Bhawana Jharta, op.cit., 2016, p. 80.
61
United Nations Commission on The Status of Women, http://en.wikipedea.org/wiki/, Accessed on
09-07-2017.
62
Convention on the Political Rights of Women, 193 U.N.T.S.135, enforced on July 7, 1954, Article 3.
16
United Nations consisting of a preamble and 30 articles, aimed at to as constitute
discrimination against women and to setup an agenda to end such discrimination. It
also highlighted the participation of women in politics.63
The first world conference on women was held in 1975 in Mexico City. 64 The
conference, along with the United Nations Decade for Women (1976-1985) launched a
new era in global efforts to promote the advancement of women by opening a
worldwide dialogue on gender equality.65 The conference recommended the
governments to formulate national strategies and identify targets and priorities in their
efforts to promote the equal participation of women in political space.66 It was followed
by a second world conference on women at Copenhagen in 1980 and a third in Nairobi
in 1985. In the UN Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janiero
(1992), world leaders accepted women’s vital role in achieving sustainable
development. The World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna (1993), governments
acknowledged that women’s rights are human and headed the evidence of widespread
violence against women. Further, in the International Conference on Population and
Development in Cairo (1994), women’s empowerment was recognised as a cornerstone
for effective population policies. At the World Conference for Social Development in
Copenhagen (1995), gender equality was recognised as a prerequisite for the
achievement of productive employment, social integration and poverty eradication.67
The Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995, took actions
empowering women to take part in politics and decision making process.68 From each
of these global conference emerged, a more powerful recognition of the crucial role of
women in sustainable development and protecting the environment: of the human
rights; of violence against women as an intolerable violation of these rights; of health,
maternal care and family planning facilities, and of access to education and
information, as essential to the exercise by women of their fundamental rights. 69 These
rights were not easy to achieve because women had to fight and vociferously advocate
63
G.A.res.34/80. 3U.N.GAOR. supp.,(No.6) at 193 UN Doc. A/34/46, entered into force September 3,
1981.
64
Kuldeep Fadia, “Women’s Empowerment through Political Participation in India”, Indian
Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 60, No. 3, July-September 2014, pp. 537-539.
65
Anuradha Chadda, op.cit., 2014, pp. 95-96.
66
Farza Bari, op.cit., 2005, p.1.
67
Kuldeep Fadia, op.cit., 2014, pp. 537-539.
68
69
17
their rights at various forms. When the UN Charter was being discussed for adoption,
the draft neither contained the phrase “the equal rights of men and women” nor the
paragraph prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sex. Women participants fought
very hard against such discrimination and demanded that the rights for all human
beings irrespective of their gender should be included. The ardour and initiative of
women delegates to bring to light such exclusion of women and their demand that the
UN Charter reflect gender equality resulted in incorporation of the idea of equality of
men and women in the UN Charter. It is said that, the UN Charter became the first ever
international document in the history of making to have underlined the rights of all
human beings irrespective of gender. In a similar way, references such as “All men are
brothers” in the Universal Declaration of human Rights were changed to reflect the
equal rights of men and women.
However, in India even after 70 years of the working of the constitution, we

find that women are still fighting for their empowerment; for gaining equality of status
and securing a role for themselves in the decision-making bodies. The situation which
obtains in India is hardly any different from what it is in other parts of the world.
Except for countries like Seychelles, Finland, Norway, Sweden and Denmark, the
percentage of women parliamentarians to the total membership in parliament is quite
low.70 The status of women in India has been progressing subject to the changes in the
legislature over the past few years from ancient times to present, the promotions of
equality for the women by many reformers has been eventful in India and is also
believed that women enjoyed equal status with men in all walks of life.71 The seventies
changed the scenario and brought women to the forefront of development concerns.
The launching of the UN Decade for women in 1975 provides very important impetus.
During the International Women’s Decade in India, there was an unprecedented effort
from various sectors to reassess the role of women and direct policies and programmes
towards women’s needs. The first half of the decade was a issues visible to planners.
As the decade advanced, new issues came to be identified making women’s equality a
complex goal. The government appointed a Committee on the Status of Women in
India (CSWI) in 1977 to undertake a, “comprehensive examination of all the questions
relating to the rights and status of women.” It had commented on the failure of an
70
Yogendra Narain, et al., op.cit., 2014, pp. 68-69.
71
S.P. Mathiraj and P.S. Nagarajan, “Empowerment of India: Then and Now”, Third Concept, Vol. 24,
No. 280, June 2010, p. 37.
18
earlier policy to induct women into local government bodies through reservation of a
few seats, as a form of tokenism, and recommended the establishment of statutory
women’s Panchayats at the village level to ensure greater participation in the political
process. The Report of the Committee on the Status of Women, the observance of
International Women’s Year in 1975, the formulation of a National Plan of Action for
Women, setting up of a National Committee with the Prime Minister as the head
proved the concern for women. Since then, scholars and policy-makers diverted their
attention to the issues of women, which culminated in establishing a National
Commission for Women in 1992 and the National Perspective Plan for Women (1988-
2000).72
Further, the historical 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution have
enhanced women’s participation and representation in the decision-making process at
the grassroots level and also have reduced the disparity in male and female
participation in the political processes at the local levels. These amendment Acts have
provided at least 33 per cent reservation of seats for women in the Panchayati Raj
Institutions and Municipalities and have also laid down a strong foundation towards
equal access and more participation of women in the political power structure. Today,
through the Panchayati Raj Institutions, over a million women have entered political
life in India. The states like Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Uttrakhand, Himachal Pradesh,
Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Kerala, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Orissa,
Rajasthan and Tripura have even implemented 50 per cent reservation for women in
PRIs. The majority of members/candidates in these Panchayats are women. The
currently, 100 per cent of elected members in Kodassery, Panchayat in Kerala are
women.73
Therefore, political participation means taking part in political activities. The

common man cannot participate directly in the affairs of his state, as the citizens of the
ancient city states of Greece used to do. However, there are still numerous avenues
open to the citizens of modern democracies to indirectly influence decision-making at
the societal level. The elective character and the accountability of the ruling elites to the
general public prepare the ground for such participation. This indirect type of
72
Ratna Ghosh and Alok Kumar Pramanik, Panchayat System in India: Historical, Constitutional and
Financial Analysis, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2007, p.171.
73
19
participation, through a wide and varied spectrum of activities, forms the central core of
the concept of political participation.74
Political participation refers to the equitable representation of women in

decision-making structures, both formal and informal, and their voice in the
formulation of policies affecting their societies. It is perhaps for the first time in Indian
history that women are covering a wide spectrum of activity and entering almost every
field of life. They are now challenging male science and knowledge; they are
interpreting religion, rewriting history, breaking the age old silence, opposing injustice,
inequality and the oppression against them. Political participation of women is a part of
the overall empowerment process.75
Women’s participation in mainstream political activity has important

implications for the broader arena of governance in any country. This limited nature of
women participation and representation in national decision making institutions has
important consequences for women and for the legitimacy for the institutions. Where
women constitute half of the population in a political system which supports equality
and where both women and men are legally eligible for political office, women’s
participation should be equal to that man. Hence, representation is not only a means of
ensuring individual participation, it is also the responsibility of the representatives to
act on behalf of the constituents, including women, who elected them and reflect their
ideas and aspirations. Women disproportionate absence from the political process
would mean that the concerns of half of the population cannot be sufficiently attended
to or acted upon as it denies their viewpoints sufficient opportunity to be integrated in
the political system. While the Indian democratic state is committed to the protection of
individual rights within the context of citizenship, a closer look at how it operates for
the women, reveals that these rights are not accessible in the public and private spheres
in their full potential to all the women in India. There are historical, social and cultural
factors that have limited women’s capacity and chances to exercise their freedom to
participate in the political process. The evolution of Indian democracy through the
sixteen General Elections held so far has reflected a low representation of women in
Parliament, State Legislatures, in political parties and other decision making bodies.
The under representation of women in the political sphere is inextricably linked with
74
S. Bhatnagar, op.cit., 1984, p. 266.
75
Meenu Agrawal (ed.), op.cit., 2009, p.163.
20
the low and inferior status of women in society in India especially in the context of the
declining sex ratio, increasing violence and crimes against women and their
marginalized status in employment education and health sectors.
In Himachal Pradesh, women are not getting adequate representation in the

Parliament, State Legislature and other decision-making bodies. Like India, gender bias
always been there in the politics of the state. The politics is dominated by men and they
want to retain their monopoly on it. Here, we will make an attempt to analyse the
nature and extent of women’s participation in politics in the state of Himachal Pradesh
and to know the main factors which are responsible for relegating them to the
secondary position in politics. There are many factors which are responsible for the low
participation of women in the politics of the state. As a matter of fact, the various
socio-cultural, economic and political factors obstruct women from taking part in
politics. Himachali women have to encounter many obstacles because of traditions,
prejudices and social conditions of the hilly society. Social traditions look women as a
part of the household, not as a part of the public life. The political parties in the past
were also reluctant to field the women candidates in the elections because of their
perception that women have less prospects of winning the seats. The various other
reasons which discourage the women from participating in politics, mainly include- the
criminalization of politics, lack of safety and security, lack of incentives, illiteracy,
ignorance, lack of political awareness and lack of self- confidence, lack of time and
resources at the disposal of the women. One more reason that low participation of
women in politics is, it’s being full time job which is harder for women due to their
other responsibilities.
21
Review of Literature
Madan Lal Goel (1974) in his book, “Political Participation in Developing

Nation”, the author revealed that as compared to men, women are less involved in
Indian politics. They take less interest in politics, political discussions, attend less
public meetings and influence less decision as compared to men. Their voting
percentage is about 12 per cent less than that of men. According to sex difference
voting turnout is sharp among the illiterates, among those who reside in rural area,
among Muslims and among the backward regions. He pointed out that difference in
male-female involvement are the highest among all other variables of political
participation. Only a few educated women feel confident about affecting government
policies. 76
S. Bhatnagar (1974) in his book, “Panchayati Raj in Kangra District of

Himachal Pradesh”, has tried to examine the evolution of Panchayati Raj in India in
general and particularly in district Kangra of Himachal Pradesh. He has divided the
whole book into ten chapters. He described the Panchayati Raj Institutions under a case
study, covered the period before the reorganization of Punjab in November 1966, when
Kangra was merged with Himachal Pradesh. The study deals with the elected
leadership of the three-tier institutional complex of Panchayati Raj. The author has
analysed the social background of the new leadership, people’s attitudes towards their
role and understanding of the problem and the challenges. Similarly, the nature and role
of new rural bureaucracy that manages these institutions have also been examined at
length. He suggests more intensive education and training to be given to the leaders. He
also supports the intervention of the political parties, which are already doing so
covertly. The author has suggested the reorientation of Panchayati Raj bureaucracy,
even its administrative capability and impartiality as well as commitment to rural
development has to be augmented further there is a great scope for it. According to
him, formation of state wise cadres of rural civil servants, improvement in terms of
their employment and promotional avenues and training, and greater mobility within
the state administration and such other steps would improve the skill and motivation of
the rural bureaucracy. He also suggests that Panchayati Raj Legislation as well as the
76
Madan Lal Goel, Political Participation in Developing Nation, Bombay: Asia Publishing House,
1974.
22
attitudes of the higher authorities must change in order to be viable agencies of
development. 77
A.R. Gupta (1976) in his book, “Women in Hindu Society”, the author deals
with the political status of women in a nation is reflected in extent of freedom granted
to women in regard to their participation in the political activity. With the advent of
independence, Indian women were granted the right to all political activities with men
and their participation in the political activities of the country has also increased
whereas, it has failed to make any profound impact on women’s participation in the
actual decision making process. However, the author sum up by saying that there is a
difference in the standard of values and norms of behaviour and the objective of new
social order proclaimed by the constitution of India.78
Neera Desai (1977) in her book, “Women in Modern India”, discussed the
political status of women in India. It emphasised on the study of women’s status in
different ages in history and attempted to find out the root causes affecting the status of
women. It is a comprehensive and multi-dimensional study of women dealing with the
changing status of women in the Indian society in the past. The contemporary women
are self-responsible and they can cope-up with the changing situations by leaving aside
the burden of religion, values, customs and superstitions.79
Ranbir Sharma (1977) in his study, “Party Politics in the Himalayan States”,
he studied the various political party of Himachal Pradesh to examine the potential role
of political parties in initiating, directing and managing social, economic and political
changes in Himachal Pradesh. He has observed the growth of political consciousness
amongst the hilly state of Himachal Pradesh. He analysed that the Praja Mandal
Movement in the hilly states stimulated the growth of political states, stimulated the
growth of political awakening, even though the areas are very economically backward.
During the course of struggle being launched, a simultaneous process of their
integration had also begun. This study is helpful to know that the integration of various
tribal and non-tribal communities of Himachal Pradesh has been begun from the period
of Praja Mandal Movement and national movement to achieve the common interest.80
77
S. Bhatnagar, Panchayati Raj in Kangra District of Himachal Pradesh, New Delhi: Orient
Longman,1974.
78
A.R. Gupta, Women in Hindu Society, Delhi: Songita Printers, 1976.
79
Neera Desai, Women in Modern India, Bombay: Vora Publishing House, 1977.
80
Ranbir Sharma, Party Politics in the Himalayan State, New Delhi: National Publishing House, 1977.
23
Inderjeet Kaur (1978) in this book, “Status of Hindu Women in India”, the
author discussed that a new concept of womanhood is gradually emerging in India,
which is at odds with the traditional concept of Hindu women as a devoted wife
confined to the home. The study indicated that participation of women in politics can
be seen in parliament, in the state legislative assemblies, in other policy and decision
making bodies due to higher education, self awareness and national consciousness of
women as they are now claiming equal status with men inside and outside the family.
They are passing through a transitional stage, in which they are neither wholly
traditional nor fully modern. The cultural inheritance and traditional values did not
wholly vanish from the attitude and behaviour of Hindu women. The result of study
indicated a positive change in behaviour and outlook of middle class Hindu women.81
Jana Matson Everett (1979) in her book, “Women and Social Change in
India”, the author discussed the historical development of the women’s movements in
India from the late 19th to the mid 20th century. The author examined two campaigns of
the Indian women’s movement. The campaign for political representation provoked
none of the hostility experienced by the British and American movements. However,
the Indian campaign was more complex than is usually realized. A weakness
characterising women’s movements in both India and the west was their inability to
mobilize large numbers of people. The Indian women enjoyed greater access to the
political elite relative to the American and British movements. However, in certain
circumstances, the politics of mass mobilization was crucial for success, and the
women’s movement was not able to adapt.82
Jana Matson Everett and B.R. Chawla (1981) in this book, “Women and
Social Change in India”, the authors deals with the problems of women in India and
stated that there is a great discrepancy between the idealized concept of women and the
real life situation in which women find themselves. All over the world, women are
denied equal access with men, in opportunities for personal growth and social
development in education, employment, marriage and family, professional and political
life. In India, as in other developing countries, women are less likely than men to
continue their education to higher levels and are more likely to find themselves
81
Inderjeet Kaur, Status of Hindu Women in India, Allahabad: Chugh Publication, 1983.
82
Jana Matson Everett, Women and Social Change in India, New Delhi: B.R. Chawala Heritage
Publishers, 1979.
24
constricted in female occupations like nursing, social work, typing and stenography all
of which have low status and low remuneration.83
Hazel D. Lima (1983) in her study, “Women in Local Government: A Study of

Maharashtra”, has examined the various aspects related to the women representatives
in the rural local government. She has analysed the social political outlook of the
women representatives, their social background and their role as the women
representatives. In the end, she concluded by saying that most of women belonged to
higher castes and better economical class, male members of their family were involved
in the political activities.84
Sachidananda and Ramesh P. Sinha (1984) in this book, “Women Rights:

Myth and Realty”, has emphasized on the legal status of women. Therefore, consider
desirable to study the awareness of women in rural and urban area about their rights.
The authors analysed and inferred that the social and political outlook of people
regarding women representatives is main obstacles in political participation of rural
women. The women belonging to the higher castes and better economic status is more
concerned towards politics with the male members.85
Maithreyi Krishna Raj (1986) in his book on, “Women Studies in India: Some
Perspective”, has described about the aspects of equality and empowerment of women.
He says that the progress for women can be facilitated by government but will only
spread further, when there is change at the level of the family that inclusion of women
in development, that is not only a issue of equality, but also of necessity. The study
describes the reservation for women in legislatures as positive step for empowerment of
the women.86
Pam Rajput and Hem Lata Swarup (1994) in this book, “Women and
Globalisation: Reflections, Options and Strategies”, it is a selection of papers
presented at the Round Table forms part of this volume. It is encompassing experience
of four continents, some of the papers conceptualise the globalisation phenomenon;
83
Jana Matson Everett and B.R. Chawla, Women and Social Change in India, New Delhi: Macmillan,
1981.
84
Publishing House, 1983.
85
Sachidananda and Ramesh P. Shina, Women Rights: Myth and Reality, Jaipur: Printwell Publishers,
1984.
86
Maithreyi Krishna Raj, Women’s Studies in India: Some Perspective, Bombay: Popular Prakashan,
1986.
25
ponder over the genesis of the debt-trap; the indiscriminately applied road-roller blue
print of IMF/WB conditionality’s. Other recount actual adverse impact of wiping away
of gains of more than a century of social and labour legislation; phenomenon of
‘jobless growth’ in developed countries and spectre of unemployment in the developing
countries; the mirage of promised long term gains and inevitability of short term
misery; feminisation of work force participation and its marginalisation, casualisation
and contractualisation. Some others expound the political dimensions of exaggerated
emphasis on expansion of markets and advocacy of rolling back of the nation state and
undermining its sovereignty, in a planned conspiracy of giving the cake to the elite and
crumbs to the poor and next to nothing to women and children. Almost all papers deal
with long term alternative strategies on global, national and grassroots levels for both
transformation of the systemic mal-development and disorder and redressal of
immediate miseries. However, further research has been suggested to probe and
analyse this phenomena in depth for advocacy and lobbying.87
Kiran Devendra (1994) in this book, “Changing Status of Women in India”,

examines the effectiveness of the legal reforms, which were enacted from 1829 to
1892. The education has made it possible for women to adopt a career and the law has
given her protection. The women are still facing the various odds and contradictions in
their life. This book deals with the condition of the women till 1947 and the role of
women in framing national constitution. The Hindu Code Bill and Nehru’s policy
towards women, as reflected into the provision of the Hindu Code Bill and the public
reaction to it and the final shape of legislation effecting women have been discussed.
The author discussed that how law helped in the redefining of womenhood in the
country. The book also deals with the various laws passed by the government till 1992
and gives an overview of the women’s movement during the women decade. He
concludes by saying that to bring an improvement in the women status, the change in
the attitude of family members and society at large towards women folk is the urgent
need of the hour to get more effective result.88
Uma Shankar Jha and Prem Lata Pujari (1996) in this book, “Indian
Women: Tradition, Modernity and Challenge”, has done a comprehensive study of
87
Pam Rajput and Hem Lata Swarup (eds.), Women and Globalisation: Reflections, Options and
Strategies, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1994.
88
Kiran Devendra, Changing Status of Women in India, New Delhi: Vikas Publications, 1994.
26
Indian women in this volumes. The first volume contains the history of women
struggle, role of women in national movement, politics and women franchise. The
second volume deals with the evil practice of widow burning. This sacrifice was
prevalent in India since 4th century B.C., although widow burning was legally
prohibited in 1829 but was not completely abolished and this customs was again
revived in late twentieth century in Rajasthan. The third volume analyses women’s
participation in all professions dominated by men. Resurgence of feminism in India and
their organizational development encouraged women to come out their houses for equal
rights and opportunities. Women now are keen to shoulder the responsibilities as
professional in all concerned sphere.89
Molly Joseph (1997) in his study, “Women Participation and Development

Strategies”, has pointed out the actual level of women participation in the development
programmes of government and non-government organisations. Both the government
and non-governmental organisations are fully convinced about the urgency of women
participation in their development programmes, not only to ensure better results but to
promote gender equality as well. The study covers theoretical, methodological and
empirical dimensions of women participation in development.90
K.C. Vidya (1997) in her book, “Political Empowerment of Women at the

Grassroots”, describes the role of women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and political
life. The main focus was on women’s representation in these institutions in India
especially in Karnataka. Since, the rural women for the first time were given an
opportunity to enter the local political institutions through the intervention of the
reservation policy introduced by the state of Karnataka that was later followed by other
states such as Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa. She has meticulously described the
emerging pattern of women leadership, their effective participation in the decision
making process, their inference in these institutions and impact on the overall
development of women especially in the rural areas. She suggested that the political
will for grassroots institutions building and their sustainable growth and development
has to be sufficiently generated and ensured by the present regime in the state.91
89
Uma Shankar Jha and Prem Lata Pujari (eds.), Indian Women: Tradition, Modernity and Challenge,
Vol. 3, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 1996.
90
1997.
91
K.C. Vidya, Political Empowerment of Women at the Grassroots, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
1997.
27
Bhawana Jharta (1998) in her book, “Women and Politics in India: Impact of
Family and Education on Women Political Activists”, has analysed the role and impact
of family and of education on women’s participation in politics. According to the
author, family and education are the two major determinants in the political
participation of women. These two variables act as both booster as well as hindrances
in their participation in politics. The author explored how and to what extent these
variables affect the nature and scope of women’s participation in politics and
determined the variation in their participatory level. She found that a political
motivation would provide an impetus to women’s initiation into politics. Women in
themselves should develop a favourable attitude towards politics. They should spare
time and should come out of their homes to take part in political activities. It is also up
to women to prepare themselves for participating in all the processes that they have
been demanding representation. Family members should also cooperate with women by
sharing their family responsibilities and encouraging them to take part in political
activities. She suggests that there is a need to replace the traditional value system,
which is based upon inequality of sexes, and in which women play a subordinate role.92
M.R. Biju (1998) in his study, “Dynamics of New Panchayati Raj System:
Reflection and Retrospection”, has tried to examine the problems of grass root
democracy in general and Panchayati Raj administration in particular. This book was
written at the time when the Kerala Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 and the launching of the
people campaign for the decentralized planning were started by the state government.
This was a unique model for the rest of the nation. The book is divided into ten
chapters, the first chapter is an introductory one. Second chapter depicts the historical
growth of Panchayati Raj Institution in India right from its inception to the present day
as briefly as possible. The third chapter intends to focus attention to the position of
Panchayati Raj in Kerala. This chapter is divided into two parts-first half is devoted to
analyze the growth of Panchayati Raj in Kerala during the pre-integration period and
the second half is for the post integration period (1956-1997). The fourth chapter is
devoted to analyze the structure powers, functions and authorities of the Panchayati Raj
Bodies in Kerala. The focus attention of Panchayati Raj system both of the revenue and
expenditure is given in the sixth chapter. The seventh chapter is devoted to analyze the
92
Activists, New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1998.
28
role of people and their participation in Panchayati Raj Institution in Kerala. The
chapter ninth deals with the significance of rural development and work section in
Panchayati Raj Institutions is in chapter nine. The last concluding chapter presents
briefly the major finding on the relevance of the study and also throws light on the
present problems of Panchayati Raj in Kerala with the suggestions to solve them.93
Uma Shankar Jha, Aarti Mehta and Latika Menon (1998) in this study,
“Status of Indian Women, Crisis and Conflict in Gender Issues”, analyses of the role
played by women in most of the society all over the world. In most of the society,
women role is confined to perform the household job, child bearing and care of entire
family. Due to the developments in education, communication, change in family life,
women participation in the outside job in the urban areas has gained momentum. The
study consists of volume, the first volume deals with discrimination based on gender
and with economic issues. Second volume gives an analysis of women participation in
politics and politicization of women issues. In the third volume social theories of
womanhood in India has been critically discussed.94
M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (1999) in this book, “Social Justice and Women in
India”, have pointed out that women are always defined in relation to men who are
taken as the norm. Women are said to be naturally caring and subservient suited to their
role as home makers. They have been seen as more governed by emotions than men, a
less developed form of the species and closer to nature. After independence, many laws
have been passed to raise the status of women but despite these laws the mass of
women remain ignorant of their rights. The book is an outcome of a seminar held at
Nainital. The authors argued that there is a moreover social pressure to confirm the
traditional ways of behaving that is another factors contributes to the low progress of
women.95
Kalpana Roy (1999) in her study, “Women in Indian Politics”, deals with the
problems which women faced in their fight for representation. Firstly, no women
93
M.R. Biju, Dynamics of New Panchayati Raj System: Reflection and Retrospection, New Delhi:
Kanishka Publishers,1998.
94
Uma Shankar Jha, et al., (eds.), Status of Indian Women, Crisis and Conflict in Gender Issues, Vol. 3,
New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 1998.
95
M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.), Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Ajay Mishra Publishers,
1999.
29
organisation focus on getting women elected at the national level and most women
have not had the economic freedom to choose their life and career. The material
circumstances and the family made inhibitions in the participation of women, many
unattached young women may be politically active, but once married, they disappear
from the political scene. In spite of the progress since independence, lack of awareness
and education and absence of knowledge about the intricacies of party politics among
many non-elite women have limited their participation in the formal political arena.
The role of money, the corruption of politics and growing violence against women has
also constrained many potential activists. Above all, if women movement is to be as
violable, recognized and important political actor, it must not isolate itself either from
the diversity of, from the myriad and other social and political movements within the
country.96
Savita Thakur Joshi (1999) in her book, “Women and Development: The
Changing Scenario”, in her studies includes two areas of Himachal Pradesh in the
district of Mandi. The areas of Nagwain and Maloh in the same district have been
selected. The study determines, the status of women in both areas, the impact of
demographic and health indicators, socio-economic and political indicators that have
been empirically established. Which will provide right to the planners, policy makers
and researchers about the grass-roots realities prevailing in the rural economy of our
country, even after five decades of independence and planned development for growth
with social justice. She concluded by saying that economic development of a region
does not help in the elevation of the status of women, which is enshrined in the social
and cultural values. For the removal of inequality based on sex and discriminatory
practices against the women, we have to shift our focus on the properties of the society
and culture instead of depending upon the economic growth model. The status of
women can be elevated only, when they are made free from economic, social and
psychological dependency.97
George Mathew (2001) in this study, “Panchayati Raj in India: An overview

Status of Panchayati Raj in the States and Union Territories of India”, is a
96
Kalpana Roy, Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Rajat Publications, 1999.
97
Savita Thakur Joshi (ed.), Women and Development: The Changing Scenario, New Delhi: Mittal
Publications, 1999.
30
comprehensive study on Panchayati Raj. In the first phase of the book, there are three
special articles on Panchayati Raj (i) Panchayati Raj in India-a review by the editor
himself (ii) Panchayats in Scheduled Areas by S. K. Singh, and (iii) Panchayats and
Women by Nirmala Buch. Afterwards, there is a detailed discussion on the Panchayati
Raj Acts of 25 States and 7 Union Territories of India by different scholars, i.e. on
Himachal Pradesh by R. D. Sharma and on Haryana by Ranbir Singh. However, the
chapter on Himachal Pradesh is more relevant as far as our study is concerned. He has
made an attempt to review the socio-economic profile, traditional structure of the
Panchayati Raj in India, especially the post 73rd Amendment developments. The book
is an attempt to cover the status of PRIs of the states and Union Territories of India.
This study is devoted to the detailed discussion on socio-economic profile, structure of
PRIs, inclusion of maps of the concerned state. So, this is a very relevant and useful
study as far as the study of the PRIs is concerned.98
G. Palanithurai (2001) in his book, “Capacity Building for Local Body

Leaders”, has explained the capacity of leaders to be enhanced through training
programmes. After the enactment of the 73rd Amendment, several steps have been
taken to put the institution in proper from to get the maximum output from the grass
root level institutions. Yet the institutions are struggling, as conflicting perceptions are
persisting among the functionaries and leaders about the role of new Panchayati Raj in
society. Therefore, it is imperative that capacity building exercise is offered to all
section from top level bureaucracy to the bottom level leaders. Further, it was argued
that the new system can function effectively only, when the basic objectives of the
amendment are known to all concerned. Thus, in Tamil Nadu, the Rajeev Gandhi Chair
has conducted the training programmes for women leaders of Gram Panchayats also.
There are many agencies to support this kind of activities apart from the government.
The training programmes are being conducted at different levels. This kind of exercises
would build the capacity of the leaders to meet the challenges of the century and to
improve further the methods and material training.99
Mastan Vali (2002) in his study, “Women and Politics”, deals with women
participation in politics. In India women’s role has been marginal in the society,
although they constitute half of the country’s population. Their involvement in politics
98
George Mathew (ed.), Panchayati Raj in India: An Overview- Status of Panchayati Raj in the States
and Union Territories of India, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2001.
99
G. Palanithurai, Capacity Building for Local Body Leaders, New Delhi: Concept Publishing
Company, 2001.
31
has been negligible all along. Their number in the legislatures including parliament has
always remained at a very low, as it never exceed 10 per cent of the total membership
of these bodies at any point of time. Nevertheless, several women played an active role
in the National Movement and also in the recent past, there is wide spread realization
that they should be emancipated and all types of discrimination against them be
avoided to enable them to play a legitimate role in the society. He also emphasized that
the emancipation of women could be possible only through the social, economic and
political empowerment by taking necessary steps in this direction. The most important
among them are the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, which provided
reservations in the local bodies. A Women Reservation Bill was also introduced in the
parliament and state legislative assemblies. Today, women are making ways into every
sectors of society, with the gradual improvement in their position in different fields. He
makes a detailed survey of the extent of women participation in representative bodies at
various levels, at different points of time. He also highlights the role played by the
women in the nationalist movement and suggested that political training of women
should begin at the school stage and to be spread on the local, provincial, national and
international levels. Lastly, he argued by saying that women’s political participation
will be possible by creating multi-seat constituencies with women representing a part of
it.100
Zenab Banu (2004) in her book, “Disempowerment of Tribal Women:

Perspectives on 73rd Constitutional Amendment”, have studied the concept of women
empowerment among the tribal’s. She argues that the tribal social structure is different
from hierarchical Hindu caste structure. In fact, there are multiple ethnic groups in the
country, such as caste, tribe, linguistic and religious sects and each structural unit has
its own identity and therefore autonomy. It is within this perspective that the present
study examines the 73rd constitutional amendment act that gives political
decentralization to the tribal women and their power situation in the institution of
Panchayati Raj.101
Shakuntla Gupta (2005) in this study, “Women Development in India: A

Comparative Study”, revels that women constitute about half of the Indian population
and play a significant role both as housewife and as workers. Thus, the involvement of
100
Mastan Vali, Women and Politics, New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 2002.
101
Zenab Banu, Disempowerment of Tribal Women: Perspectives on 73rd Constitutional Amendment,
32
women in the economic and social development process in the country, which has
remained comparatively neglected area attracted the attention of the planners and
economists in a big way. Since, the UN declaration of women’s Decade (1974-85), the
basic aim was to end the existing discrimination towards women, practiced in varying
degrees throughout the world. The government of India has continuously been
formulating strategies and initiating processes to bring women into the mainstreams,
there have been various shifts in policy approaches during the last 50 years from the
concept of welfare. Since its inception, development of women and children has been
implementing special programmes to improve the socio-economic status of women.
The Bureau of women’s development and micro credit development in the department
play a major role in this national endeavour for the advancement and empowerment of
women.
The present volume is attempted to assess the overall development of women in

India. It measures the relative levels of social and economic well being of women with
the help of relativity index. Author founds that there is a dismal position of women in
India in almost all the states except Kerala. Indeed, women are the largest
disadvantaged section of the society. It seems that India shining has failed to spread its
warm glow to ordinary middle class families and women who are still struggling in the
dark ages of economic bondage. With all this, women’s development in emerging India
poses special challenges. No doubt, the existing structures policies and programmes
need to be reviewed and modified.
Finally, she suggested that efforts at all levels should be made to improve health
and education status of women and work participation of women in all the spheres. To
remove the existing traditional bias that women are good only in feminine jobs and
encourage women to equip themselves with necessary professional skills and compete
with men to make an entry into new areas. Hence, a positive solution for improving
social and economic well beings of women lies in social empowerment, economic
empowerment, gender justice and legal protection. So, need of hour is to plan and
design such strategies, which may enhance the capability of women and empower them
to cope with the negative and social impacts of the globalization process. 102
102
Shakuntla Gupta, Women Development in India: A Comparative Study, New Delhi: Anmol
Publications, 2005.
33
Manas Chakravarti and Vidyawati Agrwala (2006) in their book, “Women
and Politics in India”, have stated that the women’s participation of politics has been
gradual process with great variations in time. During the period of freedom struggle,
there are numerous instances, where women not only participated but also became
conscious of their rights and opposed the dowry system, sati system, etc. A delegation
of the women under the stewardship of Smt. Sarojini Naidu demanded equal political
rights from the British parliament. In the post-independence phase women also made
their presence felt in the parliament and the legislative assemblies. The authors have
given comprehensive account of the bills introduced in the parliament from time to
time and argues that the role of the women parliamentarians are in no way less
significant than their male counterparts. The significance of the study lies in the fact
that, it provides information with regard to role of women in parliamentary laws.103
Lalit Upadhaya (2007) in his book, “Women in Indian Politics”, have stated
about the women participation in politics in India. As India is the largest democracy in
the world and is represented by women as well, though not in good numbers. In India
women have always shown their presence in all walks of life and politics is no
exception. Since the freedom struggle movement, contribution of women has been
phenomenal, not only this, they have made a good mark for themselves in politics as
well. The evolutionary women of the 21st century begin her personal campaign to
change the world by strongly infiltrating feminine heart and feminine opinion into her
daily field of endeavour.104
Bhola Nath Ghosh (2008), “Women in Governance in Tripura”, this book is

commendable effort by the author to assess women’s participation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions in Tripura, as it has come a long way from its traditional to the present day
structure. Women were denied the right to participate in village councils. The book
examines the role of women members of Gram Panchayats in Tripura, when their
representation in Panchayats increased since 1993, due to reservation of seats, as a
result of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment. The author further analyses socio-
economic and political background, as well as their level of awareness about socio-
103
Manas Chakravarti and Vidyawati Agrwala, Women and Politics in India, Ambala Cantt: The
Associated Publishers, 2006.
104
Lalit Upadhyaya, Women in Indian Politics, Panchkula: Better Books, 2007.
34
political situation. It also investigates, whether election to Panchayat bodies has made
any significant change in the status of women in rural areas.105
Rameshwari Pandya (2008) in his study, “Women Welfare and Empowerment

in India”, deals with the issues related to welfare, development and empowerment of
women in worldwide. In India, policies and programmes of the government at different
levels covers various dimensions and strategies of gender development. Over the years,
efforts have been made to empower women socially, economically and politically.
However, due to lack of synergy and coordination, the achievements are not
satisfactory, it is imperative that an integrated approach is required to address, social,
economic and political issues related to women, along with the requisite programmes
and schemes. The vastness of the country, the scattered nature of women workers, their
lack of education and legal literacy, the indifferent attitude of government bureaucracy
have all contributed to the continuing vulnerability of women. This is true not only of
rural unorganized women but also of urban women workers. Although the
constitutional commitments to women find reflections in the policies and programmes
of the central and the state government, yet the current socio-economic status of
women is unsatisfactory in terms of almost all important indicators of human
development.
In the last, she suggested that improving the economic status of poor women
working in the informal sector of the economy, we have to devise concrete strategies
which can help to enhance the ownership of and control over productive assets by these
women. Perhaps, it will be the single most important intervention towards their
empowerment and economic well-being. Some of the assets that women can be given
are plots of land, houses, tree pattas, livestock licenses, bank accounts, membership of
organizations and identity cards. By improving the social and economic conditions of
women the author calls for fundamental changes in the laws regarding the rights of
widows to property. Though belatedly, the Indian society has awakened to the need to
make women equal partners in the socio-economic development of the country by
creating protective legislations for women, however the enactments have not been easy
to implement. 106
105
Bhola Nath Ghosh, Women in Governance in Tripura, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company,
2008.
106
Rameshwari Pandya (ed.), Women Welfare and Empowerment in India, New Delhi: New Century
Publications, 2008.
35
D. Sundar Ram (2009) in his study, “Women Empowerment in Political
Institutions: An Indian Perspective”, deals with the issue of women political
empowerment of women in India is very complex one and highly debatable, since the
introduction of the Women’s Reservation Bill in Lok Sabha. Although women
constitute half of the India’s Population, their participation in political life has been
negligible all along. It’s often noticed that the suitable representation of women in
legislatures remains a distant dream, excluding their representation in the local self-
government institutions.
Since independence, the position of women in politics has always been

marginal in India. Since 1952, women’s participation in the Lok Sabha has not come
up to even 10 per cent, although we had conducted fourteenth general elections. Similar
situation is visible even in Rajya Sabha, where money power and muscle power matters
the most. The reservations of seats for women in the parliamentary institutions have
raised many doubts and apprehensions in the male dominated Indian society. Even after
six decades of Independence, the status and position of women in political participation
and their representation in parliament and state legislative bodies is a myth and still a
distant dream. The reservation of seats and due representation for women in
parliamentary institutions is the need of the hour not only to improve the self-respect of
women but also to ensure the political empowerment of women in India. The author
reveals that the practical policy dimension is reconciling of two valid policy
perspectives: firstly, the need to boost the political representation of women at all levels
from Gram Sabha to Lok Sabha and secondly the need for 50 per cent women
reservations across all levels of institutions in India. This study suggests that women
empowerment in political institutions, by emphasising the role of women in Indian
society, for good governance.107
Mirdula Sharda (2010) in her study “Evolution of Panchayati Raj in India:

From Traditional to Constitutionalize Panchayats”, deals with the important aspect of
Panchayati Raj in India. Since the Vedic era, the author has not only traced the genesis
of the panchayats but also examined their decay in the pre-colonial and the post-
colonial period.
107
D. Sundar Ram (ed.), Women Empowerment in Political Institutions: An Indian Perspective, New
Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2009.
36
The author explains that after the independence to revive the PRIs, government
made some efforts at union and state level but outcome was not effective. The author
argues by saying that till 1993, the participation at the local level was negligible in
most of the parts of the country. Finally, the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is a
landmark development in constitutional history of independent India. The Amendment
made mandatory provisions to facilitate the process at democratic decentralization. But
the implementation of the Amendment by the state governments according to their
convenience resulted into ineffective working of PRIS. The other major cause was the
social and cultural system, which is not prepared to adopt the democratic
decentralization in real manner. At the same time, the author examines the Panchayats
extension to the Schedule Area, (PSEA) Act. The author observes or analyses that in
spite of these provisions there are lack of functions, functionaries and funds. She has
suggested a concrete strategy for strengthening grassroots democracy in India. The
study is a valuable addition to the literature on grassroots democracy in India.108
Nirmala Buch (2010) in her book, “From Oppression to Assertion: Women

and Panchayats in India”, the author explores the experiences, impact and responses of
women in village panchayats in India after a constitutional amendment in 1992, made it
mandatory to reserve one-third positions for women. In this work, the author find the
empowering impact on women’s self, the attitudes and perceptions of the family and
response of other social institutions. It explores the myth of women’s disinterest in
politics, the entry of only affluent women and relatives of influential politicians and
particularly of these women as proxy for their male kin. The recent policy
announcements reserving more seats for women in panchayats (from one-third to one-
half) makes this book topical and especially interesting to the reservation of seats for
women in state legislatures and parliament.109
S. Lal (2010) in this book, “Women in Indian Politics”, deals with the role of
women in Indian politics. This book divided into nine chapters. First chapter deals with
the introduction, in today’s era of modernization, women have made their presence felt
in almost every field and politics is no exception, although India is known for its male
chauvinist societies since ages, the ice is now gradually breaking. Indian politics is
108
Mridula Sharda, Evolution of Panchayati Raj in India: From Traditional to Constitutionalize
Panchayats, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2010.
109
Nirmala Buch, From Oppression to Assertion: Women and Panchayats in India, New Delhi:
Routledge, 2010.
37
now defined and governed by women politicians. In most parties, the women member’s
are by and large thin on the ground, if not invisible in the actual decision-making
bodies and rarely influence the more significant party policies. The majority of women
in the Indian parliament are from the elite class, while their public role challenges some
stereotypes; their class position often allows them a far greater range of options than
are available to poorer women. The author finds that caste has been an important
feature of Indian society and political life. It is important to guard against making an
easy correlation between caste and political representation. The influence of individual
national leaders is also an important factor that militates against the “male
equivalence”. The position of women has improved down the ages and there is hardly
any field without a women’s touch and politics is now exception.110
Sarbjeet Singh and Pankaj Dodh (2013) in this book, “Gender Justice and
Women Empowerment: An Integrated Approach”, provide an integrated analysis of the
dynamics of gender justice and women empowerment. The authors analyses various
dimensions of gender justice, gender equality and women empowerment by applying a
multi-disciplinary perspective. The main thrust remains on transforming the status of
women through enhancing socio-economic security supported by effective statutory
and political enforcement. The aim of the study is to ensure greater participation of
women in decision making process based on the universal values of equality, justice
and honour.111
Nandita Dutta and Sumitra Jha (2014) in this study, “Women and Politics”,
author discussed women’s participation in politics. In a major political movement of
this century, in all movements of social change, women have played an extremely
important role. But despite participation and mobilization of women in politics, in the
broad sense of the term, we have not seen a commensurate increase in the number of
women in different level of decision making. Women’s participation in mainstream
political activity has major implications for the broader arena of governance in any
country. Women’s participation in politics is very low. Finally, the authors say where
women constitute half of the population in political system, which supports equality
110
S. Lal, Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Kunal Books, 2010.
111
Sarbjeet Singh and Pankaj Dodh (eds.), Gender Justice and Women Empowerment: An Integrated
Approach, New Delhi: Regal Publications, 2013.
38
participation should be equal to that of men.112
Omita Goyal (2015) in his study, “Interrogating Women’s Leadership and

Empowerment”, shows an interesting spectrum of views on women empowerment. He
pointed out that politically women played a major role in the freedom movement under
Gandhiji and have also adorned the highest positions in the land from time to time. This
fact has to be appreciated because, it proves that our constitution and electoral system
give ample scope for women to rise to the top at the centre and in the states. The
authors in this volume presented an impressive array of intellectual insights into the
various aspects of women’s empowerment. In the 21st century, we still talk about the
need to empower half the population of this country, is paradoxical. On the one hand,
some of the earliest initiatives to educate women date back to the late eighteenth
century. Some historical texts see the origins of the women’s movements in India in the
social reforms of the nineteenth century, when the first women’s organisations were set
up by both women and male social reformers. The Indian constitution is not stagnant
and unlike in many parts of the world, has made several amendments including within
it laws relating to women’s rights. On the other hand, they are still battling an adverse
sex ratio, a high dropout rate and an inherently patriarchal society. This volume
reflects, women leaders play a more development-oriented soft power role than a
political one. It is important to note that they are no longer powerless proxies for the
men. They found that the number of women in the corporate sector is still less than
desirable, gradually women are entering into non-traditional fields like banking and
bio-technology.113
Mamta Mokta (2016) in this book, “Dimensions of Gender Inequality in

Society”, deals with various dimensions of gender inequality. She explains that the
meaning of gender sensitivity is acknowledging that women are subordinate in most of
societies and this subordination is harmful not only for women but also for men and the
entire society. It means being aware of, men and women behave differently and
understanding to their needs and concerns. It also means understanding the implication
and impact of different policies and programmes on women and men. In planning,
112
Nandita Dutta and Sumitra Jha, Women and Politics, Delhi: Pacific Books International, 2014.
113
Omita Goyal (ed.), Interrogating Women’s Leadership and Empowerment, New Delhi: Sage
Publications, 2015.
39
gender sensitivity implies making plans which will not ignore and further marginalize
women, but will take care of women’s special needs and make efforts to involve and
empower women.
The author further points out that gender sensitization is necessary at all levels
in all organisations. Gender sensitivity also means acknowledging that all issue
economic, cultural, social or political are women’s issues because women represent
half the human race. Keeping this aspect of gender sensitivity in mind, the volume of
the study helped us to understand various dimensions of gender inequality and give
insight into various challenges relating to gender inequality.114
Usha Kiran (2016) in this book, “Participation of Women in Indian Politics:

Gender Justice and Political Challenge”, the author examined the gender equality and
empowerment of women. The political participation of Indian women though in a
miniature form started with the freedom movement. The term political participation
has a very wide meaning, it is not only related to ‘Right to Vote’, but simultaneously
relates to participation in: decision making process, political activism, political
consciousness, etc. The political activism and voting are the strongest areas of women’s
political participation. Indian voters have elected women to numerous state legislative
assemblies and national parliament for many decades. The author found that women
turnout during India’s 2014 parliamentary general elections was 65.63 per cent,
compared to 67.09 per cent turnout for men. The women have held the posts of
president and prime minister in India, as well as chief ministers of various states. The
women in India participate in voting, run for public offices and political parties at lower
levels more than men. In this book the author discussed the problems related to
women’s political participation in the Indian context. The author gave some suggestion
gender equality and to women empowerment in India. Education plays an important
role to empower the women.115
Articles
Annapurna Devi and N.M. Pati (1981) in this study, “Women in State Politics
(Orissa)”, deals with the women in states politics. Both the authors found that the most
114
Mamta Mokta (ed.), Dimensions of Gender Inequality in Society, Chandigarh: Shree Ram Law
House, 2016.
115
Usha Kiran, Participation of Women in Indian Politics: Gender Justice and Political Challenge,
Delhi: Globus Press, 2016.
40
of the able, educated women, especially those from the middle class background do not
wish to get themselves involved in political activities for many reasons. Lack of
training in political organizations and the poor political socialization process makes
women dependent and develop attitude of indifference towards politics. The social
traditions engulfed with various taboos continue to look down upon women as a part of
the households, not as a part of the public life. The attitude of men is the most
important factor, which retards women’s political involvement. Their political choice is
controlled, regulated and maintained by male members of the society. Finally, women
are kept out of all kinds of major decision-making processes and are therefore not given
any chance to improve the quality of leadership.116
Avijit Pathak (1998) in his article, “Looking beyond Reservation: Need for the
Feminisation of Politics”, has discussed the issue of reservation for women in
legislative bodies. According to the author, reservation has got the symbolic sense and
can inspire women to participate more actively and assertively in the process of nation
building. However, the reservation has been reported to lose its original purpose, it is
politically hijacked and used for immediate and temporal gains. Also in the name of
reservation, the collectivities are used and invented for political mobilization. He has
emphasised the need to think beyond the reservation and to feminize the culture to have
a long-term perspective. It has been advised to initiate a mass movement by women
activists.117
Neeta Bora and Munni Padalia (1999) in this article, “Involvement of women
in India’s Political Process”, deals with the brief description of the participation of
women candidates in elections. The authors observe, that a very insignificant number
of women members have been representing at the national and state levels. They
suggests to increase women’s participation, education, financial independence, role of
political parties and a liberal social view as an essential at all levels. A change in the
social outlook will not only provide a just position to women in society but would also
increase their participation in politics at all levels. Then there would be no need for
reservation to them.118
116
Annapurna Devi and N.M. Pati, “Women in State Politics (Orissa)”, Political Science Review, Vol.
20, 1981.
117
Avijit Pathak, “Looking beyond Reservation: Need for the Feminization of Politics”, Mainstream,
Vol. 36, No. 36, August 1998.
118
Neeta Bora and Munni Padalia, “Involvement of Women in India’s Political Process”, in M.P. Dube
and Neeta Bora (eds.), Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Swaraj Prakashan, 1999.
41
S. Shukla (1999) in this articles, “Reservation for Women and Multi-member
Constituencies”, the author discussed about male members for fearing the loss of
power on one side, do not prefer reservation for women and on the other, political
career is not based on meritocratic considerations but it is attributed by agitation,
organizational and even physical muscle capabilities. Thus, the author apprehended
capabilities and capacities of women activists in politics, in lives of their domestic and
social responsibilities and delivering goods in competition with male leaders. The
author discussed that reservation may help distribution and development of power but
the issue of giving representation to disadvantaged groups to be given a special
attention. Therefore, the author suggested multiple or double member constituencies in
order to give representation to male and females, besides on other socio-economic
variable considerations.119
S.K. Chaturvedi (1999) in his study, “Women Participation in Political

Process”, deals with political participation of women in developed and developing
countries. He found that the rigidity of traditional social structure, economic poverty,
political unawareness, cultural rigidity, family pressures, educational backwardness etc.
hampers their proper participation in the political processes. In the above perspective,
some immediate steps need to be taken for minimising these drawbacks and ensuring
their adequate participation. At the very outset, reforms in the electoral process may be
initiated either by reserving one-third constituencies for the women or making them bi-
member, ensuring one man and one women representative from each constituency.
Such measures will not only compel political parties to keep women on their board of
management but initiate competition among women contestants and also to increase
political awareness among them. The measures needs to be taken at social, economic
and professional levels, so that democracy may prove to be right and useful for the
women and their participation in political process may become real and viable.120
Usha Narayanan (1999) in her article, “Women’s Political Empowerment:

Imperatives and Challenges”, the author explained that there were many revolutions in
order to liberate our society from colonial rule but we never had a revolution for
119
S. Shukla, “Reservation for Women and Multi-member Constituencies”, Mainstream, Vol. 35, No.
27, June 1999.
120
S.K. Chaturvedi, “Women Participation in Political Process”, in M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.),
Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Swaraj Prakashan, 1999.
42
empowerment of women. However, now women are struggling for their legitimate
place in society. Political participation of the women constitutes the foremost step in
this direction. Even in the developing countries right to vote was given to women very
late. The study reveals that even today women’s political participation is less at the
world level as well as in India. She reported that we had Indira Gandhi, the longest
serving women Prime Minister of the world but there are not adequate seats for women
in parliament. It also signifies the emerging recognition of women factor in politics and
above all their role in overall development in an economy. But illiteracy, low economic
status, criminalization and violence in politics are the main hindrances. So, it is
necessary to impart education and promote women’s economic status. The author
suggested that there should be legal reform to make the lives of women safe, secure and
dignified.121
Manu Bhaskar (2000) in this study, “Women and Grass-root Politics:

Theoretical Issues and Social Concern of Kerala”, the author deals with political status
of women in Kerala at grassroots politics. Women have not been regarded as the part of
political process because of women’s incapability to participate in politics due to
several obstacles like family employment, marriage, education and societal attitude.
Participation of women in politics is limited by traditional factor such as caste, class,
religion and family status etc. No doubt, participation of women in PRIs has given
women a representation in grass-root level but it does not brought any change in the
participation of women.122
S. Mehartaj Begum (2000) in her article, “Women Rights and Rural

Employment”, is related to the study about the status of rural women. The women with
varied social, economic, political, regional, linguistic backgrounds and milieu
constitute the nation. Women, who comprise half of the country’s populations, need to
be viewed as productive members of society, sharing equal authority and
responsibilities of being citizens. The social justice also demands equal participation
by women in a nation-building process and other activities. Undoubtedly, women
condition is worsening day by day and the cause of worry is poverty, unemployment
and social attitudes. The conditions of women in rural areas are far worse, as compared
121
Usha Narayanan, “Women’s Political Empowerment: Imperatives and Challenges”, Mainstream,
Vol. 37, No.16, April 1999.
122
Manu Bhaskar, “Women and Grass-root Politics: Theoretical Issues and Social Concern of Kerala
Women”, South Asia Journal of Socio-Political Studies, Vol. 1, No.1, January-June 2000.
43
to the urban India. Thus several efforts have been made to improve the economic status
of rural women by providing them employment opportunities. The author points out
that, it is necessary to increase awareness among the women regarding available
opportunities, their rights and responsibilities through education from grass-roots level
in rural areas.123
Nirmla Buch (2001) in this article, “Panchayats and Women”, she has
discussed about the development and the status of women in Panchayati Raj
Institutions. After a great length of discussion, she observes that despite the women’s
mass participation, role of women in the mainstream activity has remained marginal.
The author took the pragmatic side after the 73rd constitutional amendment. According
to her a number of myths became current about women’s entry. In a study conducted in
the northern state led to four myths about their entry and likely performance; their
passivity and disinterest in the political institutions; only the well to do, upper strata
women will come through reservation; women’s political connectivity, only kinds of
powerful politicians will enter Panchayats to keep the seats for them and lastly and
most importantly; women’s are only proxy name sake members and they don’t
participate in the Panchayats activities. The field data collected in the study explores
these myths without discounting existence and behaviour of some women, who would
fit into this patriarchal, oriented from but the conclusion derived by the author is that it
is only transitory position of women members. Further, they would themselves learn by
their experience about the organization and working of the system.124
C. Jayanti (2001) in this article, “Empowering Women”, deals with the women
empowerment. This article is based on the speech of President K. R. Narayanan at the
Convention on Liberal Values in New Delhi on 5th January 1996. It would be seen that,
in the evolution of human civilization, economic, cultural, social, civil and political
aspects have some together to produce, what are now called human rights. The fact
that, women rights need to be safeguarded in every parts of the world cannot be
overemphasized. The government of India has made special efforts to increase its
support for social sectors and started a number of schemes aimed at the poor,
particularly weaker section among women and the informal sectors. Thus, the 73rd and
123
S. Mehartaj Begum, “Women Rights and Rural Employment”, Kurukshetra, Vol.48, No.7, April
2000.
124
Nirmala Buch, “Panchayats and Women”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 49, No. 7, April 2001.
44
74th constitutional amendment act of 1994, marks historical events in the advancement
of women, as it ensure the one third of total seats for women in all elected offices of
local bodies in rural and urban areas. Women’s empowerment in political right will be
a decisive factor that will fortify and save the democratic politics in India from the
deterioration of standards and values, as it is experiencing today.125
Rajinder Sachar (2003) in his study, “Need for a Mass Social Movement”, he
discussed that reservation of women is not a bounty but an honest recognition of their
contribution to social development. The author has advised the political parties to
involve women seriously so that the women’s Reservation Bill becomes a law. Further,
he has laid down the role that women have to play in making the bill a reality. He
suggested that women’s organizations irrespective of political affiliations should form a
common platform with single agenda. A need for the mass social movement has been
brought forward so that women representation in parliament and assemblies could be
achieved in order to achieve gender equality.126
Birendra Prasad Mishra (2003) in this article, “Women Representation: Some

Reflection”, deals with the women’s representation in local bodies, state and national
level politics. The author discuss about the role of women, that cannot be overlooked,
as she has to discharge her duties as a daughter, as a wife, as a mother, as a sister and so
on. The author argues, our society is patriarchal but it emerged from matriarchal pattern
of society. It is said that, where a women is worshipped Gods visit there. The author
points out that both in Nepal and India women have got representation, to some extent
at lower level but not at the higher level. Whereas, 73rd and 74th amendment to the
constitution have ensured reservation for women in local self-governance. Lastly, the
author critically examines that both in India and Nepal, the constitution guarantees
equality for men and women. However, women are considered equal in the eyes of law
but they do not have equal right in reality, especially in the sphere of politics.127
Rajeshwari Deshpande (2004) in this article, “How Gendered was Women’s

Participation in Election 2004?”, emphasise that gender situation in India is more
complex. The general elections in 2004 did not have many women contestants. The
political parties remained the main obstacles in women’s political recruitment. In this
125
C. Jayanti, “Empowering Women”, Yojana, Vol. 45, June 2001.
126
Rajinder Sachar, “Need for a Mass Social Movement,” Mainstream, Vol. 41, No. 29, July 2003.
127
Birendra Prasad Mishra, “Women’s Representation: Some Reflection”, South Asia Politics, Vol. 2,
No.5, September 2003.
45
election only 44 women (exactly 8 percent of the strength of Lok Sabha) have been
elected. The author argues, the pattern of voting by women in this election, clearly
establishes the fact that a large portion of women take voting decision at their own.
Women’s overwhelming supports for the issues relating to their public and political
participation can be definitely regarded as positive pointer towards strengthening of
women politics in future. The author further points out that, women acts as a single
unit in certain respects and do not act in certain others. Hence gender reality appears to
be a layered reality.128
Ramesh K. Chauhan and S. N. Ghosh (2004) in this study, “Himachal

Pradesh: Bipolar Contest” the authors stated that the two party system appears to be
getting entrenched in the electoral politics of the highly literate state of Himachal
Pradesh with both the Congress and the BJP having a stable support base, a marginal
swing in votes decides the outcome of elections. The article analyses the effective
leadership election campaign and handling of party dissidents can decides the final
outcome. Secondly, Himachal being highly literate state though economically
backward, are quite aware of and take a keen interest in the political affairs of their
concerned areas and evaluate the performance of the government objectively. The BJP
and the Congress being voted alternatively to power can be attributed to this fact. The
electoral verdict of the state elections in 2004, indicates that the people have voted for
the party, which they believed would perform better than the previous regime in the
state. The electoral battle was confined to the issues affecting the interest of the state.129
Gail Omvedt (2005) in his article, “Women in Governance in South Asia”, the
author has discussed the women empowerment. Although, South Asia claims to be
some of the most powerful women leaders of the world, however in over all political
participation of women remain dismal. The obstacles to women’s equal participation in
governance in these countries are embedded in socio-cultural patterns of living and the
intensely competitive nature of politics. This article examines various women
empowerment initiatives, like community management, local governance and
reservation. It also analyses the representation of women in parliament of these
countries and suggests that, what is needed is not a retreat from demanding quotas but a
128
Rajeshwari Deshpende, “How Gendered was Women’s Participation in Election 2004?”, Economic
and Political Weekly, Vol. 34, No. 51, December 2004.
129
Ramesh K. Chauhan and S.N. Ghosh, “Himachal Pradesh: Bipolar Contest”, Economic and Political
Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 51, December 2004.
46
consideration of the most useful forms of such reservations. Along with this, author
sense the women’s representation in the bureaucracy and the structures of the political
parties also has to be increased.130
A. Thanikodi and M. Sugirtha (2007) in this article, “Status of Women in

Politics”, the authors has given a panoramic view of international politics and female
empowerment in politics. It gives data of female representation in various government
of South Asia, which reveals that the magical figure of 33 per cent representation has
been touched by very few countries. The study has taken the data of neighbouring
states of India on cabinet level and sub-ministerial level. Finally, this article analyses
the obstacles of political, socio-economic and psychological level in political
participation of female.131
Girija Vyas (2008) in her study, “Women Empowerment: Remedy for Social
Elevation”, the author has discussed that empowerment is a continuous process for
realising the ideals of equality, human liberation and freedom for all. The need for
women’s empowerment was felt in India a long back. The state concern in
safeguarding the rights and privileges of women found its best expression in the
constitution. The important policies that have vital implications for women are
‘National Policy for Empowerment of Women’, 2001. The enactment of the 73rd and
the 74th amendment, is a landmark in women’s empowerment and leadership, needs to
be implemented effectively. The author puts her views forth, that a woman needs to be
oriented towards political goals. Therefore, empowerment lies in a strong willpower
and a gender just reform in the whole system, covering the major interrelated issues. It
requires involvement of every segment of society, women as well as men, government,
laws, judiciary, political parties, as well as social reformers, religious leaders, journalist
and media.132
Kamini B. Dashora (2008), “Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj”, in

this article, the author has introduced the meaning of women empowerment.
Empowerment is just a word but it signifies myriad processes of creation of agency,
130
Gail Omvedt, “Women in Governance in South Asia”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 40, No.
44-45, October-November 2005.
131
A. Thanikodi and M. Sugirtha, “Status of Women in Politics”, The Indian Journal of Political
Science, Vol. 68, No.3, July-September 2007.
132
Girija Vyas, “Women Empowerment: Remedy for Social Elevation”, Yojana, Vol. 52, September
2008.
47
organization and social consciousness. Empowering of women pre-supposes a drastic,
dynamic and democratic change in the perception and expectation from women in our
society, to have a sustainable development. She described that the constitution of the
India, has explicitly conferred on women as well as political, social, educational and
empowerment opportunities equivalent with men. However, due to oppressive
traditions, superstitions, exploitation and corruptions, a great majority of Indian women
are not allowed to enjoy the rights and opportunities bestowed upon them. National
Policy for women empowerment 2001 has also been discussed.
The author found that women have been subjected to exploitation for ages and
cannot break the shackles of illiteracy, poverty and tradition over night. Even today
most of the women are uneducated, having little or no property and are live forced to
traditional bounds of society. So there is a little scope for them to participate in the
process of the reformation of society. Although in some cases women have initiated to
join the political power as a means of reformer, and participation in PRIs is one of
them. However, the problem with regard to women participation in the PRIs is that
many of them especially in the rural areas are not willing to come forward to contest
the elections. Even the leader of political parties and the official are opined that women
are not reluctant to participate in politics. In most cases the reservation merely
strengthened the grip of the rural elite. The funds meant for women welfare are not
used for the right purposes. They have been accepted as equals in local bodies by men.
She suggests that periodical training, orientation and sensitization make the women
leaders perform the assigned role in a better way. So, for a woman her real
empowerment begins, when she is able to raise her consciousness of herself, shape her
own worldview and form an association with other people whose consciousness is also
being awakened. 133
Dasarathi Bhuyan (2008) in his article, “Participation in Panchayati Raj”,

deals with participation of women in Panchayati Raj. Women constitute about 50 per
cent of the country’s population. But they are the largest excluded category in almost
all aspects. They have denied their rights and liberty by the male dominated Indian
society for which their social, economic and political status has remained relatively
low. For centuries, they have been discriminated in all walks of life and treated as
133
Kamini B. Dashora, “Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj”, Third Concept, Vol. 22, No. 262,
December 2008.
48
“second class citizens”. However the 73rd constitutional amendment act, 1993 opened a
new chapter in the history of democratic decentralization in India by developing power
to the people and gives opportunities to women folk to express their voice in the
decision making process. He explained that there are so many factors upsetting the
process of participation and level of performance of women in the Panchayati Raj
Institutions. Broadly, these factors may be categorized as internal and external factor.
He point out that introduction of women’s organization and the consequent emergence
of women leadership at the grass root level have brought about social changes in the
rural women’s life, in general and village communities in particular. Reservation has
resulted in bringing a novel group of women representative in to Panchayati Raj
Institutions.
Further, the author suggested that in order to make their participation effective,
efficient and successful, there is a need of vital change in traditional, social attitude and
patriarchal values of society. There is also need for positive attitudinal change and
mental make-up of the male folk in favour of women’s participation. They should be
given appropriate training to improve their knowledge base and capacity level relating
to their rights responsibilities and duties in the functioning of Panchayats bodies. They
should be made acquainted with the procedures of Panchayati Raj rules, regulations and
financial management. There is also need for launching more and more awareness
campaigning in favour of women’s empowerment.134
Ashutosh Kumar and Jagroop Singh Sekhon (2009) in this study, “Punjab:
Resurgence of the Congress” the authors studied the electoral politics in Punjab, where
congress improved significantly on its electoral performance in Punjab as compared to
the previous Lok Sabha elections. The slender lead in terms of votes polled enabled the
congress to march ahead of Shiromani Akali Dal- Bharatiya Janta Party combine in
terms of the number of seats won. The number was much greater, if seen in terms of
assembly constituency segments, where the Congress took lead (65) as against 44
constituencies, which were being represented by the party legislators. As for the other
parties in the fray the Bahujan Samaj Party’s (BSP) poor electoral performance
continued despite a significant presence of the dalits, which constitute more than 23 per
cent of the state’s population as against the national average of 16 per cent. The article
further argues that presence of dalits is most visible in Ferozepur and Hoshiarpur
134
Dasarathi Bhuyan, “Participation in Panchayati Raj”, Yojana, Vol. 52, October 2008.
49
constituencies. The inability of the Bahujan Samaj Party to mobilise the dalit vote also
helped the Congress, which has had a relatively good support base amongst the dalits in
different religions. The Congress also benefited from the gradual slide of the left
parties, its erstwhile electoral allies.135
Sandip Kumar Ghatak (2010) in his article, “Political Participation of

Women of West Bengal: Its Nature and Extent”, he analyzes the nature of political
participation among its people. He found that no sincere effort is made by the political
parties, so that a significant number of women can enter into the party organization and
decision making process. The role of women’s organization is of crucial importance in
this regard. Equally important is the role of the family and social obligations. But
family and social obligations prove to be a major hindrance for women. The role of the
family in this regard is not encouraging. The author suggests that, with a view to
improve the position of the women in the lawmaking body, the first active role should
be taken by the family and then by the political parties. The status and position of
women should be improved from the family level to the political organisations and
make a inclusive role of women in decision making bodies.136
V. Deepa Nair (2010) in her article, “Status of Women in Andhra Pradesh: A

Paradigm Shift”, analyses the status of women in politics. Women constitute nearly
half the total population in the state and their status has evolved over the years from a
purely “welfare-oriented” approach to their “empowerment”, in recent times. A
paradigm shift occurred in the 1990s, where “empowerment” of women was
recognized and accepted as a distinct strategy. The women’s movement has created a
political space for itself, generated political consciousness and an understanding of
political processes among women.
In this article author analyses specifically the status of women in Andhra

Pradesh with respect to social, economic and human development and also reviews
various welfare policies and programmes for women and their impact on development.
She finds that the main impediments to women’s empowerment have been the low
level of educational attainment, as well as poverty among women. Taking into account
of the fact, the government of Andhra Pradesh framed various policies, and
135
Ashutosh Kumar and Jagroop Singh Sekhon, “Punjab: Resurgence of the Congress”, Economic and
Political Weekly, Vol. 44, No. 39, September 2009.
136
The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 71, No. 1, January-March 2010.
50
implemented several programmes to eradicate poverty and provided education to the
vulnerable sections of society. In the end, the author point out that women’s
empowerment is the hallmark of the government’s approach in its development
initiatives, especially in terms of social, political and economic.137
Arpita Sharma (2011) in her article, “Women Empowerment: Milestone and

Challenges”, discussed empowerment as a multi-faceted, multi-dimensional and multi-
layered concept. She explained that women’s empowerment is a process in which
women gain greater share of control over resources-material, human, intellectual,
financial resources and control over decision-making at home, as well as within the
society. The author highlights a number of approaches having different effects on
women. Among them, equity was the original approach of women in development and
was utilized during the decade for women 1975-85, where women were seen as active
participants in the development process. Finally author reveals that, main aim is to
break the old prejudices and to bring gender equality by making systematic changes in
policy goals that will improve the lives of women everywhere.138
Praveen Rai (2011) in this article, “Electoral Participation of Women in India:

Key Determinants and Barriers”, deals with the women’s participation in formal
politics in India. The author argues that there has been marked increase in their voting
turnout and election campaigning, but women still continues to be under-represented in
legislative bodies. However, women’s movement and gender politics in India is
currently divided over the issue of affirmative action for women in the parliament and
the state legislatures. There are basically two main issues, firstly, the issue of
overlapping quotas for women in general and women of the lower castes and, secondly,
the issue of elitism. There is no doubt it would go a long way in removing these
obstacles. The key barriers, that need to be addressed on a priority basis, apart from
affirmative action, are more representation of women in political parties, including
them in the decision-making bodies and providing them key cabinet berths in the
government. The author suggests that, women should be promoted and encouraged by
the concerted effort of government, in partnership with civil society, for enhanced and
quality participation in formal politics. An increased political participation by women
137
V. Deepa Nair, “Status of Women in Andhra Pradesh: A Paradigm Shift”, Man and Development,
Vol. 32, No. 1, March 2010.
138
Arpita Sharma, “Women Empowerment: Milestone and Challenges”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 59, No.11,
September 2011.
51
in all spheres of political life and electoral competition in particular, will not only
ensure political parity and equality with men, but would also serve the larger interest
that is empowerment of women.139
A. Prema (2012) in her study, “Women Status in India”, explains the

development of women movement in India and the status of women during the Vedic
period and British period. She also tries to explain the position of women on the basis
of socio-economic and political empowerment. She concludes her study by saying, that
a historical study of women becomes important in order to generate knowledge about
women. These may be useful in refining the development strategies followed in the
past. Women were considered equal to men during the Vedic period. During the British
period eminent person like Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar laid
emphasis on women’s education in India.140
Rakesh K. Singh (2012) in his article, “Elected Women Representatives in

Panchayat Raj,” positively discussed the importance of Panchayati Raj for the
upliftment of women in India. However, Panchayati Raj is not a recent phenomenon
in India, its description in history goes back to more than a thousand years. It has its
roots in ancient time, medieval and modern period. Even after independence having a
constitutional provision, which embodies lofty ideals like equity and equality, social
justice, women’s participation in politics remains quite insignificant in India.
It was only in the aftermath of the 73rd constitutional amendment that has
created a space for women in political participation and decision-making at the
grassroots level by reserving one-third of the seats for women all over the country. The
article also expresses deep concern on the illiteracy, economic insecurity and male
interference in the functioning of women at grassroots politics. Above all, it has been
observed in the article, that the participation of women in PRIs has changed, the male
dominance at the grassroots politics. Today, women are taking interests in politics and
are becoming aware and conscious about their rights and duties. The participation of
women in panchayats is certainly one mechanism through such a change can take
place, and the strategic gender interest of women is getting advanced.141
139
Praveen Rai, “Electoral Participation of Women in India: Key Determinants and Barriers”, Economic
and Political Weekly, Vol. 46, No. 3, January 2011.
140
A. Prema, “Women Status in India”, Indian Streams Research Journal, Vol. 2, No. 1, February 2012.
141
Rakesh K. Singh, “Elected Women Representatives in Panchayat Raj,” Social Action, Vol. 62,
January-March 2012.
52
Saroj Choudhary (2012) in her article, “Political Participation and
Representation of Women in Indian Politics”, reveals that participation of women in
Indian politics is based on the principles of equality to all its citizens. The constitution
of India not only guarantees fundamental rights and freedom, but also prohibits
discrimination on the basis of religion, race, caste, sex, and place of birth. However,
these rights have remained de jure and have not been translated into de facto rights.
Lack of space for participation in political bodies has not resulted in their say in
decision making bodies but also neglected their concerned and experiences in policy
making. Women’s disproportionate absence from the political process would mean that
the concerns of the women cannot be sufficiently attended to or acted.
In the article, the author further examine that reservation would only help
women of the elitist groups to gain seats, therefore causing further discrimination and
under-representation to the poor and backward classes among women. The most of
members argue that, it is better to create reservation of women in political parties rather
than in parliament. Simultaneously, the provision of rotation of reserved seats is also
debated. It can reduce the incentive of the elected MPs to spend energy because he or
she may not be able to re-seek the mandate from the same constituency. The Bill has to
go through elaborative procedures, as it had been already passed by the Rajya Sabha
but the real impact will be only, when it passes through the Lok Sabha.142
Y. Sivaramaiah (2012) in his article, “Women’s Empowerment and Indian

Elections” explores the issue of women’s empowerment and Indian elections. The
author says that, Indian women were given their political right along with the
independence in USA, however, women in India got right to vote only in 1920, after a
decades of struggle. Simultaneously, the national movement and the leadership of
Mahatma Gandhi were the two major catalysts, which relentlessly worked for the
emancipation of women. The article says, participation of women in politics has to be
viewed at the levels of acquisition and exercise of power and rights.
Though, it is premature at this stage to pronounce a categorical verdict of the

success or otherwise of the 73rd and 74th amendment acts. But at the same time, It
cannot be denied that the active involvement of women in the working of these bodies
had a salutary effect on public life and brought a more women into nation building
142
Saroj Choudhary, “Political Participation and Representation of Women in Indian Politics”,
International Journal of Behavioral Social and Movement Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 4, October 2012.
53
activity at the grass-roots level at least. The present national level indicators are also
not encouraging for the future of political empowerment of women, provided that
women’s reservation bill get passed in the parliament.143
Manpreet Kaur Brar (2013) in her article, “Political Participation and

Representation of Women in State Assemblies” deals with the issue of women’s
representation in legislation has emerged, as one of the key issue to determine the level
and extent of their empowerment. Women have played a significant role in the growth
and development of parliamentary democracy in India. Since the attainment of our
independence, India is one of the few countries to hold parliamentary election
regularly. Soon after independence with a promulgation of the constitution women
were brought at par with men by giving equal rights to participate in the political
process.
Further in this article, her study of five legislative state assemblies i.e. Goa,
Manipur, Punjab, Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh reveals that women have been
accepted as voters but not as policy formulators. Gender discrimination rules the scene
even in the state legislature, where women constitute a very small percentage vis-a-vis
men. The number of women candidates contesting for the state’s legislative assemblies
has been extremely discouraging. It is unfortunate that in India even after six decades
of independence, the status and position of women in political participation and their
representation, is a myth and still a distant dream. Lastly, the author argues for the
reservation of seats and due representation for women in national and state legislatures,
not only to improve the self respect of Indian women but also to ensure the political
empowerment of women in our society.144
Shreedhar Barki (2013) in his study, “Issues of Women Representation and

Women in Indian Parliament”, he explores that since independence the number of
women members in parliament has remained low in more than six decades. Whereas,
Indian women in politics have many global records to their credit, but the country lags
far behind the rest of the world, when it comes to the participation of women in
politics, they are held back because of social norms deeply entrenched in patriarchal
143
Y. Sivaramaiah, “Women’s Empowerment and Indian Elections”, Indian Journal of Research, Vol.
1, No. 12, December 2012.
144
Manpreet Kaur Brar, “Political Participation and Representation of Women in State Assemblies”,
International Journal of Behavioural Social and Movement Sciences, Vol. 2, No. 4, November 2013.
54
mindsets. Finally, he suggests that women need a safe political environment, which
provides a level playing field for their participation.145
Thapai Ananda, M. Chinnaswamy Naidu and M. Krishnaveni (2013) in this

study, “Political Participation of Women in India-An Overview”, finds that women
occupy an important place in the socio-economic fabric of the society. They have
become keenly aware of their rights and are spearheading movements across the
country against all sorts of social evils. The most significant land mark in this direction
is the historic 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment acts. Due to this thousands of
women have entered into public life in rural as well as in urban areas this not only
brought a sense of involvement but also commitment among women on the issues
concerning to them despite of the facts, they still lacks presentation in the parliament
and state legislature. Most of the political party have failed to give ticket to them during
the elections. Due to these women participation in decision-making has been very low.
The authors further points out by examining the multi-dimensional facets of the
participation of women in politics. But conclude by saying that there is a dire need to
carry forward an extension of the reform at grass-roots democracy by reserving the
seats for women in parliament and state legislatures.146
Achla Sharma (2014) in her article, “Status of Women: A Socio-Historical

Analysis in Different Ages of Indian Society”, the author examine the status of women
in different phases of society. She discussed the women’s position in different sphere
as, social, economic, political, legal, education and religious terms. The study reveals
the status of women through in the course of history. In this article, she points out that
women are not treated as equally as men in India. There is no denying of the fact that,
they are legally or constitutionally equal to the male counterpart. But there are social
barriers, which still discriminates women. The author keeps arguing that women in
India are equal to men in social, political and economic for that women needs to have
better education and self-reliant. This will not only develop courage, empower women
and will not entertain any forms of discrimination. Further, this will definitely have the
lasting impact on their status and socio-economic conditions in the years to come.147
145
Shreedhar Barki, “Issues of Women Representation and Women in Indian Parliament”, Global
Research Analysis, Vol. 2, No.10, October 2013.
146
Thapai Ananda, et al., “Political Participation of Women in India-An Overview”, International
Journal of Advanced Research, Vol.1, No.10, 2013.
147
Achla Sharma, “Status of Women: A Socio-Historical Analysis in Different Ages of Indian Society”,
Research Journal of Language, Literature and Humanities, Vol. 1, No.1, January 2014.
55
Barsha Kalita (2014) in her article, “Political Status of Women in Assam: An
Analysis”, argues that women’s participation in politics makes the democratic system
more efficient and viable. Women have been marginalised politically in our country
and have to confine within the four wall of their household. She find that, democracy
can never function in the real sense of the term, if there is no proper involvement of
women in the decision making process in the sphere of governance. The issues
concerning women always remained neglected area, without their proper representation
at all levels. However, only by enacting legislations will also not help. In this article
the author suggested an immediate change in the social attitude and mindset of people
and civil society. The proper education, economic and financial independence has been
of immense concern to bring women out of the shackles of social evils in our society.
They need to be properly represented in the decision and policy making bodies
otherwise, will always remain unrepresented and neglected. Finally not only this the
women also need to overcome from the social taboos, evil customs and traditional
myths, if proper representation is to be ensured, this will not only empowers women
but the society as a whole.148
Durga Prasad Chhetri (2014) in this study, “Women in Public Sphere: An

Enquiry into Women’s Representation and Participation in Politics”, explains that the
formal politics based on social constructs of proper gender roles and separate spheres,
marginalized women from participating in activities within the public sector. However,
with the framing of affirmative action measures, such as quotas, seats reservation by
different countries, women have increasingly become visible actors in the formal
political arena. The legislation on gender quotas and reservation policies has secure
women’s inclusion in public sphere.
In this article author studied, the presence of women and their participation in
public sphere and decision-making process in India has been very low both at the
national and state levels. They are not adequately represented in the parliament and in
the state legislatures. This shows that women do not enjoy the same privileges and
opportunities, as men. Although, the country has legislation that guarantees equality
before the law. For instance, while everyone has the right to seek public office, very
few women file certificates of candidacy because they lack access to the substantial
148
Barsha Kalita, “Political Status of Women in Assam: An Analysis”, Golden Research Thoughts, Vol.
4, No.1, July 2014.
56
resources needed for a political campaign. Besides, there are many barriers in public
and private space that hinder women participation in politics. Majority of women in our
country are still struggling to deal with the burden of responsibility and handle the
various obstacles that are coming their way from their traditional cultures.
Consequently, women have never been visible in great number in the political life of
the nation.
Furthermore the article seeks to examine, the under-representation of women in

formal politics remains particularly pronounced for marginalised groups of women. On
the whole, women remain absent from the upper echelons of power within formal
politics at both national and state levels. This clearly indicates that the existence of
legislation, policies are not sufficient to ensure women’s increased access to decision-
making positions. A stronger political will on the part of government, political parties
and other organizations is needed to address the barriers (i.e. economic, cultural,
religious etc.), which constrain women’s political involvement and create an
environment conducive to women’s participation in public space both formal and
informal.149
E. Sridharan (2014) in this study, “Class Voting in the 2014 Lok Sabha
Elections: The Growing Size and Importance of the Middle Classes”, analyses the
middle class and other classes voted in the 2014 elections. He focused on the voting for
the Bharatiya Janta Party and Indian National Congress, voter preferences along the
caste/community and age groups within classes, to the extent relevant, and economic
policy, particularly as concerns economic liberalization. Author found that in 2014 the
class-wise gradation of pro-BJP responses, with pro-BJP sentiment rising as we go up
the class hierarchy, as well as the caste hierarchy, indicate support for the emergence of
a loose, not compact, “new social bloc” of class and caste privilege. This supports the
Iversen Soskice (2006) finding that majoritarian electoral systems tend towards a top-
middle alliance in the absence of a corporatist economic structure. However, on
economic policy issues, particularly about liberalization and the role of the state, the
responses are much more mixed.
149
Durga Prasad Chhetri, “Women in Public Sphere: An Enquiry into Women’s Representation and
Participation in Politics”, American International Journal of Research in Humanities, Arts and Social
Sciences, Vol. 6, No.1, March-May 2014.
57
He argued earlier the Indian middle classes attitudes towards liberalization are
complex and contradictory because a large fraction of the middle class, though
declining gradually over time with the growth of the private sector and also as we go up
the class hierarchy are public employees broadly defined. Thus, an estimated 58 per
cent to 75 per cent of the broadest middle class of 26 per cent of the population as of
the turn of the century were either public employees or rich peasants and even of the
elite middle class of 6 per cent as of 2005-06 as many as 30 per cent belonged to these
segments. Even those of the middle classes who are self-employed persons or private
employees are like public employees or rich peasants, the beneficiaries of a range of
state subsidies including water, electricity fertilizer credit fuel higher education, public
transport and even food. Hence, one can accept the middle classes political alignments
to be complexly determined by competition for patronage interwoven with identity
politics, party loyalties and ideology. Besides, the poorer classes and lower castes have
also voted more for BJP than Congress or any other party in this election, a factor that
needs explanation, and one that cannot be explained in terms of redistributive
programmes or patronage politics except perhaps in the limited number of BJP-ruled
states. Class is therefore only one of several axes of polarization in India in 2014 and
class politics in the sense of developed democracies, particularly in Europe, or left-right
axis on economic policy as in the those countries, is still not the norm in India. Overall,
given the extremely regionally skewed nature of the BJP victory, with 244 seats of its
282 coming from the Hindi-belt states and western India, accounting for only 61 per
cent of the population, we need to have regionally disagreeable survey data to be able
to fully comprehend the voting trends by class, caste/community and age groups within
each region, as well as the attitudes towards minorities and majoritarianism and
towards economic policy. Author reveals that it is too early to be able to confidently
project the trends in this election into future, he suggest that we will need to observe a
couple of more elections to see whether these trends hold.150
Manav Aggarwal (2014) in this article, “A Study on Challenge for Women

Empowerment”, examines that education among women is the most powerful tool of
attaining power in the society. It helps in reducing inequalities and functions, as a
means for improving their status within the family. Education is must for everyone but
150
E. Sridharan, “Class Voting in the 2014 Lok Sabha Elections the Growing Size and Importance of
the Middle Classes”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 49, No. 39, September 2014.
58
unfortunately in this male dominating society, the education of women has been
neglected for a long time. Empowering women is an important end in itself and will
acquire the same status with men in terms of social, economic and legal sense, their
human well-being will be enhanced. The present study, explores the role of education
in women empowerment and the status of women education in India and suggested
that, education is most important part in the life of every woman.151
Mamta Mokta (2014) in her article, “Empowerment of Women in India: A

Critical Analysis”, the author deals with the empowerment of women in India. In this
article, she discussed about various initiatives taken by government of India for
empowering women by analysing the position of India, in gender inequality index and
global gender gap index of UN. Further, she argued that in the years coming ahead,
women empowerment is going to play an important role in the integration of the
society. Therefore, due recognition to them in the society and their greater involvement
in socio- economic and political affairs, becomes all the more important. Every person
should come forward to ensure equal status for women in all spheres of life.152
Kalidash Brahma (2014), in his article, “Political Participation of Women in

India: A Post Independence Scenario”, discuss the political participation of women in
India. It is in this context, the author talks of the representation of women in decision
making bodies, which is very important for the success of Indian democracy, is not up
to the mark. The irony is that, even the trouble torn countries like Afghanistan,
Bangladesh and Iraq have higher women representation in decision making bodies than
India. The problem of women representation is due to our patriarchical mindset and
lack of sound legal/constitutional framework and the absence of a strong political will.
Hence, the author suggested a sound legal framework and strong political will may
lead, in the proportionate representation of women and ultimately to the success of
democracy in India. But, it is meaningless to bring any change in the existing system,
unless and until women in India are educated and made aware of their legitimate
rights.153
151
Manav Aggarwal, “A Study on Challenge for Women Empowerment”, Journal of Research in
Commerce and Management, Vol. 3, No. 5, May 2014.
152
Mamta Mokta, “Empowerment of Women in India: A Critical Analysis”, Indian Journal of Public
Administration, Vol. 60, No. 3, July-September 2014.
153
Kalidash Brahma, “Political Participation of Women in India: A Post Independence Scenario”, Asian
Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies, Vol. 2, No. 4, April 2014.
59
K. K. Kailash (2014), in his article, “Regional Parties in the 16th Lok Sabha
Elections: Who Survived and Why?”, the author attempts to explain, why some
regional parties flourished and other fizzled out in the 16th general elections to the Lok
Sabha. To explain this variation, he made a distinction between regionally-located
parties and regionalist parties. While, both are regional parties in the sense that they
have territorially limited arena of operation however, they are different in terms of their
programme and agenda. In the 2014 elections, the regionally-located parties fared
relatively poor in comparison to the regionalist parties. Further, he argues that success
and failure often depends on the efforts, strategies and tactics of competitors. The
strategy of the Bharatiya Janta Party was favourable to the electoral fortunes of
regionalist parties and disadvantageous to the regionally-located parties. This selective
emphasis and muting of issues depending on how, it fitted with its overall programme
that opened up enormous possibilities for the BJP and misfortune for the non-
regionalist party. Finally the author conclude by saying that the BJP will have to work
very hard to maintain its newly stitched social coalitions, if past experiences are
anything to go by.154
Kuldeep Fadia (2014) in his article, “Women’s Empowerment Through

Political Participation in India”, expressed that women’s empowerment as a
phenomenon is not something new, it has been there throughout history in almost all
society for a variety of reasons. The ethics and trend of participatory aspect has been
advocated in this article, for vibration of universal trend of understanding in realism.
However, the author also finds that, there has been a radical change in the movement
for empowerment of women. This is being recognised that women are indeed becoming
a political force both nationally and internationally. Although, almost all parties have
attempted to build women organisations to secure their support and make their
organisations more broad-based. However, in practice they have fielded much less
proportion of women candidates in the elections, giving them proportionately much
less representation in the legislative bodies than their actual population strength.155
K. Shamatha (2014) in this article, “Women’s Participation in Electoral

Politics”, deals with equality in political participation, is one of the major priorities for
154
K.K. Kailash, “Regional Parties in the 16th Lok Sabha Elections: Who Survived and Why?”,
Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 49, No. 39, September 2014.
155
Kuldeep Fadia, “Women’s Empowerment Through Political Participation in India”, Indian Journal of
Public Administration, Vol. 60, No. 3, July-September 2014.
60
the advancement of women throughout the globe. Participation in electoral process
involves much more than just voting. Political participation derives from the freedom to
speak out, assemble and associate; the ability to take part in the conduct of public
affairs; and the opportunity to register as a candidate to campaign, to be elected and to
hold office at all levels of government. Under international standards, men and women
have equal right to participate fully in all aspects of the political process. In this study
author finds that, in post-conflict countries there are frequently extra barriers to
women’s participation, and thereby special care is required to ensure, their rights are
protected in this regard.156
Simi Agnihotri and Vijay Singh (2014) in this study, “Women Empowerment
Through Reservation in Panchayati Raj Institutions in Himachal Pradesh”, deal with
the women empowerment through reservation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh. In this
article author’s explained that, the situation of women representation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions (PRIs) in Himachal Pradesh through 73rd constitutional amendment act, has
changed a lot. This experiment is proving to be a big success, particularly by providing
opportunity to women to come out of their houses and participate in administrative and
political field. With the increasing violence against women in our society, it becomes
necessary to find out the problems of our society regarding women and give valuable
suggestions deals with the problem. To give the representation to the women, in a local
self-government is also a step to move forward in the direction of women
empowerment in our society.
The article further suggested that, with the establishment of PRIs in our country,
a woman got an opportunity to prove her worth as a good administrator, decision-
maker or a good leader. The government should provide extra financial, administrative
or political assistance to women for the success of the provision of the amendment. So,
it becomes necessary to encourage the women, in a largest democracy of the world. To
give a proper status to the women, government, NGOs and universities have to play a
vital role in this field.157
156
Vol. 3, No.2, February 2014.
157
Simi Agnihotri and Vijay Singh, “Women Empowerment Through Reservation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions in Himachal Pradesh”, Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 60, No. 3, July-
September 2014.
61
Srinivasan (2014) in this article, “Women Empowerment and Parliament in
India”, the author emphasized on the need and urgency of empowering women,
especially in the Indian context. He takes a brief look at various initiatives, undertaken
during the past five-year plans in respect of empowering women and thereafter, he
proceeds to the political representation of women in the parliament. In final analysis,
he stresses on the need for enacting the legislation ensuring 33 percent quota for
women representation in the legislatures as an effective measure to ensure female
empowerment, keeping in view the total population of women in the country. Though,
India is already ahead of many other countries in terms of women’s participation in
politics but still the percentage of women in legislature and decision-making process
has remained low.158
Vikas Nandal and Rajnish (2014) in this article, “Status of Women Through
Ages in India” deal with the status of women in India. In ancient India status of women
to some extent was satisfactory. However, in recent years, the role of women has
undergone through drastic changes due to globalization and commercialism. It is in this
context the author in this article examined the status of women in modern Indian
society with regard to equality, education, health, employment, marriage and family life
has maintained or deteriorated. It explores that, as the society is moving toward in the
21st century, the position and respect of women is deteriorating even after so many
constitutional provisions. Both argue that, the women have equal participation in
human development but she is still lacking the honour in society women is not treated
at par with men, in comparison to ancient Indian society. Finally the article says that,
there is a lot of crime against women in modern society, even the constitutional
provisions are not sufficient to get the respectable position in society. There is a need
for change in the mind-set of both the men and women. In modern times, the
technological advancement, globalization and commercialism came in to existence but
the status and position of women has rather deteriorated.159
A.S. Altekar (2015) in his article, “The Position of Women in Hindu

Civilization: Retrospect and Prospect” deals with the position of women in Hindu
civilization. Women once enjoyed considerable freedom and privileges in the spheres
158
Srinivasan, “Women Empowerment and Parliament in India”, Third Concept, Vol. 28, No. 331,
September 2014.
159
Vikas Nandal and Rajnish, “Status of Women Through Ages in India”, International Research
Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 3, No. 1, January 2014.
62
of family, religion and public life, but as centuries rolled on, the situation went on
changing adversely. He pointed out that, some of the grievances, from which women
were suffering during the last two thousand years, were either theoretical or common to
both men and women. The detailed survey of the position of women that the author has
made in this article would be of considerable use to us in understanding and solving
most of the problems that confront us today. Luckily, the need and advantage of female
education is now fully understood. When girls of 17 or 18, equipped with proper
education, enter matrimony, they cannot but be treated with instinctive respect and
consideration by all the society around. Family responsibility and not inherent
incapacity would be the normal cause of their not being earning members of their
families; they would, therefore, receive the same respect that is instinctively given to
the breadwinner. Their practical attainments would add to the beauty of their husbands,
lead to economy in its expenditure and promote sounder education of the children of
the family. This would surely ensure for them an equality of status with their husbands
in all cultured families. In the sphere of marriage and marital relations, some reforms
are necessary, very urgently. It is high time now that polygamy should be legally
prohibited. Women have already obtained political rights and privileges, more or less
coextensive with those of men. They will figure more prominently in public life when
there is a wider spread of education and a further improvement in the economic
condition of society. The few changes that are suggested above are not in any way
against the spirit of our culture.160
Swati Chattopadhyay (2015) in her article, “Political Participation of

Women”, deals with the concept of political participation of women. Political
participation involves mass participation and popular involvement in political activities.
The efficacy of political participation is being increasingly felt in the present day
world. It enables men and women to take part in various kinds of overt or manifest
political activities. It entitles them to adult franchise support pressure groups and
political parties keep contact with legislators and members of different representative
public bodies. Attending political meeting, processions, holding offices of political
parties and administration are also regarded as political participation. Further in this
article she finds that, political participation of women has been making strides in local
governments. The female literacy, the awakening of women in the matter of basic
160
A.S. Altekar, “The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization: Retrospect and Prospect”, in
Kumkum Roy (ed.), Women in Early Indian Societies, New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2015.
63
needs and obsolete social customs have made women bold, outspoken and conscious of
dignity and rights.161
Nibha Rathi and M.M. Semwal (2016) in this article, “Women’s Political
Participation in Uttarakhand”, reveals that the women’s participation in the political
process in India has ensured voting rights for women, as early as in the 1st Lok Sabha
poll held in 1951-52, on the basis of gender equality. The women’s political
participation at national level is still negligible even today and the we rank amongst the
worst faring countries in the world. Author’s highlights women’s participation in the
political process, since ancient times to, with special emphasis on the state of affairs in
the hill state of Uttarakhand. Both argue that, women’s participation in the political
process in Uttarakhand is increasingly getting stronger. However, prior to 73rd and 74th
constitutional amendments, women’s presence in the politics of Uttarakhand was only
exceptional. But once these amendments became law, not only women’s participation
and representation increased in local bodies and Panchayats, but also started realizing
that, their enhanced representation in the political arena holds the key to the resolution
of many women related issues.
Finally, the author’s suggests that, to improve their condition it is absolutely

necessary to change the prejudiced mindset of the male-dominated society. Women can
feel safe and are encouraged to their level of participation in politics without any fear or
uncertainty. At the same time, it’s the responsibility of the various NGOs related to
women Uttarakhand to make awareness among women for political participation and
empowering women talk to assume the leadership in the state.162
Praveen Rai (2017), in his study, “Women’s Participation in Electoral Politics

in India: Silent Feminisation”, deals with the recent participation levels of women in
formal politics in India. He found that the democratic upsurge that started in India is
likely to continue and despite some limitations of the electoral process, people have
succeeded in instituting their own democratic meaning in this. The increased
participation of women in formal politics reveals a process of feminisation of Indian
politics with positive, people-driven developments that augur well for Indian women
and for India. The participatory upsurge among women voters that started in the 1990s
reached its crescendo in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections with a 65.6 per cent female
161
Swati Chattopadhyay, “Political Participation of Women”, Third Concept, Vol. 29, No. 339, May
2015.
162
Nibha Rathi and M.M. Semwal, “Women’s Political Participation in Uttarakhand”, Third Concept,
Vol. 29, No. 347, January 2016.
64
turnout. The difference in male and female voter turnout has slimmed down to 1.5 per
cent by 2014. This narrowing gender gap establishes beyond doubt that more women
are exercising their electoral rights. Similarly, women’s participation in election
campaigns increased significantly between 1999 and 2014. However, it is equally clear
that this feminisation of Indian politics is being resisted by the male dominated political
establishment and party personnel, apparatuses and procedures.
In the last the author says that the political parties played a destructive role in
scuttling the Women’s Reservation Bill in the last Lok Sabha have become redundant
after the general elections in 2014. The current government has given a positive signal
for women-inclusive politics, providing six cabinet ministerial positions to women,
raising hopes that it would build an all party consensus and pass the long-standing Bill
in due course.163
Srinivasa Murthy (2017) in this article, “Women Empowerment: Issues and

Challenges”, discussed about that the women empowerment, issues and problems
faced by women in India. In the ancient times, women were adored and worshiped as
goddesses. However in the middle ages, the status of women got down to a great
extent. Women were considered in the society, only to perform duties like bring up
children, caring every family member, and other household activities. There is old and
traditional faith of people coming out for years that men are for thy field, whereas
women are only for the home. Now-a-days, women are breaking all the barriers of
social issues and problems against them in the society. He point out that women were
facing a lot of problems because of male dominated, patriarchal society system,
practice of old traditional beliefs and limited to role of bearing and rearing the child.
They have to perform both family as well as professional responsibilities together and
have to suffer a lot in their daily life to nourish their career as well as saving their
family relationship. Women’s empowerment has been an issue of immense discussions
and contemplation over the last few decades world-wide. This, as an agenda has been
on top of the lists of most government plans and programs as well. Efforts have been
made on a regular basis across nations to address this issue and enhance the socio-
economic status of women.164
163
Praveen Rai, “Women’s Participation in Electoral Politics in India: Silent Feminisation”, South Asia
Research, Vol. 37, No.1, 2017.
164
Srinivasa Murthy, “Women Empowerment: Issues and Challenges”, The International Journal of
Indian Psychology, Vol. 4, No. 2, January-March 2017.
65
After reviewing the study, we are able to chart the course of our problem. The
following inferences can be drawn from the above study. These various books, journals
and articles give us a deep understanding of the concept of political participation and
empowerment of women in politics. This will not only help in data interpretation but
also gives a broader view of the concept of women empowerment. All these writers
have analysed the problem in a particular historical perspective, in a uni-dimensional or
multi-dimensional context. But we have made a humble effort to update the
participation of women in state politics, while taking a case study of Himachal Pradesh.
Significance of the Study
In the present context, when the world has focused on equality of gender the
micro study of the women as a part of political system has gained a tremendous
importance. In the national context for the last two decades, the central and the state
governments have made some efforts to improve the level of women political
participation. Women’s participation in politics goes far beyond their numbers in
elected bodies. In all major political movements of this century, in all movements of
social change, women have played an extremely important role. But despite of
participation and mobilization of women in politics, in this broad sense of the term, we
have not seen a commensurate increase in the number of women in different levels of
decision making.
The study has immense importance today, when the women issues are
dominating the national and international scenario. Women’s participation in
mainstream political activity has major implications for the broader arena of
governance. In India, women’s role has been marginal in the society, although they
constitute half of the country’s population. Their involvement in politics has been
negligible all along. Their number in the legislatures including parliament has always
remained at the very low. Nevertheless, several women played an active role in the
national movement and also in the political process after independence. In recent past,
there is wide spread realization that they should be emancipated and all types of
discrimination against them to be avoided to enable them to play a legitimate role in the
society. It is also emphasized that the emancipation of women could be possible only
through their social, economic and political empowerment and necessary steps to be
mooted out in this direction. The present study is an attempt to know about the
awareness amongst the women. The limited nature of female participation and
66
representation in national decision making institutions has important consequences for
women and for the legitimacy of the institutions. In this study, an attempt has been
made to analyse the participation of women in state politics.
Political participation of women is still a less than men. Women for centuries
have received unequal treatment in almost all spheres of life because of patriarchal
setup of Indian society. Despite of this, women have shown their presence in many
fronts, but a lot remains to be done in order to achieve real gender equality in social,
economic and political spheres, that are interrelated and give way to one another. Since
India became independent, many policy and programmes have been adopted to
improve the condition of women but women in general have not been in a position to
avail benefits mainly due to their political backwardness. Women are considered as
dependent, poor, kitchen object, and reproductive machine and less of human being. It
has been attributed to low level of education, ignorance, poor negotiating skills,
dependency, nature and individualistic approach of women that influence their extent
of participation in politics.
However, the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is an important step in this

direction, which ensures compulsory involvement of one-third of women in PRIs. In
order to ensure equal participation and representation of women in PRIs, the
government of Himachal Pradesh took an important step in this direction on April
2008, by raising the reservation limit for women in PRIs from existing 33 per cent to 50
per cent for the women in PRIs. A bill was also introduced in the Parliament and State
Legislative Assemblies that is providing. Today women are making ways into every
sector of the society with the gradual improvement in their position in different fields.
The present study is about the changing scenario of women’s position with particular
reference to their evolving/emerging role in the political process of the country.
Empirically, it is evident that women are one of the most vulnerable sections of the
society. In case of rural India, where majority of the women live in the villages and the
society is patriarchal, the women issues have their own importance. Local bodies are
directly or indirectly affected by women participation. Hence, it is very important to
study the women participation in political process. It would be helpful to locate rural
leaders, influential persons and political activists, which influence the political
participation of women in the democratic process. In brief, this study may help to know
participation of women in the state politics.
67
Objectives of the Study
Keeping in view the following broad objectives, the study is undertaken.
(i) To define and conceptualise political participation.
(ii) To study the socio-economic and political profile of the women in Himachal
Pradesh.
(iii) To know about the issues and factor affecting the level and nature of political
participation of women.
(vi) To analyse the different modes of political participation of women.
(v) To know the pattern and level of participation of the women leadership in
Himachal Pradesh.
(vi) To explore the implications of new trends that has emerged as a consequence of
73rd Amendment.
(vii) To evaluate the level of general awareness, amongst women which is

responsible for creation of women’s consciousness?
(viii) To find out the various hindrances in the participation of the women.
(ix) To evaluate the existing strategies devised by the state machinery in the form of
various interventions to include women in decision making process at different
levels.
Hypothesis
The hypothesis which proposed to be tested through the present study relates to
participation of women in state politics. Following are the main hypothesis of present
research:
(i) There are many obstacles for the women in politics, which hampers their
participation and performance.
(ii) The awareness level of women is very low, even after reservation there is no
change in the participation and effectiveness of women’s performances.
(iii) Women’s are divided among different economic class, caste, religion and the
region. They need to break barriers of inequality and powerlessness for
participatory development at grass-root levels, state and national levels.
68
Universe of the Study
The proposed study is an empirical study confined to the “Participation of

Women in State Politics: A Case Study of Himachal Pradesh”. The state has
geographical areas of 55,673 sq. kms. spreading over twelve districts namely, Bilaspur,
Chamba, Hamirpur, Kangra, Kinnaur, Kullu, Lahaul & Spiti, Mandi, Shimla, Sirmour,
Solan and Una. Today, the state is blessed with an extensive natural resources, splendid
beauty and vast deposits of minerals. The cement industry is flourishing and has a big
potential in hydro-power. The state also has a large cover of green forest, constituting
the backbone of economy. The besides this, the agriculture and horticulture are the
main profession of the people of the state. The 73rd constitutional amendment was a
landmark step in constitutional history of India, which laid the foundation stone for
women participation in politics to a great extent. As a consequence of the 73rd
amendment, the government of Himachal Pradesh passed the Panchayati Raj Act 1994,
which was also a major step towards women participation in the democratic process.
Initially, under this act, women were given 33 per cent reservations in the grassroots
institution. However, subsequently this reservation was enhanced to 50 per cent at the
grassroots level, which resulted in more and more participation in the grassroots
politics. At present, Himachal Pradesh has twelve districts, out of which two district
have been selected for the present study- the district Mandi and the district Kangra.
These two district have different political, social, economic, cultural and geographical
background which represent the major area of the state.
The Mandi district came into existence on 15th April 1948, as one of the first
four districts at the time of the emergence of the state of Himachal Pradesh. It is one of
the fastest developing towns of Himachal Pradesh. The economy of the region is
predominately agrain, as around 79 per cent of the total population is dependent on
agriculture. Agriculture and animal husbandry are the major occupation of the people.
The production of food grains and cash crops (i.e. apple, potato, peas, etc.), are the
main source of its economy. The Mandi district is currently the second largest
economy in the state, next to the Kangra district. The district is also second largest in
population among twelve districts of Himachal Pradesh. Total Literacy rate of Mandi
district is 81.53 per cent out of which 89.56 percent of male and 73.66 per cent of
females. The district Mandi in the state is having third highest sex ratio of 1007
females per thousand males. The people of Mandi are informally called Mandyalis, the
Mandyali language Mandyalis is generally used at local level for communication. The
district has mixed population of people from different religion mainly Hindu, Muslim,
Sikh and Bodh. The Mandi district has been the second largest parliamentary
69
constituency (area-wise) in India including the area of Mandi, Kullu, Lahaul & Spiti
and Bharmour of Chamba and Rampur of Shimla districts. The district Mandi consists
of total ten Developmental Blocks viz. Chauntra, Drang, Gohar, Gopalpur, Karsog,
Mandi Sadar, Balh, Seraj, and Sunder Nagar. However, the present study has been
conducted on four blocks of Mandi district i.e Balh, Gohar, Mandi Sadar and Seraj.
These blocks were selected mainly because the Panchayat Samiti of these blocks was
headed by women as chairperson. Further, from each blocks only five Gram
Panchayats have been selected, which were headed by women as Panchayat Pradhans.
The district Kangra was a part of the state of Punjab and was merged in
Himachal Pradesh on 1st November 1966 and the newly merged areas, as called “New
Himachal”. Before the merger of these areas into Himachal as a district, it was part of
Punjab and there was an influence of Punjabi culture on the people of this area.
Therefore, the boundary of district Kangra touches to Punjab and the people of this area
speak Punjabi or mixture of Hindi and Punjabi both. The agriculture is the mainstay of
the majority of the rural population. Green and black tea is both produced in the
district. District Kangra has the distinction of having largest production of mangoes in
the state. It has no big industry worth the name. There are only small scale and cottage
industries based on local raw materials. On the basis of population Kangra is
considered the biggest district and is having second highest sex ratio of 1012 females
per thousand males. The total literacy rate of Kangra district is 85.67 per cent out of
which 91.49 percent of male and 80.02 per cent of females. The district Kangra consists
of total fifteen development blocks viz. Baijnath, Bhawarna, Lambagaon, Panchrukhi,
Kangra, Nagrota Bagwan, Rait, Dehra, Pragpur, Nagrota Surian, Nurpur, Indora,
Fatehpur, Sulah, Dharamshala. The study has been carried out in four Blocks of distrit
Kangra i.e Dharamshala, Nagrota Bagwan, Pragpur, Sulah. These blocks were selected
mainly because the Panchayat Samiti of these blocks was headed by women as
chairperson. Further, from each blocks only five Gram Panchayats have been selected,
which were headed by women as Panchayat Pradhans.
Sampling
“Participation of Women in State Politics: A Case Study of Himachal Pradesh”

is a psychological and subjective study and has different age groups as a sample. The
purposive representatives sampling of respondents has been taken into consideration
for this study, which has been conducted in two district, 43 women members of Zila
Parishad, 40 Panchayat Samitis and 40 Gram Panchayats. The total 291 elected female
respondents have interviewed. In these 291 elected female respondents, 145 from
70
Mandi and 146 from Kangra have been interviewed. In these 291 elected female
respondents from both the reserved and the open categories have been taken. To ensure
the nature of purposive representative sampling, special attention has been given to
wide representation of women with variables like age, caste, education, income, family
background and political participation etc. Thus the sample may constitute elected
female representatives from varied socio-economic and political background.
71
Himachal Pradesh
District Mandi Zila Parishad District Kangra Zila Parishad
Name of Name of Reserved Name of Name of Reserved

Name of Panchayat Panchayat
Panchayat and general Name of Block Panchayat and general
Block
Samiti seat Samiti seat
Seraj Bali Chowki Bali Chowki General Dharamshala Barwala Barwala Women
Narwana Narwana
Cheuni Cheuni SC
Khas Khas (M)
Dheem Kataru Dheem Kataru SC Mandal Mandal Women
Thunag Thunag General Paddar Paddar Women
Sounkni da
Tungadhar Tungadhar General Sounkni Women
kot
Balh Bhadyal Bhadyal SC Sulah Bhora Bhora Women
Chalah Chalah General Muhadi Muhadi Women
Dhaban Dhaban SC Gadiyara Gadiyara Women
Kummi Kummi General Samba Samba Women
Sakroha Sakroha General Sulah Sulah SC Women
Mandi
Aut Aut General Pragpur Dhounta Dhounta Women
Sadar
Nagwain Nagwain General Ghiyori Ghiyori SC Women
Kotli Kotli General Jambal Jambal Women
Sadhyana Sadhyana SC Pragpur Pragpur Women
OBC
Takoli Takoli General Siyul Siyul
Women
Nagrota
Gohar Chhaprahan Chhaprahan General Bhuned Bhuned Women
Bagwan
Gohar Gohar SC Tharu Tharu Women
Noun Noun General Kaled Kaled Women
Syanj Syanj General Malan Malan Women
Kotla Khnula Kotla Khnula General Pathiar Pathiar Women
72
Methodology
The present study is an empirical and analytical study. Historical, descriptive,

comparative and analytical methods have been adopted to conduct the study at various
stages. The sources of data collection can be broadly divided into two parts Primary
and secondary.
Methods of Data Collection
Data has been collected through primary and secondary sources.
Primary Sources
The primary data for the present study has been collected through
questionnaires. The field study was conducted through the methods of questionnaire-
cum-interview schedule, discussions, dialogues and observations. The personal
interviews were conducted with the elected women representatives of the Panchayati
Raj Institutions and the state politics, to know about the extent of their participation in
the politics and the problems faced by them to discharge their duties in the functioning
of these institutions. An attempt has been made to observe the various problems faced
by women representatives to discharge their duties. Also efforts also have been made to
know about the role of education, age, caste, party politics, reservation, economic status
of women in political process.
Tools of Primary Data
Questionnaire, Interview, Dialogue, Discussion and Observation. The

questionnaire, which was prepared for conducting personal interview was divided into
two parts. The part first deals with the personal/family background of the respondents,
such as age, sex marital status, caste, income, occupation, education, economic
background, party affiliation, etc; the part second deal with the questions relating to
women participation in politics and problems faced by women in the politics.
Although, the questionnaire was made in English but researcher put the questions to the
respondents in Hindi or local dialects.
Interview
Personal interview were conducted with the respondents. Most of the

respondents were illiterate or less educated, who were not prepared to speak openly and
hesitant to give correct information particularly regarding party affiliation, etc.
73
Sometimes the respondents were reluctant to disclose their personal belongings and
secrets. In most of the cases the respondents were not aware of the exact position of the
women in politics.
Secondary Data
The secondary data was collected from published and unpublished sources. The
various published documents with regard to the women participation in politics
constitute the main sources of secondary data. It includes various books pertaining to
women participation in politics, articles, reports, seminars, etc. The various articles
related to the subject in different journals, magazines and newspaper were one of the
important sources of secondary data. The reports of different committees constituted by
the centre as well as by the state governments, also forms the main sources of
secondary data.
Tools of Data
There are many methods of analyzing the data. In the present study the
processing of data and the preparation of the tables for analysis and interpretation has
been done manually. The master charts were prepared manually and coding and
decoding was done accordingly. The percentage method was applied to analyse the
data.
Limitation of Study
The area of present study was limited to only two district out of twelve districts
of Himachal Pradesh. Out of these two district, 43 women members Zila Parishad, 40
Panchayat Samitis and 40 Gram Panchayats were selected for the purposive sampling.
But the limitation of our research was that, it was confined to only elected
representatives taken as respondents.
Scheme of Chapterisation
1. The Problem of the Study
2. Profile of Himachal Pradesh
3. Political Participation of Women-An Overview
4. Socio-Economic and Political Variables in the Participation of the Women
5. Hurdles in the Participation of the Women
6. Conclusion and Suggestions
74
CHAPTER-II
PROFILE OF HIMACHAL PRADESH
The word Himachal derives its origin from the Hindi words, ‘Him’ and ‘Achal’
meaning ‘Snow’ and ‘Lap’ respectively. Etymologically, Himachal Pradesh stands for
the region, which lies in the slopes and foothills of snow i.e. the Himalayas.1 Himachal
was also known as Dev Bhumi to the ancients. It is situated in the heart of the Western
Himalayas. According to the Puranas, Himachal is the Jalandhara Khand of the
Himalayas.2 Himachal Pradesh is bounded on the north by the picturesque valley of
Kasmir; on the South by the fertile plains of the Punjab and Uttar Pradesh; on the west
by the districts of Ambala (Haryana) and Hoshiarpur (Punjab); and on the north-east by
Tibet.3
Geographically speaking, Himachal Pradesh is located between 300 22’ to 330

12’ north latitude and 750 47’ to 790 4’ East longitude. The territory is almost wholly
mountainous with altitudes range between 350 to 7000 metres above the sea level.
Physiographyically the territory can be divided into three zones-Outer Himalaya or the
Shiwaliks, Inner Himalaya or Mid-Mountains and the Greater Himalaya or Alpine
Zone. The annual rainfall in the first zone varies from 1500 mm. to 1800 mm. The rich
and fertile valleys of Kangra, Balh and Paonta are located in this zone. The rain fall in
the second zone varies annually from 700 mm. to 1000 mm. This region has
magnificent Deodar Forest. The alpine zone remains under snow for about five to six
months in a year. The average annual rainfall in Himachal Pradesh is 1600 mm.4
The Greater Himalaya and Zaskar ranges also house many glaciers. For
glaciers, the local term is Shigri, perhaps derived from a big Shigri glacier that once
created great havoc. The Diyamir is another glacier of large dimensions that descends
to the level of 9400 feet above sea level near the village Tarshing.5
1
M.S. Ahluwalia, History of Himachal Pradesh, New Delhi: Intellectual Publication, 1988, p. 2.
2
Mian Goverdhan Singh, Himachal Pradesh History, Culture & Economy, Shimla: Minerva
Publishers, 2010, p.1.
3
V. Verma, The Emergence of Himachal Pradesh: A Survey of Constitutional Developments, New
Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1995, p. 19.
4
Mian Goverdhan Singh, op.cit, 2010, p.1.
5
Himachal Past, Present and Future, Directorate of Correspondence Courses, Himachal Pradesh
University, Shimla, 1975, p. 3.
75
There are five rivers flowing through Himachal Pradesh. The eastern most river
is the Yamuna, which rises from Yamunotri in the Garhwal range of the Himalayas and
from the states in eastern boundary with Uttar Pradesh. Its most important tributaries
are the Tons, Giri and Pabar. The Satluj is the largest among five rivers. It enters the
eastern part of Himachal Pradesh at Shipki from the north-west. Following through
Kinnaur, Shimla Hills, Bilaspur district, it leaves Himachal Pradesh to enter the plains
of Punjab and Bhakra, where the World’s Largest Dam is constructed. The Beas which
forms the world valleys of Kullu and Kangra, rises from the 3,987 meters high Rohtang
Pass. Its tributaries are Parbati, Phojal and Sarvari streams. The Ravi river originated
from an amphitheatre like basin called Bara-Banghal, a branch of Dhauladhar. The fifth
river is Chandrabhaga or Chenab. The Chandra and Bhaga streams rise on the opposite
side of Baralacha Pass at an elevation of 4,891 meters, to stream from one river at
Tandi.6
The whole area may be classified in five zones on the basis of different soils as-
(i) low-hill soil zone (ii) mid-hill soil zone (iii) high-hill soil zone (iv) mountainous soil
zone and (v) dry-hill soil zone. The first zone covers area upto an altitude of 900
metres above sea level. The quality of the soils of this region is suitable for the
cultivation of maize, wheat, sugar-cane, ginger, paddy and citrus fruits. The second
zone covers area lying between 900 metres and 1500 metres above sea level. The soils
of this region are suitable for the cultivation of table potatoes, stone fruits, wheat and
maize. The high-hill soil zone, covering areas between 1,500 metres and 2,100 metres
above sea level, is the most suitable for the cultivation of seed potatoes and temperate
fruits. The mountainous-soil zone covering the altitudes between 2,100 metres and
3,000 metres is suitable for the cultivation of dry fruits only.7
Social Profile of Himachal Pradesh
The society in Himachal is composed of mainly six important religious

communities, the Hindu, the Muslims, the Christians, the Buddhists, the Sikhs and the
Jains. However, the bulk of the population is formed of Hindus. The Muslims occupy a
poor second position, with having some concentrations in Chamba, Kangra and
Sirmaur in that order. The Buddhists and the Sikhs also claim a little of the population.
6
Rajender Attri, Introduction to Himachal Pradesh, Shimla: Sarla Publication, 2002, p. 320.
7
Himachal Past, Present and Future, op.cit., 1975, pp. 156-157.
76
The majority of the Buddhists are concentrated in the districts of Lahaul and Spiti,
Kinnaur and Kullu, whereas the Sikhs live mostly in Kangra, Shimla and Mandi
districts. The Christians, though in a very small numbers are sprinkled over the whole
of state and so are the Jains.8 The people living in the Outer Himalaya or the Shiwaliks
have much in common with those in the plains of Punjab except that the former are
fairer in complexion because of the climatic factors. In fact, both in the medieval and
later period, there have been inter-migrations to these areas, being comparatively easily
accessible, and thus they are somewhat similar in their habits and cultural moorings to
the people of the plains.
The Brahmans and the Rajputs has migrated from the plains during the
lawlessness of Aurangzeb. The Sikhs settled in parts of Himachal, while fighting the
hilly rulers or having been driven by the Mughals. Himachal Pradesh also had its share
of displaced persons numbering about 4660 as a result of the partition. In general, the
people are honest, hospitable, peace-loving, and deeply religious and follow their
community codes very rigidly. The hilly women work harder than the men folk and are
robust. They are beautiful, modest and known for their sweet voice. Tribes or semi-
nomadic, semi-agricultural and semi-pastoral people are living in the Great Himalaya,
the Zaskar, the Pir Panjal, the Pangi, and the Dhauladhar ranges, or to be more precise,
in the Lahaul & Spiti region, Kinnaur, some part of Shimla, Kullu, Chamba districts
etc., there are an admixture of the Indo-Aryan and Mongolian races. The main tribes of
Himachal Pradesh are the Gaddis, Gujjars, Kinners of Kanaurs, Jads (Lambas,
Khampas and Bhots or Bhods), Lahaulis, Pangwalas and Swanglas.9
Due to the geographical conditions of the Pradesh, these tribes have to live a
very hard life. Most of these tribes, till recently, lived a nomadic life, wandering here
and there in search of food and grass for their animals. Also they remained practically
out of touch from the rest of the world, due to lack of modern facilities. It is believed
that most of the tribal’s in Himachal, migrated from the plains of Punjab and adjoining
areas from time to time. The early history of these tribes is shrouded in mystery.10
The cultural aspect plays an important role in shaping the progress of a region
and its society, as they are closely related to the mental attitudes of the people. As far as
8
M.S Ahluwalia, Social, Cultural and Economics History of Himachal Pradesh, New Delhi: Indus
Publishing Company, 1998, p. 66.
9
Himachal Past, Present and Future, op.cit., 1975, p. 11.
10
M.S. Ahluwalia, op.cit., 1998, p.80.
77
Himachal Pradesh is concerned, its social institutions, particularly the fairs and
festivals, have a considerable impact on its development. The fairs and festivals
represents, one of the important facets of state’s rich cultural heritage.11 Important fairs
in Himachal Pradesh are Minjar (Chamba), Dussehra (Kullu), Shivarati (Mandi), Mani
Mahesh (Chamba) and Renuka (Sirmour). Lavi fair is perhaps the only fair, which is
not connected with any legend or religion. It is an economic or trade fair, as are the
Nalwar fairs of Sundernagar (Mandi) and of Bilaspur; their origin is not as old as of the
hoary Lavi fair of Rampur Bushahr.12
Language
In Himachal Pradesh about ninety per cent people speaks western Pahari
popularly known as Pahari. The Indo-Aryan languages are spoken in the Northern
India. In Himachal Pradesh as many dialects have been counted almost at par with the
number of existing hill states. In the North of Churdhar Peak, these separates Sirmaur
district from Chopal tehsil of Shimla district. This area was known as Bishshaw in the
past. The dialect spoken there is akin to Giripari, which is named by Dr. Grierson as
Bishwai. So, the appropriate name for Giripari now is Bishwai dialect. The Brari
dialect is spoken in Pargana Brar of Jubbal Tehsil. Kirni dialect is spoken in Pargana
Kiran of Chopal Tehsil, which is influenced by Jaunsari dialect of Jaunsar-Bawar area
of Uttar Pradesh. Dami dialect is prevalent in South-East of Bilaspur. The Kinnauri
dialect called Homskad is the mother tongue of nearly 75 per cent of the population of
Kinnaur. In Lahual and Spiti, four main dialects are spoken. Bhoti is spoken in Spiti,
Chandra and Bhaga Valleys. The Gaheri is spoken around Keylong, while Manchot and
Changsa are spoken in Chenab Valley. The Lahaul in turn makes use of four dialects-
Tibetan, Boonuum, Manchat and Teenuum. In Kangra, apart Kangri, the Dogri dialect
is also spoken. Some linguists are even of the opinion that despite the fact that the
Pahari language has been surrounded by Hindi, Dogri and Punjabi Languages, but it is
more closely akin to Rajasthani. The main reason behind to be stated, is that Rajasthan
and the hilly areas of Himachal Pradesh were once inhabited by the same type of
people like Khasa, Rajput, Gujjar etc.13
11
Ibid., p. 86.
12
V. Verma, op.cit., 1995, p. 24.
13
Ramesh Chauhan, Himachal Pradesh: A Perspective, Shimla: Menerva Book House, 1998, pp. 286-
288.
78
Table 2.1
Himachal at a Glance According to 2011 Census
Description Detail
Area 55673 (Sq.Kms.)
Population 68, 64, 602
Male 3481873
Female 3382729
Rural Population 6176050
Urban Population 688552
Scheduled Castes Population 1729252
Scheduled Tribes Population 392126
Literacy Rate 82.80 (%)
Growth Rate 12.94 (%)
Density of Population 123 (Persons)
Total No. of Main Workers 20.63 (Lakh)
Birth Rate 16.4 (Per 1000)
Death Rate 6.7 (Per 1000)
Religion Hindu
Annual Rainfall 180 cm
Maximum Temperature 38.60 C
Capital Shimla
Language Hindi, English, Himachali
Per Capital Income 1, 30, 067 (Rs.)
Urbanization Ratio 90:10
Best time to Visit March to October
Total Districts 12
Divisions 3
Sub-Divisions 62
Legislative Assembly Constituencies 68
Blocks 78
Tehsils 97
Sub-Tehsils 49
Panchayats 3226
Villages 20690
Source: Census of India, 2011, and Government of Himachal Pradesh, Statistical Abstract of Himachal
Pradesh, Shimla: Department of Economics and statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2015-16.
79
Area and Population
Himachal Pradesh has an area of 55,673 sq. kms. The population of Himachal
has been increasing continuously over the years. However, the growth rate of total
population shows a decreasing trend over the last three decades. In 2011, the total
population of Himachal Pradesh is 68, 64, 602 out of which 34, 81,873 were males
(51%) and 33, 82,729 (49%) were females. The composition of population shows that,
90 per cent of the total population is rural and only 10 per cent is urban. The trend
shows that, since 1981 the urban population is increasing continuously. It has been
increased from 7.61 per cent in 1981 to 8.6 per cent in 1991 and from 9.80 per cent in
2001 to 10.00 per cent in 2011.14
Table 2.2
Area, Density and Decennial Growth of Population in Different Districts

(2011 Census)
District Area in Total Population Decennial Density per

Sq. Kms. Growth Sq. Km.
2001 Census 2011 Census
2001-2011 (2011Census)
Bilaspur 1167 340885 381956 12.05 327
Chamba 6528 460887 519080 12.63 80
Haimirpur 1118 412700 454768 10.19 407
Kangra 5739 1339030 1510075 12.77 263
Kinnaur 6401 78334 84121 7.39 13
Kullu 5503 381571 437903 14.76 80
Lahaul and 13835 33224 31564 -5.00 2
Spiti
Mandi 3950 901344 999777 10.92 253
Shimla 5131 722502 814010 12.67 159
Sirmaur 2825 458593 529855 15.54 188
Solan 1936 500557 580320 15.93 300
Una 1540 448273 521173 16.26 338
Total 55,673 6077900 6864602 12.94 123
Source: Census of India, 2001-2011.
14
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Socio-Economic Indicators of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla:
Economic and Statistics Department Himachal Pradesh, 2014-15, p. 1.
80
20
15.54
16.26
14.76
15
12.63
15.93
12.77
12.67
12.05
10.92
10.19
10
7.39
5 Growth Rate of
Population 2001-2011
-5
-5
-10
Fig. 2.1: Growth Rate of Population 2001-2011
Sex Ratio
As per census 2011, there are 972 females per 1000 of male in Himachal
Pradesh as compared to 968 females as per 2001 census. This adverse trend in the sex
ratio is mainly attributed to female foeticide and infanticide. The government of
Himachal Pradesh has put a total ban on the prenatal diagnostic test by enacting the
legislation. The district wise sex ratio is given below.
Table 2.3
District Wise Sex Ratio
District Male Female Female Per 1000 Males
Bilaspur 192764 189192 981
Chamba 261320 257760 986
Hamirpur 217070 237698 1095
Kangra 750591 759484 1012
Kinnaur 46249 37872 819
Kullu 225452 212451 942
Lahaul and Spiti 16588 14976 903
Mandi 498065 501712 1007
Shimla 425039 388971 915
Sirmaur 276289 253566 918
Solan 308754 271566 880
Una 263692 257481 976
Himachal Pradesh 3481873 3382729 972
Source: Census of India 2011.
81
Female Per 1000 Males
1095
1200
1007
981
1012
942
918
976
1000
986
903
915
880
800
819
600
400
200
Fig.2.2: District Wise Sex Ratio
Participation of Women
According to census 2011, the total worker population in Himachal Pradesh was
35.59 lakh, of which 15.16 lakh were women and 20.43 lakh were men. Out of the total
women workers, 41.13 per cent were main workers, 58.87 per cent were marginal
workers. The female workforce participation rate (WPR), on an average in 2001 was
43.67 per cent, which has increased to 44.82 per cent in 2011. This has become an
evident through various census. Similarly, the male workforce participation rate
(WPR), on an average in 2001 was 56.62 per cent, which has increased to 58.69 per
cent in 2011. In respect of women employed in the government services, it was
revealed from the census of Himachal Pradesh that in 2012-13, only 21.2 per cent of
total government employees were women. However, this share of women government
employees, during in 2013 has moderately improved from 20.4 per cent in 2012.15
Historical Profile
The early history of Himachal Pradesh is not fully established. This is mainly
due to the absence of adequate archaeological and literary sources. However, some
recent explorations and research or have thrown significant light on the political and
15
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Women and Men in Himachal Pradesh, Shimla: Department of
Economics and Statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2014, p.29.
82
cultural history of the state, going as far back as the pre-historic age.16 Due to difficult
terrain, cold climate and inaccessible nature of the hilly state, it was impossible for any
major empire to annex the entire area of Himachal Pradesh. The history and traditions
of Himachal Pradesh can be traced from the earliest dawn of human civilization. The
Pre-History of Himachal Pradesh is the history of migration of the people of the
affiliated races from Indian plains and Central Asia. Its history is perhaps the most
unique and remarkable as compared to any other region of the Himalayas.17 That is in a
chronological order in a periodic form- (i) Pre-Aryan and Aryan Period up to A.D. 500
(ii) Early period A.D. 500 to A.D. 1000 (iii) Medieval Period A.D.1000 to A.D. 1800
(iv) British Period A.D. 1800 to A.D. 1947 (v) Modern Period A.D. 1947 onwards.
This hilly region, commonly named as Dev-Bhumi is believed to be the abode

of Gods. According to Vedas, some Non-Aryan tribes inhabited this region before the
arrival of Aryans. The Aryans came to hills at a very early date and probably before the
hymns of Rig Veda were compiled.18
The Indus civilization is generally believed to have flourished between 3000 to

1750 B.C. and covered the entire area extending from the Arabian Sea to the Gangetic
valley in the east. It covered the whole of Punjab as far as the Himalayan foot-hills
apart from Rajasthan and Gujarat in the south is concerned. It is believed that when the
inhabitants of the Indus valley spread through the Sarswati and Gangetic plains, they
pushed forward the Munda speaking Kolorian people, who used to inhabit this part
earlier. With the passage of time, this race spread themselves over the whole of the
western and central Himalayas. During the Rig-Vedic period, these people were called
Dasas, Dasyus, Nishadas etc. The literary sources also refer to Kinnaras, Nagas and
Yakshas who migrated to the hills of Himachal Pradesh during the post-vedic period.19
However, the Kols, also known as Mundas, are stated to be the earliest original
migrants to the Himachal hills and possibly the Kolis, Halis, Dums and Chanals of the
Western Himalayas and the Chamangs and Damangs of Kinnaur, Lahul and Spiti are
the remnants of this race. They were the master of the hills and according to Rig-Vedas,
their strong King Shambra had ninety-nine strong forts in the hill. It was only after
fighting for about forty years, the Aryan defeated Shambra.20
16
M.S. Ahluwalia, op.cit., 1988, p. 38.
17
Mian Goverdhan Singh, op.cit., 1985, p. 13.
18
Ibid., p. 2.
19
M.S. Ahluwalia, op.cit., 1998, pp. 38-39.
20
Ibid., p.40.
83
The second group of people were of the Aryan origin. They were known as the
Khasas, who penetrated from the north-west and settled in the mid-mountain belt of the
Himalayas from Kashmir to Nepal. They developed a specific Indo-Aryan culture and
religion.21 According to the Mahabharata the tract, which forms the present day
Himachal Pradesh was made up of a number of small republics known as Janapadas,
each of which constituted both a state and a cultural unit. The Audumbras were the
most prominent ancient tribes of Himachal, who lived in the lower hills between the
Pathankot and the Jawlamukhi.22 The Trigrata kingdom occupied the foothill tract
drained by the Ravi, Beas and Satluj. It was an independent state which flourished
during this period. Another contemporary Kingdom was that of Kuluta, situated in the
upper Beas valley, which is also known as the Kullu Valley. Its capital was Naggar and
they issued copper coins. The Chitravaram of Kuluta, was one of the five Kings of this
region, who formed an alliance to oppose the influence of Chandragupta Maurya.23
The Kulindas was another important kingdom that covered the area lying
between the Beas-Satluj and Yamuna rivers, i.e. the Shimla and Sirmaur hills. They
issued silver coins. Their administration resembled a republic with members of central
assembly sharing the powers of the King. The Ashoka, the grandson of Chandragupta
extended his boundaries to the Himalayan region. He introduced Buddhism to this tract.
He built many stupas, one of which is in the Kullu valley. A major inscription is at
Kalsi (now in U.P.), which was once a part of Sirmaur state.24 After the collapse of the
Gupta Empire and before the rise of Harsha, this region was again ruled by small petty
chiefs known as Thakurs and Ranas, whose states were of small size with constantly
changing boundaries due to wars with neighbours. It is believed that in Chamba area
alone, there were hundred such small chiefdoms. In the early seventh century, rule of
Harsha became paramount and most of these small states acknowledged his overall
supremacy, though a number of local powers continued to be exercised by the chiefs.
During this period, the Huien Tsang, one of the greatest travellers visited many
parts of Himachal Pradesh and wrote a detailed account of the socio-political set-up of
Himachal Pradesh at that time. According to Huien Tsang, Bharmour (Brahmapura)
21
Ibid., pp.40-41.
22
S.S. Negi, Himachal Pradesh: The Land and People, New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1993,
p. 124.
23
S.S. Negi, Discovering the Himalaya, Vol. 2, New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1998, pp. 343-
344.
24
S.S. Negi, op.cit., 1993, pp. 124-125.
84
was the capital of Chamba state, whose boundaries touched with those of Jalandhra in
the south-east and Mandi and Suket in the east. The hill states of the interior parts of
Himachal Pradesh were outside the jurisdiction of Harsha. During this period,
Thaneshwar was a flourishing Kingdom. The Srughna was a state to the North-East of
Thaneshwar, whose frontiers flow the Yamuna River with the capital located on the
banks of the river. It is believed that Paonta or Kalsi were probably the capital of this
kingdom.25
Early Period
The outside invaders during this period exploited the internal strifes of the petty
hill chiefs and chaos prevailing in their territories. The history of this area in a way
marched ahead with these events of internal strifes and rivalries. During this period,
some foreign invaders also invaded few parts of Himachal Pradesh. It may be recalled
here that, the internal warfare of kings and chiefs did not result in any significant
political changes and administration was partly of the primitive type. The lack of
King’s personal interest in state craft could have offered opportunities to Thakurs and
Ranas, to declare themselves independent. The army had to be fed and organised by the
people. The King took the responsibility of the army only during war periods. Only the
major states like Kangra, Kullu and Chamba had organised armies.26
Medieval Period
In this period, the old and larger states of Kullu, Kangra, Mandi etc. were
broken and many new small states of Guler, Siba, Datarpur, Handur, Koti, Bhajji,
Kumarsain, Khaneti etc. came into existence. During this period, Mughals, Muslims,
Dutch, Portuguese and French invaded many parts of India. The relations between
Mughals and these hill states commenced with Akbar, who wanted to include this
valuable area in his empire and he sent Todarmal to annex Kangra. The history stands
as witness that, erstwhile ruler of Kangra, Dharm Chand readily accepted suzerainty of
Akbar. In 1620 A.D. Jahangir also got hold over Kangra. On the other hand, the hill
states of Chamba, Kullu, Lahaul and Spiti, Bushahr had strifes amongst themselves but
the Mughals never intervented in the internal matters of these hill rulers. Because of
25
S.S. Negi, op.cit., 1998, pp. 344-345.
26
Sukhdev Singh Chib, This Beautiful India: Himachal Pradesh, New Delhi: Light and Life, 1977,
pp.4-5.
85
their relations outside hills, the hill rulers also brought about changes in public
administration. In fact, the system of administration evolved during this period,
continued till the integration of these states into one unit with minor changes. However,
the general condition of the hill subjects had improved a bit as compared to the earlier
period.27
British Period
After the death of Aurangzeb, the last great Mughal, the Mughal Empire in
India stated declining. In these hilly states, Raja Sansar Chand of Kangra had earned
reputation as a warrior and ruler. In the second half of the 18th century, a new nation
known as Gurkhas in the Himalayan history rose to power. Under the leadership of
Prithvi Narain Shah, they spread like a wild fire and engulfed the whole of Western
Himalayas including Kangra. They occupied Kumaon and Garhwal in 1803 A.D. and
by 1805 A.D. they captured Kangra Fort.28 But people were tired of their harsh
tyrannical rule. They united themselves and took a stand against them. The Britishers
also came to their help and in 1815 A.D. the Gurkhas were compelled to leave the
country. The help by the Britishers turned out to be a trap for them. They compelled the
local rulers to sign certain treaties, through which the paramount power from the hands
of these rulers passed on the British government in India.29
Freedom Struggle
The people of the hills also participated in the freedom struggle from 1914-
1947. Praja Mandal launched agitations against the British yoke in areas under direct
British rule. In other princely states, agitations were launched for social and political
reforms. However, these were directed more against the princely states rather than
against the British and as such were mere extensions of the freedom movement. The
Mandi conspiracy was carried out in 1914-15 under the influence of the Gadhr Party.
The meetings were held in Mandi and Suket states in December 1914 and January
1915. It was decided to murder the superintendent and Wazir of Mandi and Suket, to
loot the Treasury, blow up the bridge over the Beas River and bring the territories of
these states under the control of the revolutionaries.
27
Ibid., pp.6-8.
28
Mian Goverdhan Singh, op.cit., 1985, p.30.
29
Shiv Raj Singh, Bureaurcacy and Rural Development: Policy Making, Planning and Implementation,
New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1989, p. 24.
86
The Pajhota agitation in which the people of part of Sirmaur state revolted, is
regarded as an extension of the Quit India Movement in 1942.30 At last the fateful day
arrived, when the British said good-bye for ever to India and the tri-colour was unfurled
on the ramparts of the Red fort in Delhi on the midnight of the 15th August, 1947. But
that was not the end of the drama for the hill people. The National leaders invited the
prince’s to join the ocean of masses. They felt the pulse of the time and signed the
instrument of accession. In March 1948, thirty old princes of Shimla and Punjab hills
met in Delhi and inscribed their signatures on the document and surrendered their
centuries old Raj to the masses and thus Himachal Pradesh in the form of a unit came
into existence on the 15th of April 1948.31
After Independence with the inauguration of the Constitution on 26th January,

1950, Himachal Pradesh became a part ‘C’ state. However, there was no immediate
change in the pattern of government. As its head were a chief commissioner and
advisory council consisting of three rulers and six nominated representatives of the
people. The council did not have any real power but it had only advisory power.32 The
state was administered by the first Chief Commissioner N.C. Mehta and by his Deputy
E. Penderal Moon.33
Due to wide spread resentment against the bureaucratic rule, a constitution

battle was waged and consequently in September 1951, Government of India passed
part ‘C’ state under a Lieutenant Governor to Himachal Pradesh.34 As a result of this
the election to the 36 member legislative assembly was held in November, 1951 and the
first Lieutenant Governor Major-General M.S. Himmat Singh assumed the office on
March 1, 1952. Three members strong popular ministry under the Chief Minister ship
of Dr. Yashwant Singh Parmar was sworn in on 24th March, 1952. The other two
ministers were Pandit Padam Dev and Shri Gauri Prasad. Lieutenant Governor was the
constitutional head of a parliamentary government in a state. Moreover, the Lieutenant
Governor and the Council of Ministers were both under the over-all control of the
President of India, who in fact, was the executive head of the Part ‘C’ state. Mr. K.L.
Mehta (I.C.S.) became the first Chief Secretary of the state. On 1st July 1954, the Part
30
S.S. Negi, op.cit, 1993, pp.130-131.
31
32
Shiv Raj Singh, op.cit., 1989, p. 26.
33
Ramesh Chauhan , op.cit., 1998, p.183.
34
Ibid, pp.183-184.
87
‘C’ state of Bilaspur was merged with Himachal Pradesh as fifth district of the state and
strength of the assembly seat was raised to 41 members.35
On 29th December 1953, the government of India passed a resolution to appoint

the State Reorganisation Commission to go into the question of the reorganisation of
states. The commission with Justice Fazal Ali and its chairman K.M. Pannikar and H.
N. Kunzru as members presented its report on 30th September, 1955. The majority
verdict of the States Reorganization Commission recommended Himachal’s integration
with Punjab, though its chairman dissented and recommended its retention as a separate
entity. Time had come for starting a grim battle for the retention of the Pradesh as a
separate entity on the map of India. The battle was fought under the leadership of the
indomitable Dr. Y.S. Parmar. Ultimately, he was able to convince Pandit Nehru of the
necessity of a separate Himachal Pradesh.36
Himachal Pradesh maintained its status of part ‘C’ state of the Indian union till
1956, when the state reorganisation commission headed by Mr. Justice Fazil Ali and
two members i.e. H.N. Kunzru and K.M. Pannikar, submitted its recommendation to
abolish the categorization of state as part A.B.C.37 The parliament passed the territorial
council act in December 1956. According to the provision of this act, Himachal
Pradesh was made an union territory under the chairmanship of Thakur Karam Singh.
According to the government of union territory act, the territorial council re-elected in
1962 and it was turned into legislative assembly. A three member’s popular ministry
headed by Dr. Y.S. Parmar was sworn in on July 1, 1963, other two ministers were
Thakur Karam Singh and Hari Das. Another new district, the sixth one which was
carved out of the Mahasu district formed the new Kinnaur district ceded from the entire
Chini Tehsil and 14 villages from Rampur Tehsils.
In 1965, reorganisation of Punjab on linguistic basis was reopened and on 1st

November 1966, saw the fulfilment of the long cherished desire of the hill people,
when the hilly areas of Punjab and Himachal were integrated. The government of India,
while reorganising the Punjab state into two separate states namely Punjab and
Haryana, decided to integrate the Punjab hill areas of the districts of Kangra, Kullu,
Shimla, Lahaul and Spiti, Nalagarh area of Ambla District, parts of Una tehsil of
35
Mian Goverdhan Singh, op.cit., 1985, pp. 85-87.
36
Himachal Past, Present and Future, op.cit. 1975, p.122.
37
88
Hoshiarpur district and Pathankot tehsil of Gurdaspur district with Himachal. The
integration came about on 1st November 1966.38
On 24th January 1968, Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha Unanimously passed a

resolution demanding statehood. A negotiating committee headed by Prof. Tapinder
Singh was appointed to take up the matter with the congress high command and the
centre. The home minister of Y.B. Chavan, a determined opponent of further
reorganisation of states, helped matters. On 31st July 1970, Prime Minister informed the
parliament that the government had decided to grant statehood to Himachal Pradesh.
On 18th December 1970, the state of Himachal Pradesh Act was passed and Himachal
Pradesh got full-fledged statehood on 25th January 1971.39 It was under the dynamic
leadership of the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi that the status of full statehood was
bestowed upon Himachal Pradesh. Dr. Yashwant Singh Parmar was sworn as the first
Chief Minister of Himachal Pradesh. With this Himachal Pradesh emerged as the 18th
state of the Indian union. It also brought to close that protected period of perpetual
struggle that had commenced in the middle of this century.40
After granting the statehood to Himachal Pradesh, the strength of the state
legislative assembly had been fixed and increase in sixty to sixty-eight. Out of sixty
eight constituencies, nineteen seats were reserved to scheduled caste and scheduled
tribes ( i.e. Sixteen for SCs and Three for STs). Simultaneously, four seats for Lok
Sabha and three seats for Rajya Sabha were also fixed for Himachal Pradesh. At
present, all the four parliamentary constituency ( i.e. Hamirpur, Kangra, Mandi and
Shimla) consists of seventeen assembly constituencies each, will come under the sixty-
eight assembly constituencies. In 1971, mid-term election were held in centre as well as
in the state, in which congress party got majority at centre and won all four
parliamentary seats in Himachal Pradesh. In 1972, Vidhan Sabha election the Indian
National Congress got 53 seats, Bhartiya Jan Sangh 5, Independents and others 10
seats. In the 68 Vidhan Sabha the Indian National Congress got ¾ majority, as there
was hardly any opposition to the Indian National Congress at that time from any
national or regional political outfits. The Indian National Congress had projected itself
as the only party of masses in general and SC/ST’s in particular. Once again, Dr. Y. S.
38
39
40
Ramesh Chauhan, op.cit., 1998, pp.187-188.
89
Parmar became the Chief Minister of Himachal Pradesh. We can see the performance
of various parties in Himachal Pradesh legislative assembly election during in 1952-
1972, in which the congress party ruled with strength in the state. It has been illustrated
in the table below:
Table 2.4
Performance of Parties in Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly Election from
1952-1972
Sr. No Political Parties 1952 1957 1962 1967 1972

1 Congress 24 22 34 34 53
2 Jan Sangh 0 0 0 7 5
3 Hindu Meha Sabha 0 0 0 0 0
4. Ram Rajya Party 0 0 0 0 0
5. P.S.P 0 1 0 0 0
6. S.C.F 1 1 0 0 0
7 K.M.P.P. 3 0 0 0 0
8 C.P.I. 0 1 1 2 0
9 C.P.I(M) 0 0 0 0 1
10 Swantntra Party 0 0 3 1 0
11 Lok Raj Party 0 0 0 0 2
12 Independents 8 16 3 16 7
Total 36 41 41 60 68
Source: Reports on General Election to Himachal Pradesh State Legislative Assembly from 1952-1972,
Chief Electoral Officer, Shimla: Himachal Pradesh.
Furthermore, the political scene at national level became very turmoil because
central government under Indira Gandhi suffered a setback on account of adverse
judgement of Allahabad High Court against her. In 1975, Mrs. Indira Gandhi imposed
internal emergency and put all opposition leaders in jail. The emergency continued for
nineteen months. However, the emergency proved to be a blessing in disguise, as it
brought discipline and a genuine sense of responsibility in the government
functionaries. The strikes became outdated and files started moving fast vanishing red
tapism etc. The twenty point programme for the welfare of the general masses was
taken with all earnestness. The state to some extent, witnessed virtual transformation by
90
the year 1976, when it stood in the threshold of self-sufficiency in food production, etc.
But various restrictions imposed on the fundamental rights annoyed the people at large.
However, the various welfare programmes became torturing, humiliating and fanatic in
its implementation and consequently, the farmers as well as the government employees
reacted very strongly against it. On account of the restrictions imposed on speech and
press, the government could not get realistic feed back with the result that the congress
was replaced in 1977 general elections. In February 1977, Dr. Y. S. Parmar stepped
down at the instance of the central leadership, when youth wing of the congress party
had emerged powerful and Thakur Ram Lal became the chief minister.
As a result of change in government at the centre, for seeking fresh mandate the
Himachal Pradesh government was dissolved and President’s Rule promulgated on 30th
April 1977, which remained enforced up to 21st May 1977. Subsequently, the Janta
Party was voted to thumping majority having won 54 seats out of total 68 seats in June,
1977 general elections, thus Janta Party in the state formed the government. The
Congress-I had secured only 9 seats while 5 seats were won by the independent
candidates.
Mr. Shanta Kumar became the chief minister of Himachal Pradesh on 24th June
1977. However, the Janta government made several achievements but the internal
conflicts and contradictions inherent in the party were responsible for several setbacks.
Its fall came earlier than it could be foreseen and the government collapsed under its
own weight before it could complete its full term. The careful accommodation of
interests of different groups was essential for keeping such a party intact and the
leadership then probably lacked this quality. The emergence of Janta party had raised
expectations that India was heading toward a two party system, but in vain. The Indian
social conditions and its overall structure did not conform to the conditions necessary
for such a political development. The clash of personalities and the absence of
commonly accepted ideologies were responsible for the failure of Janta government.
In 1980 Lok-Sabha elections Congress-I won all four seats and this victory of
the congress party proved last nail in the coffin of Janta party government in the state.
The politics of defection transformed the fortune of nine members congress party to
emerge as a ruling Janta under the chief-ministership of Thakur Ram Lal, Janta
government lasted for thirty months.41 In 1982, Vidhan Sabha election, Janta party has
41
Ibid., pp. 188-190.
91
virtually lost its political significance. In these elections, congress too faced a big loss.
However, BJP expanded its influence in Himachal Pradesh for the first time under the
leadership of Shanta Kumar winning 29 seats. These elections were mainly contested
between Ram Lal and Shanta Kumar, the two personalities in the state politics. At that
time, there was no political party to form the government on its own. But the congress
party once again formed the government, with the help of independent candidate
Thakur Ram Lal became the chief minister. But later on, Thakur Ram Lal was
appointed Governor of Andhra Pradesh and Virbhadra Singh became the chief minister
of Himachal Pradesh.42 Thus, in Vidhan Sabha elections of 1982 Congress-I recaptured
power in the state. As there was a short change in leadership, Ram Lal Thakur was
replaced by Virbhadra Singh. He again went to snap poll in 1985 and returned his party
with thumping majority.43
In 1985 Mid-term poll, congress party once again got thumping majority in the
state legislative assembly. The period from 1980 to 1991 was the period of great
turmoil and instability in Indian politics. The problem of terrorism was taking heavy
toll all over the country. Mrs. Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her own Sikh security
guards in New Delhi on 31st October 1984. After the gap of seven years, Mr. Rajiv
Gandhi was killed in Tamilnadu by a suicide bomber, while on his way to address an
election rally at Sriparambadur. When congress remained in power from 1985-90 in
the state, it was during this period B.J.P. strengthened its party cadre and exploited the
weakness of congress party within and outside the Vidhan Sabha. Mr. Shanta Kumar
led a Yatra from Palampur to Shimla, which received overwhelming support. In 1989
Lok Sabha election, Shanta Kumar won from Kangra seat. 44
In 1990, Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha election, BJP came to power. Mr.
Shanta Kumar was sworn in as chief minister of the state for the second time on 5th
March, 1990. His council of ministers included Jagdev Chand, Radha Raman Shastri,
Nagin Chander Pal, Kishori Lal, Roop Singh Thakur, Kunj Lal Thakur, Vidya Sagar
and Dile Ram. The vital political change at the centre (Congress-I) did not bring any
change initially in Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) government in Himachal Pradesh.
However, due to dismantling of Babri Masjid at Ram Janam Bhumi, Ayodha led to the
ouster of the three BJP ruled states including Himachal Pradesh on 15th December
42
Ibid., p.190.
43
Har Gopal Singh, A Period of Hot Politics in Himachal Pradesh and Other Notes, Solan: Har Gopal
Singh Publishers, 1996, p. 5.
44
Ibid, p.190.
92
1992, while the fourth (UP) had resigned of its own. After their dismissal the
President’s Rule was promulgated in these states. After the President’s rule of about
one year the tenth Vidhan Sabha election were held on 9th November 1993. The
congress has returned to power winning 52 of the total 68 assembly seats. Mr.
Virbhadra Singh again became the chief minister of the state for the third time on 3rd of
December 1993. On the recommendation of the council of ministers of Virbhadra
Singh the Governor Mrs V.S. Rama Devi dissolved the Vidhan Sabha under article
174-2b on the 24th December 1998 to sought simultaneously Lok Sabha and assembly
elections under the presumed favourable political scenario in the state.45 The elections
to the Lok Sabha and state assembly again were held on February 1998. The chief
minister Mr. Virbhadra Singh dissolved the legislative assembly one year earlier
schedule, to pave the way for simultaneous election for the Lok Sabha and the state
legislative assembly. But mandate of the people went against congress party. These
elections changed the whole political scenario in the state.
For the first time, the Himachal Vikas congress (HVC) emerged as “Third
Force” under the leadership of former union communication minister Pandit Sukh Ram,
who was expelled from the congress party on corruption charges. Due to Kinnaur,
Lahaul and Spiti and Bharmour, these elections were postponed in three assembly seats
and in one parliamentary constituency (Mandi). Elections in these areas were held on
3rd June 1998. There were no clear cut verdicts in favour of any political party. In three
parliamentary constituencies, BJP got two seats (Kangra and Hamirpur) while the
congress got only one seat i.e. Shimla.
As far as in sixty eight state assembly seats were concerned Indian National
Congress got 31 seats, while BJP got 29 seats. The HVC got 4 seats (Mandi Sadar,
Dharampur, Balh, Karsog), first time as a third party in Himachal Pradesh, while its
candidate contested 61 seats, one seat was rested by an independent candidate. The
HVC join hands with BJP under the leadership of Prof. Prem Kumar Dhumal as the
10th chief minister of Himachal Pradesh. It was first time in Himachal the coalition
government came into power.46 Therefore, 13th Lok Sabha elections were held on
September 25, 1999 in Himachal Pradesh BJP and HVC alliance captured all the four
seats i.e. three by BJP (Kangra, Hamirpur and Mandi) and one seat (Shimla) by HVC.
45
Ramesh Chauhan, op.cit., 1998, pp 192-193.
46
T. R. Sharma, “Himachal Pradesh: Two Party Competition in a Small State”, Journal of Indian
School of Political Economy, Vol. 15, No. 1-2, January-June 2003, pp.182-183.
93
In the by election of Solan assembly seat, Dr. Rajeev Bindal of BJP got elected in
February 2000.
In 2003 assembly election, electronic voting machines (EVMs) were used for
voting for the first time in the state and 9500 EVMs was requisitioned by Himachal
Pradesh chief election commissioner. There was a little more growth of electors than 30
per cent since 1990 election. The total electorate has increased for 3058107 in 1990 to
4088844 now. The ratio of men and women voters has remained unchanged.
Interestingly, while the number of men contestants has been constantly coming down,
that of women contestants have been on the rise. Election to the 10th Himachal Pradesh
legislative assembly except the total tribal constituencies was held on 28 February
2003. The house was constituted on 4th March 2003. The Indian National Congress
with 40 seats was swept back to power. The party raised its tally to 43 as it won all the
three tribal constituencies by election to which were held on June 8, 2003.47
In April 2004, HVC supreme Pandit Sukh Ram rejoined the congress.
Therefore, in May 2004 parliamentary election, India National Congress scored an
impressive victory wresting three of the four seats in the state. The BJP survived a
clean sweep by the congress as one of its candidate Suresh Chandel managed to scrape
through by a slender margin in Hamirpur Lok Sabha constituency.
Whereas in 2007, assembly elections, the hill state reverted to bipolar polity
with the realignment of political force during these election. The efforts to form a third
political front in the past to challenge the two main political parties, which have been
occupying the centre stage for the past three decades, have not been successful. The
emergence of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) had raised the vision of a third political
force in the state, where the electoral arena has been traditionally dominated by the
Congress and BJP. Largely, it seems that the emergence of third force like the Janta
Dal, HVC and BSP during assembly elections, had dented the vote banks of main
parties to an extent but the politics in the state has largely remained bipolar. Such
emergence provided a platform to the rebels of the main parties and dependents, but
failed to create a permanent space and virtually vanished from the scene.
However, election to the 11th Himachal Pradesh legislative assembly, except

two total tribal constituency, was held on 2007. As far as sixty eight state assembly
47
Report on General Election to Himachal Pradesh State Legislative Assembly 2003, Chief Electoral
Officer, Shimla: Himachal Pradesh.
94
seats were concerned, BJP got 41 and Congress party got 23, seats. BSP got 1 and 3
seats was rested by independent candidate. Prof. Prem Kumar Dhumal became 11th
chief minister of Himachal Pradesh.48
In an election to the 12th Himachal Pradesh legislative assembly except, to total

tribal constituency, were held on 4th November 2012. The house was constituted in
December 2012. As far as sixty eight state assembly seats were concerned congress got
36 seats whole and BJP got 26 seats, HLM got 1 and 5 seats was rested by independent
candidates. Mr. Virbhadra Singh became the 12th chief ministers of Himachal
Pradesh.49
Table 2.5
The Position of Political Parties since (1977- 2012) in Himachal Pradesh
Sr. No. Political Parties 1977 1982 1985 1990 1993 1998 2003 2007 2012
1. Janta Party 53 02 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
2. Congress (I) 09 31 58 9 52 31 43 23 36
3. C.P.I 0 0 0 01 0 0 0 0 0
4. CPI(M) 0 0 0 0 01 0 0 0 0
5. BJP 0 29 07 46 08 31 16 41 26
6. Janta Dal (JNP) 0 0 0 11 0 0 0 0 0
7. Lok Dal 0 0 01 0 0 0 0 0 0
8. HVC 0 0 0 0 0 5 1 0 0
9. Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 1
10. Independents 06 06 02 01 07 01 06 3 5
Total 68 68 68 68 68 68 68 68 68
Sources: Reports on General Election to Himachal Pradesh State Legislative Assembly from
1977- 2012, Chief Electoral Officer, Shimla: Himachal Pradesh.
Panchayati Raj Institutions in Himachal Pradesh
Panchayati Raj system in Himachal Pradesh was established under the

provisions of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1952. There were only 280
Gram Panchayats that existed prior to the enactment of this act, however, after the
enactment of this act 466 Gram Panchayats were increased to 638 during the year 1962.
48
Himachal Pradesh Assembly Election Result in 2007, https://en.m.wikipedia, Accessed on 30-10-
2015.
49
95
On 1st November 1966, the hilly area of Punjab was merged in the state and as a result
the number of Gram Panchayats were increased to 1695. In the merged areas, a three
tier Panchayati Raj System was already in existence under the provisions of Punjab
Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad Act, whereas two tier systems was prevalent in the
state of Himachal Pradesh. With a view to bring uniformity in the Panchayati Raj
system in the old and the newly merged areas, the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj
Act, 1968 was enacted on November 15, 1970 and the two-tier Panchayati Raj system
was established throughout the state. Beside this, the Nayaya Panchayats were also in
the existence in the state for discharging judicial functions, but during the year 1977
Nayaya Panchayats were abolished and the judicial functions were transferred to Gram
Panchayats. After the enactment of the act in 1970, the existing Gram Sabha were
recognised or bifurcated from time to time and new Gram Sabha/ Gram Panchayats
were established. It was in 2005-2006 government created 206 new Gram Sabha
circles, thereby raising the number to 3243 Panchayats.50 At Present, there are 3226
Gram Panchayats 78 Panchayat Samitis and 12 Zila Parishads constituted in the state.
Table 2.6
The Number of Gram Panchayats Since 1952-2015
Sr. No. Year No. of Gram Panchayats
1 1952 280
2 1954 466
3 1962 638
4 1966 1695
5 1972 2035
6 1978 2357
7 1985 2597
8 1991 2757
9 1995 2922
10 2000 3037
11 2005 3243
12 2010 3243
13 2015 3226
Source: Government of Himachal Pradesh, Annual Administrative Report, Panchayati Raj Department,
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 1952 to 2015-16.
50
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Annual Administrative Report, Panchayati Raj Department,
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2014-15, p. 1.
96
3243
3500
3226
3243
3000
3037
2922
2757
2597
2500
2357
2000
2035
No. of Gram Panchayats
1695
1500
1000 638
500
466
280
0
1952195419621966197219781985199119952000200520102015
Fig. 2.3: The Number of Gram Panchayats Since 1952-2015
Enactment of State Panchayati Raj Act
With a view to bring law relating to the Panchayats in conformity with the
provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, the Himachal Pradesh
Panchayati Raj Act, 1968 has repealed and the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act,
1994 was enacted with effect from April 23, 1994. This act provided for a Gram Sabha
and Gram Panchayats, Panchayat Samitis and Zila Panchayats at village, block and
district level respectively.51
Structure of Panchayati Raj in Himachal Pradesh
Gram Sabha/Up-Gram Sabha
Gram Sabha which forms the core of the democratic decentralization needs to
be given utmost attention. Thus the state government has already taken steps to
strengthen the institution of Gram Sabha. Gram Sabha have been empowered to form
vigilance committees from amongst its members to supervise Gram Panchayats works,
schemes and other activities, no member of the Gram Panchayat shall be eligible to
become member of the vigilance committee. It has been made mandatory for every
Gram Sabha to hold four general meetings in every year, besides special meetings.
These meetings are required to be held in January, April, July and October.52
51
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2010- 2011, p. 4.
52
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994, Section 7, p. 23.
97
Under section 7-A of HPPR Act (Second Amendment) Act, 2000, there shall be
a Up-Gram Sabha for each ward of a Gram Sabha. All members of the Gram Sabha
residing within the area of the ward shall be members of the Up-Gram Sabha. Every
Up-Gram Sabha shall hold two general meetings in each year, and it shall be the
responsibility of the member of the Gram Panchayat representing the ward to convene
such meetings. The meeting of the Up-Gram Sabha shall be presided over by the
member of the Gram Panchayat representing the ward, who shall also record the
proceedings. The time and place of the meetings of the Up-Gram Sabha shall be fixed
and notified by the member of the Gram Panchayat representing the ward. The Up-
Gram Sabha shall nominate its members to represent it in the general meeting of the
Gram Sabha and these members shall be nominated in such a manner, that 50 per cent
of the total families residing in the area of the ward get nominated, provided that one-
half of the nominations shall be of women. The village level functionaries of the
agriculture, animal husbandry, primary education, health and family welfare,
horticulture, irrigation and public health etc. shall attend the meetings of Gram Sabha in
the jurisdiction they are posted. The Up-Gram Sabha may deliberate on issues relating
to its area and make recommendations to the Gram Panchayat or Gram Sabha.53
Quorum
The quorum for a Gram Sabha meeting (according to HPPR Act 1994, Act
No.15 of 2010) shall be 1/3rd of the total number of its members (i.e. voters) and
decision will be taken by the majority of members present and voting. If a meeting is
adjourned for short of quorum, at least 1/5th of the total number of its members shall be
required for holding the adjourned meeting.54
Gram Panchayat
Under section 8 HPPR Act 1994, there shall be a Gram Panchayat for a Gram
Sabha and every Gram Sabha shall, in the prescribed manner, elect from amongst its
members a Pradhan and Up-Pradhan of the Sabha. Who shall also be called the Pradhan
and Up-Pradhan of the Gram Panchayat and shall also elect from amongst its members
an Executive Committee called the Gram Panchayat, consisting of such number of
persons not being less than seven and more than fifteen, including Pradhan and Up-
53
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2014-2015, pp. 9-10.
54
The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Act, 2010(Act No.15 of 2010), p. 9.
98
Pradhan. The number of members excluding Pradhan and Up-Pradhan to be assigned to
each Gram Sabha, shall be determined on the following scale:
(a) With a population not exceeding 1750 would be five
(b) With a population exceeding 1750 but not exceeding 2750 would be seven
(c) With a population exceeding 2750 but not exceeding 3750 would be nine
(d) With a population exceeding 3750 but not exceeding 4750 would be eleven
(e) With a population exceeding 4750, the number of members would be thirteen.55
Qualification
Basic qualification for contesting the election of Gram Panchayats is 21 years

of age. The voting age for Panchayat election has also been reduced from 21 to 18
years.56
Reservation of Seats
The act provides the reservation of seats in Gram Panchayat for SCs and STs in
proportion to their population to the total population by rotation. Not less than 1/3 of
the total number of seats shall be reserved for women belonging to SCs and STs.
Similarly, not less than one-third (including the number of the seats reserved for
women belonging to SCs and STs) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct
election in every Gram Panchayat shall be reserved for women.57 The government can
also reserve seats for backward classes in a Gram Panchaayat. According to HPPR
Adhiniyam 2001, maximum 15 per cent seats shall be reserved for backward classes in
all tiers of PRIs and one third of the total number of seats shall be reserved for
women.58
Tenure
Every Panchayat shall continue for five years from the date appointed for its
first meeting and no longer unless, sooner dissolved under this Act. An election to
constitute a Panchayat shall be completed- before the expiry of its duration specified in
sub-section. And before the expiration of a period of six months from the date of its
55
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 (Act No.4 of 1994) Section 8, p.7.
56
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 (Act No. 4 of 1994) Section 8, p. 7.
57
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Amendment Act, No. 8 of 2000), p. 1.
58
Panchayati Raj Adhiniyam or Ewam Niyam, Department of Panchayati Raj, Shimla: Himachal
Pradesh, 2001, p.6.
99
dissolution: Provided that where the remainder of the period for which the dissolved
Panchayat would have continued is less than six months, it shall not be necessary to
hold any election under this clause for constituting the Panchayat for such period. A
Panchayat constituted upon the dissolution of a Panchayat before the expiration of its
duration shall continue only for the remainder of the period, for which the dissolved
Panchayats would have continued under sub-section (1) had it not been so dissolved.
Meeting
The meeting of the Gram Panchayat have been declared a public meeting and is
to be held at least once a month. Meeting are convened by the Up- pradhan and in his
absence by the Pradhan. One half of members of the Panchayat form the quorum. All
the decisions are taken by majority votes. In case of equal voting, Pradhan or Up-
Pradhan shall have the right or casting vote.59
Functions of the Gram Panchayats
According to Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 under section 11, the
Gram Panchayat has been entrusted with 29 functions, which included sanitation,
constructional and maintenance of records of birth and death, plantation and
preservation of Panchayat forest, removal of social evils like dowry, providing medical
care and in general carrying out functions entrusted to be by Panchayat Samiti, Zila
Parishad of the state government.60
Panchayat Samiti
Intermediate body of the three-tier Panchayati Raj system in the state is called
Panchayat Samiti. This institution is co-terminus with the development blocks.
Members of Panchayat Samitis are elected directly, whereas the Chairperson and Vice-
Chairperson are elected indirectly by the elected members. The number of elected
members of Panchayat Samiti are determined by the government at the rate of one
member of every 3500 population or part there of subject to a minimum of 15
members. There is no separate office of Panchayat Samitis but office function as
Samitis office. Block Development Officer has been designated as Chief Executive
Officer of the Panchayat Samitis, wheras Panchayat inspector is the secretary of the
Panchayat Samiti. The member of the Zila Parishad representing the ward which
59
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, Section 11.
60
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 (Act No. 4 of 1994), pp. 70-71.
100
comprises wholly or partly the Panchayat Samiti area, shall also be the member of
Panchayat Samiti. Under section 78 of the Act Panchayat Samiti Consists of :
• The directly elected members from territorial constituencies;
• The members of the Lok Sabha and the MLAs of the state representing
constituencies, which comprise wholly or partly the Panchayat Samiti area;
• The members of the council of states, where they are registered as electors
within the Panchayat Samiti area;
• One-fifth of the Pradhans of Gram Panchayats in the Panchayat Samiti area, by

rotation, for such period as the prescribed authority may determine, by lot.
The act provides one-half of the total number of seats reserved under sub-
section (4) shall be reserved for women belonging to the SCs or, as the case may be the
STs. One-half (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the SCs
and the STs) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every
Panchayat Samiti shall be reserved for women. Basic qualification for a candidate, who
is seeking to contest the election of Panchayat Samiti is 25 of age. The election of first
Panchayat Samiti was held by secret ballot and direct vote.61 Before the statehood
(1971), election of first Panchayat Samiti was held in 1972 and second in 1991 after
73rd Amendment in Indian constitution, thereby more elections were held in 1995,
2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015. At present there are 78 block in Himachal Pradesh.62
Table 2.7
Panchayat Samitis in Himachal Pradesh, 1972 to 2015
Sr. No. Election Year Total Blocks
1 1972 69
2 1991 69
3 1995 72
4 2000 75
5 2005 75
6 2010 77
7 2015 78
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2015.
61
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 (Act No. of 1994), pp. 21-22.
62
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2015-16.
101
78
78 77
76 75 75
74
72
72
Total Block
70 69 69
68
66
64
1972 1991 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Fig.2.4: Panchayat Samitis in Himachal Pradesh, 1972 to 2015.

2015
Before the statehood, the elections of all the PSs were not held regularly and
after the statehood first election of PSs was held in1972 in all the blocks and second
election was held in 1991. In December
Decem 1995 with the increase of 3 Blocks,
locks, the total
numbers of Blocks were 72. At
A present there are 78 PSs (Blocks)) in Himachal Pradesh.
After the declaration of result of election of the elected members of the Panchayat
Samiti in the prescribed manner, the Deputy Commissioner concerned or any gazetted
g
officer
fficer appointed by him in this behalf shall,
shall as soon as possible but not later than one
week of such declaration, call under his President ship a meeting of all elected
members for the purpose of oath, or the affirmation of allegiance under section 127.
Immediately after oath or affirmation of allegiance under section 127 of the Act,
the elected members of a Panchayat Samiti elect one of its members to be the Chairman
and another member to be the Vice-Chairman.
Vice If the office of the Chairman or Vice-
Vice
Chairman, as the case may be, is vacated or falls vacant during the tenure on account of
death, resignation or no-confidence
confidence motion, a fresh election within a period of two
months from the date of occurrence of vacancy
vaca shall be held and the post will be filled
up. Panchayats Samiti members will hold their officer for five years.63
63
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, Under Section 127, p.73.
102
Under section 81 of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994, the
Panchayat Samiti in the state performs a variety of functions:
a) Integrated Rural Development, Agriculture, Social Forestry, Animal Husbandry

and Fisheries, Health and Sanitation, Adult Education, Communication and
Public Works, Co-operation, Cottage Industries, Welfare of Women, Youth and
Children, Welfare of Disabled and the Destitute and Welfare of Backward
Classes, Family Planning and Sports and Rural Employment Programmes;
b) Provision of emergency relief in cases of distress caused by fires, floods,

drought, earthquake, scarcity, locust, swarms, epidemics and other natural
calamities.
c) Arrangement in connection with local pilgrimage and festivals.
d) Management of public markets, public melas and exhibitions.
e) Any other function with the approval of the state government or Zila Parishad.64
Zila Parishad
This is uppermost body of the Panchayati Raj System. In our state Zila Parishad
were constituted for the first time after the enactment of new law relating to Panchayati
Raj system, consequent upon 73rd Constitutional Amendment. Presently, there are 12
Zila Parishad in our state. The members of Zila Parishad are elected directly by the
people, however the Chairperson and Vice-Chairperson are elected by the elected
members indirectly. Elected members of Zila Parishad are determined by the state
government at the rate on, one member for every 25000 populations or part there of
subject to a minimum of 10 members. The members of lok sabha, members of state
legislative assembly representing a part or whole of the district and the members of
council of states, where they are registered as voters and chairpersons of Panchayat
Samiti of the district will also be the members of Zila Parishad. Additional Disrict
Magistrate, Project Officer, ITDP in scheduled areas has been designated as Chief
Executive Officer, whereas District Panchayat Officer is the Secretary of Zila Parishad.
In addition to this district planning officer will be Planning Secretary.65 Under section
89 of the Act, every Zila Parishad shall consist of following members: The directly
64
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994, Section 81, pp. 48-49.
65
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Annual Administrative Report, op. cit., 2015-16, p. 5.
103
elected members from territorial constituencies; The Members of the House of People
and the Members of the State Legislative Assembly representing a part or whole of the
district, whose constituencies lie within the district; The members of the council of
states, where they are registered as electors within the district; The chairmen of all
Panchayat Samitis in the district.66
Reservation of Seats: Seats shall be reserved in the Zila Parishad:
(a) For the Scheduled Castes; and
(b) For the Scheduled Tribes; in proportion to their population by rotation.
(c) One-half (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the
SCs and the STs) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in
every Zila Parishad shall be reserved for women of this category by rotation.
Qualification
The basic qualification to contest in a Zila Parishad election as a candidate is 25

year of age. The election of Zila Parishad is held by secret ballot and direct vote.
Term: the term of the members of Zila Parishad is five years. But they continue in
office till the election of new Zila Parishad members.
Functions of the Zila Parishad Under the Section 92:
a) It control, co-ordinate and guide, the Panchayat Samiti and Gram Panchayat
within the district; It co-ordinate and consolidate the Panchayat Samiti plans;
b) It co-ordinate the demands for grants for special purpose received from the
Panchayat Samiti and forward them to the state government;
c) It secure the execution of the plans, projects schemes, or other works common
to two or more Panchayat Samitis in the district;
d) Advise the state government in the developmental activities, social forestry,

family welfare, welfare of the disabled, destitute, women, youth and children
and sports;
e) Exercise and perform such other powers and functions as the state government
may, confer on or entrust to it by the government.67
66
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 (Act No. of 1994), p. 23.
67
104
Economic Profile of Himachal Pradesh
The economy of Himachal Pradesh is depending on agriculture. Himachal

Pradesh is a hilly state with a particular set up of economic condition. Due to lack of
irrigation facilities our agriculture production still depends upon timely rainfall and the
weather conditions to a large extent. Before 1948, no attention was paid towards the
economic and social enlistment of people. None of the erstwhile hill states was an
economically valuable unit and exploitation of the vast natural resources of the area
was not even thought off. The small princely states have neither the resource nor the
will to develop their areas. The prince’s were different and the people were helpless,
after the formation of hilly region the people started making concerted efforts to
improve their own economic condition and that of pradesh. Today, the economy is
mainly based on agriculture, horticulture, forests, hydropower, tourism and road
transport, animal husbandry, mineral wealth and education. 68
The era of economic planning started in Himachal Pradesh in 1948. The first
five year plan allocated about Rs. 52.7 million to Himachal. More than 50 per cent of
the expenditure was spent on transport facilities, since then it was felt that without
proper management, the process of planning and development couldn’t be carried out.
The community development programme was launched in 1952 with in the state. In
Mandi and Kangra, package programmes were undertaken in collaboration with the
West Germany for popularising modern techniques of cultivation among the farmers.
Suitable agriculture machinery and animal husbandry were introduced in these areas.
Well equipped soil testing laboratories, dairy farms and agricultural workshops were
setup at various centres, besides an Agriculture University at Palampur.69
Himachal is one of those states in India, which was rapidly transformed from
the most backward part of country to one of the most advanced states. At present it
ranks fourth in respect of per capita income among the states of the Indian union.
Himachal education system is well established, its agriculture is enough for its self-
sufficiency, its horticulture is highly impressive in the country and even in abroad, its
68
Mian Goverdhan Singh, op.cit.1985, p. 293.
69
Economy of Himachal Pradesh, https://en.m.wikipedia.org., Accessed on 14-07-2017.
105
road connectivity system has emerged as best in the mountainous areas in India. The
infrastructure for its industrial development are well laid out, its rich forest resources
being augmented and above all, the increasing attention of the nation towards the
exploitation of its hydel resources are the signs for its bright future.70 The economy of
the state also appears to be in resilient mode in terms of growth. As per advance
estimates, the growth rate of Gross State Domestic Product during 2016-17 will be 6.8
per cent.
Gross State Domestic Product
Gross State Domestic Product or state income is the most important indicator
for measuring the economic growth of a State. According to quick estimates, the total
State Domestic Product for the year 2015-16 is Rs. 96, 289 crore against Rs. 89, 095
core in 2014-15, thereby registering a growth of 8.1 per cent at constant prices (2011-
2012). As per the quick estimates the value of Gross State Domestic Product of the
Pradesh at current prices, which was estimated at Rs. 1, 04,177 crore for 2014-15
increased to Rs. 1, 13, 667 core during 2015-16, registering an increase of about 9.1 per
cent. This increase is attributed to the agriculture and allied activities sector besides
other sectors of the economy. The food grains production increased to 16.34 lakh MT
in 2015-16 from 16.08 lakh MT in 2014-15 and also the production of apple increased
to 7.77 lakh MT in 2015-16 from 6.25 lakh MT in 2014-15.
The economy of Himachal Pradesh is predominantly dependent upon

agriculture and in the absence of strong industrial base, any fluctuations in the
agricultural or horticultural production cause some changes in economic growth also.
During 2015-16 about 9.4 per cent of state income has been contributed by agriculture
sector alone. According to quick estimates (New Series base 2011-12), the Per Capita
Income at Current prices increased to Rs. 1, 35, 621 in 2015-16 from Rs. 1, 24, 325 in
2014-15, showing an increase of 9.1 per cent. At constant prices (2011-12) the per
Capita Income during 2015-16 is estimated at Rs. 1, 13, 447 against 1, 05,774 in 2014-
15 witnessing an increase of 7.3 percent.
70
Ibid.
106
Primary sector, which includes: Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing, Mining and
Quarrying, during 2015-16, witnessed growth rate of 0.7 per cent. The Secondary
sector, which comprises Manufacturing, Construction and Electricity, Gas and Water
Supply, registered a growth of 9.3 per cent during 2015-16. Transport storage,
communications and trade, this group of sectors shows a growth of 8.6 per cent during
2015-16. The transport by other means component of this sector has shown a growth of
5.9 per cent. Finance and Real Estate, this sector comprises Banking and Insurance,
Real Estate, Ownership of dwellings and Business Services. It witnessed a growth of
7.5 per cent in 2015-16. Community and personal Services the growth in this sector
during 2015-16 was 12.3 per cent. The overall contribution of local bodies in the Gross
State Domestic Product for the year 2015-16 was 0.24 per cent.71
Agriculture
Agriculture is the main occupation of the people of Himachal Pradesh and has
an important place in the economy of the state. Agriculture has played a predominate
place in the prosperity and economic development of Himachal Pradesh.72 Himachal
Pradesh is the only state in the country whose 89.96 per cent of population (Census
2011) lives in rural areas. Therefore, dependency on Agriculture/Horticulture is
eminent, as it provides direct employment to about 62 per cent of total workers of the
state. Agriculture happens to be the premier source of State Income (GSDP). About 10
per cent of the total GSDP comes from agriculture and its allied sectors. Out of the total
geographical area of state (55.67 lakh hectare) the area of operational holdings is about
9.55 lakh hectares and is operated by 9.61 lakh farmers. The average holding size
comes to 1.00 hectare. According to 2010-11 agricultural census the distribution of
land holdings shows that 87.95 per cent of the total holdings are of small and marginal
farmers. About 11.71 per cent of holdings are owned by Semi Medium/Medium
farmers and only 0.34 per cent by large farmers. The distribution of land holdings in
Himachal Pradesh has been depicted in table below:
71
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, Shimla: Economics and Statistics Department
Himachal Pradesh, 2016-17, pp. 10-12.
72
107
Table 2.8
Distribution of Land Holdings
(in years)
Size of Holdings Category No. of Holdings Area (Lakh Av. Size of
(hect.) (Farmers) (Lakh) hect.) Holding (hect.)
1 2 3 4 5
Below 1.0 Marginal 6.70 (69.78%) 2.73 (28.63%) 0.41

1.0-2.0 Small 1.75 (18.17%) 2.44 (25.55%) 1.39
2.0-4.0 Semi Medium 0.85 (8.84%) 2.31 (24.14%) 2.72
4.0-10.0 Medium 0.28 (2.87%) 1.57 (16.39%) 5.61

10.0- Above Large 0.03 (0.34%) 0.51 (5.29%) 17.00
Total 9.61 9.55 1.00
Source: Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, Shimla: Economics and Statistics
Department Himachal Pradesh, 2016-17.
Table 2.8 shows that marginal and small farmers constitute 87.95 per cent of
total land holdings. The semi-medium and medium holding together constitute 11.71
per cent and the large holdings cover only 0.34 per cent. Thus, in Himachal Pradesh
bulk of holdings constitutes small and marginal holdings.
About 80 per cent of the total cultivated area in the state is rainfed. Rice, Wheat
and Maize are important cereal crops of the state. Groundnut, Soyabeen and Sunflower
in Kharif and Rapeseed/Mustard and Toria are important oilseed crops in the Rabi
season. Urd, Bean, Moong, Rajmash in Kharif season and Gram Lentil in Rabi are the
important pulse crops of the state. Agro-climatically, the state can be divided into four
zones viz:- sub tropical, sub-mountain and low hills, sub temperate, sub humid mid
hills, wet temperate high hills and cold deserts. The agro-climatic conditions in the state
are congenial for the production of cash crops like seed potato, off-season vegetables
and ginger. There is limited scope of increasing production through expansion of
cultivable land. Like whole country, Himachal too has almost reached a plateau in so
far as cultivable land is concerned. Hence, the emphasis has to be on increasing
productivity levels besides diversification towards high value crops.
Due to an increasing shift towards commercial crops, the area under food grains
is gradually declining, as the area which in 1997-98 was 853.88 thousand hectares is
likely to be declined to 764.85 thousand hectares in 2015-16. Increase in production
thus reflects gain in productivity as is evident from the table:
108
Table 2.9
Food Grains Area and Production
(in years)
Year Area Production Production per

(000hect) (000M.T.) hectare (M.T.)
1. 2. 3. 4.
2008-09 797.25 1226.79 1.53
2009-10 784.02 1111.16 1.41
2010-11 795.18 1493.86 1.88
2011-12 788.06 1544.49 1.96
2012-13 786.43 1541.33 1.96
2013-14 774.72 1585.13 2.05
2014-15 755.21 1607.89 2.13
2015-16(Ant Ach) 764.85 1634.05 2.14
In order to increase the production of food grains, emphasis has been laid on
distribution of seeds of high yielding varieties to the farmers. The area brought under
high yielding varieties of principal crops viz. Maize, Paddy and Wheat during the last
five years and proposed for 2016-17 is given in table.
Table 2.10
Area Brought Under High Yielding Varieties
(‘000 hect.)
S. Year Maize Paddy Wheat

No.
1 2011-12 279.05 75.08 330.35
2 2012-13 279.60 76.90 336.56
3 2013-14 285.05 76.05 341.35
4 2014-15 288.00 74.00 352.00
5 2015-16 200.07 62.64 324.00
6 2016-17 (Target) 255.00 75.00 354.00
109
There are 20 seed multiplication farms from where foundation seed is
distributed to registered farmers. There are 3 Vegetable Development Stations, 12
Potato Development Stations and 1 Ginger Development Station in the state.
Main Workers, Marginal Workers and Non-Workers
According to 2011 census, out of total population, 30.05 per cent was main
workers, 21.81 per cent marginal workers and the 48.15 per cent were non-workers. In
other words, if we combine main and marginal workers, they constitute of 51.85 per
cent of the state as a whole.
Table 2.11
Distribution of Population into Main Workers, Marginal Workers and Non-

Workers -2011 Census
District Percentage out of total Main Workers Percentage of Total

Population
S.N Cultivators Agricultural Household Other Main Marginal Non-

Industry Workers Workers Workers Workers
etc.
1 Bilaspur 40.6 1.2 1.5 60.2 27.07 26.83 46.10
2 Chamba 52.0 2.6 1.9 63.1 23.05 33.60 43.35
3 Haimirpur 54.0 3.5 1.8 66.9 27.74 25.46 46.80
4 Kangra 69.4 11.1 7.7 225.7 20.79 23.92 55.29

5 Kinnaur 25.9 1.8 0.6 18.5 55.61 11.28 33.10
6 Kullu 132.5 7.2 1.8 52.4 44.27 17.17 38.55

7 Lahaul & 8.9 0.3 0.2 5.9 48.12 13.01 38.87
Spiti
8 Mandi 148.3 4.8 3.9 127.1 28.42 28.86 42.72

9 Shimla 156.5 17.5 5.4 132.4 38.30 14.64 47.06
10 Sirmaur 116.0 5.9 2.7 69.3 36.60 16.26 47.14
11 Solan 80.1 5.8 3.0 130.4 37.78 13.70 48.52

12 Una 35.6 7.0 2.2 89.5 25.80 15.52 58.68
Total 919.8 68.7 32.7 1041.4 30.05 21.81 48.15
Source: Government of Himachal Pradesh, Statistical Abstract of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla:

Department of Economics and Statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2015-16.
The total main workers, majority of 919.8 per cent were cultivators, 68.7 per
cent agricultural labourers, 32.7 per cent engaged in household industries and 1041.4
110
per cent in other activities. The highest percentage of workers in the state is in Kinnaur
district (55.61%), and Chamba district is at the bottom (23.05%). Due to difficult
geographical terrain, small size of land holdings and inadequate irrigation facilities are
main handicaps in the way of development of the agriculture in the state.
Horticulture
Himachal Pradesh is a mountainous region with an elevation ranging from 350

meters to 6, 500 meters above the mean sea level; horticulture seems to be the only
viable hope in the future. The southern parts of the states are as hot as the plains while
the northern region has a temperate summer and an extreme winter with cold
temperature and heavy snowfall. The importance of horticulture in improving the
economy of Himachal Pradesh is pivotal and cannot be over emphasized. Before
independence, little attention was paid to the development of horticulture, which mostly
remained under the small princely states, rulers of which neither had neither the
resources nor the urge to develop horticulture.
The importance and promotion of horticulture in Himachal Pradesh is a national

priority, because undulating physiography of land in the hill areas is more suitable for
cultivating horticultural crops. The development of horticulture in Himachal Pradesh is
not only supplementing the national food grid by way of providing nutritive food in the
form of fruits and vegetables but also playing a vital role in promoting environmental
conservation. The systematic development of horticulture in Himachal Pradesh was
taken up after independence. During the pre-Independence era, there was practically
very little development of horticulture. However, pioneering efforts of American
missionary, Satya Nand Stokes proved to be a milestone in the direction of the
development of horticulture. It paved way for different varieties of temperate fruits
particularly apples. Similarly, some princely state rulers also took an initiative in this
direction.73
Himachal has resulted in shifting of land use pattern from agriculture to fruit
crops in the past few decades. The area under fruits, which was 792 hectares in 1950-51
with total production of 1,200 tonnes increased to 2, 26,799 hectares during 2015-16.
The total fruit production in 2015-16 was 9.29 lakh tonnes, which during 2016 -17
(upto December, 2016) has been reported as 5.10 lakh tones. During 2016-17, it was
73
Rajinder Attri, op.cit., 2010, pp. 627-628.
111
envisaged to bring 3, 000 hectares of additional area under fruit plants against which 2,
816.72 hectares of area was brought under plantations and 7.53 lakh fruit plants of
different species were distributed upto 31st December 2016.
The rich diversity of agro-climatic conditions, topographical variations and

altitudinal differences coupled with fertile, deep and well drained soils favour the
cultivation of temperate to sub-tropical fruits in Himachal. The region is also suitable
for cultivation of ancillary horticultural produce like flowers, mushroom, honey and
hops. Apple is so far the most important fruit crop of Himachal Pradesh, which
constitutes about 49 per cent of the total area under fruit crops and about 84 per cent of
the total fruit production. The area under apple has increased from 400 hectares in
1950-51 to 3,025 hectares in 1960-61 and 1,10,679 hectares in 2015-16.
The area under temperate fruits other than apple has increased from 900
hectares in 1960-61 to 27,908 hectares in 2015-16. Nuts and dry fruits exhibit area
increase from 231 hectares in 1960-61 to 10, 491 hectares in 2015-16, Citrus and other
sub tropical fruits have increased from 1, 225 hectares and 623 hectares in 1960-61 to
24,063 hectares and 53,658 hectares in 2015-16, respectively. This development has
further jeopardized due to the erratic apple production, owing to weather vagaries and
market fluctuations. The advent of WTO, GATT and liberalisation of economy is
further imposing many challenges on the dominance of apple in fruit industry of
Himachal Pradesh.
In warmer area of the state mango has emerged as an important fruit crop.
Litchi is also gaining importance in certain regions. Mango and litchi are fetching
better market prices. In the mid hill zone, the agro-climatic conditions are highly
suitable for the successful cultivation of new fruits like kiwi, olive, pomegranate, pecan
and strawberry.
To bring diversification in horticulture industry a total area of 342 hectares has

been brought under flower cultivation. To promote flower cultivation two Tissue
Culture Laboratories have been established under Model Flower Cultivation Centres at
Mahogbagh (Chail, District Solan) and Palampur (District Kangra). Four farmers
Cooperative Societies are functioning for the production and marketing of flowers in
district Shimla, Kangra, Lahaul and Spiti and Chamba. Ancillary horticultural activities
like mushroom and bee keeping are also being promoted.74
74
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, op.cit., 2016-17, pp. 53-54.
112
Himachal Pradesh government and the farmers have seized this opportunity and
today this Pradesh has emerged as the ‘Horticultural State of India’. Apple is the major
horticultural crop, the production of which was 777.13 lakh tonne during 2015-16. Bulk
of the apple is produced in five districts viz. Shimla, Kullu, Mandi, Kinnaur, and
Chamba. For Integrated Developjmment of Horticulture, Centrally Sponsored
Development of Horticulture, Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojna and Pradhan Mantri Krishi
Sinchayee Yojna are being implemented in the state. Under this scheme various
activities of development, such as production of horticulture crops, strengthening of
basic infrastructure and development of irrigation facilities are being implemented. To
promote protected cultivation in horticulture, the state government has enhanced
subsidy under Poly Houses from 50 per cent to 85 per cent and 1.10 lakh sq. metre area
is targeted under Green Houses during year 2016-17. Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojna, in
which old apple orchards are being rejuvenated and replaced with the new improved
and regular bearing Spur varieties. To promote micro-irrigation facilities, 659 hectare
area has been brought under Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojna upto December
2016. In addition to this, for strengthening irrigation facilities in the Orchards, Water
Storage Tanks and Borewells are being established in the state.75
Animal Husbandry
Animal Husbandry plays an important role to boost the rural economy of the
state. For any rural economy, raising up of live stock is considered to be a very
significant component. The topographical relationship in Himachal Pradesh established
an unique and dynamic relationship between common property resources such as
forests, water resources, live stocks, crops and grazing land. The number of live stocks
depends upon the fodder and grass able land to the large extent. The live stocks play an
important role in the sustainable development of the economy of Himachal Pradesh.76
Thus, the livestock is not only contributing towards agricultural production, but also is
even a source of self-employment to rural artisans. According to figures of 1966
census, the livestock population in Himachal Pradesh was about 42 lakh, 47.2 lakh in
1972, 49.9 lakh in 1977, 52.3 lakh in 1992 and 62.4 lakh as per 2010-11. The total
population of live stock, according to 2011-12 censuses has reached 48, 44,431. The
Government of Himachal Pradesh has initiated various development programmes of
75
Ibid., p.55.
76
Mian Goverdhan Singh, op.,cit., 2010, p.258.
113
animal husbandry in the state, which includes Animal Health and Disease Control,
Cattle Development; Sheep Breeding and Development of Wool, Poultry Development,
Feed and Fodder Development, Veterinary Education and Livestock Census.
Rearing of livestock is an integral component of rural economy. The

contribution of major livestock products during the year 2015-16 was 12.83 lakh tonnes
of milk, 1, 411 tonnes of wool, 81.17 million eggs and 4, 005 tonnes of meat, which
will likely to be of the order of 13.21 lakh tonnes of milk, 1, 475 tonnes of wool, 97.00
million eggs and 4,130 tonnes of meat during 2016-17. The production of milk in
Himachal Pradesh in the year 2016-17 is about 13.21 per cent as compared to the year
2015-16 (12.83 %).77
At present One State Level Veterinary Hospital, 9 Polyclinics, 48 Sub-

Divisional Veterinary Hospitals, 320 Veterinary Hospitals, 30 Central Veterinary
Dispensaries and 1,773 Veterinary Dispensaries are in the state. Besides this 6
Veterinary Check Posts are also operating to provide immediate veterinary aid to the
livestock. Under Mukhyamantri Arogya Pashudhan Yojna 1,251 veterinary
dispensaries have been opened. With a view to improve the quality of sheep and wool,
Government Sheep Breeding Farms at Jeori (Shimla), Sarol (Chamba), Tal (Hamirpur),
and Karachham (Kinnaur) are supplying improved sheep to the breeders of the state.
One Ram centre at Nagwain in District Mandi is also functioning, where improved
Rams are reared and supplied to breeders for cross breeding. The flock strength of these
farms are 1,962 during the year 2015-16 and 499 Rams were distributed to the
breeders. In view of the increasing demand for pure Hoggets and the established
popularity of the Soviet Marino and American Rambouillet in the Pradesh, the state has
switched over to pure breeding at the existing government farms in the state. Therefore,
9 sheep and wool extension centres continue to be functioning. During the year 2016-
17, the wool production is likely to be of the order of 1,475 tonne. Angora rabbit farms
are functioning at Kandwari (Kangra) and Nagwain (Mandi) for distribution of rabbits
to the breeders.
Himachal Pradesh is one of the state amongst a few in the union of India,
which has been gifted by mother nature with rivers emanating from glaciers that
traverse through filly terrains and finally enrich the semi-plain area of the state with
77
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, op.cit., 2016-17, p. 58
114
their oxygen rich water. Under fisheries about 18,641 fishermen families in the Pradesh
depend directly or indirectly on the occupation and earn their livelihood by fishing. The
reservoir of Himachal Pradesh has the distinction of highest per hectare fish production
in Govind Sagar and highest sale price value of fish catch in Pong Dam in the country.
During the year 2016, 13.06 tonne trout has been sold from the state farms and earning
revenue to the tune of Rs. 86.64 lakh.
The total livestock in Himachal Pradesh in the year 2012 was 48, 44,431 and
various steps have been taken by the state government to improve the animal
husbandry. However, dairy production also is an integral part of the Animal
Husbandry. The recent trend towards the development of a market-oriented economy
emphasized the importance of milk production, especially in areas falling in the vicinity
of urban consumption centres. This motivated farmers to replace local non-descript
breeds of cows with cross-breed cows.78
Milk Based Industries
The dairy development activities continued in the state under the animal
husbandry department upto 1983. In order to boost dairy products, similar methods as
used by the Anand Dairy Co-operatives Society of Gujarat were adopted by the
Himachal Pradesh Government and then a decision was taken to form a Himachal
Pradesh State Co-operative Milk Producers Federation in 1980. The dairy development
activities in the districts of Mandi, Bilaspur, Hamirpur, Solan, Sirmaur and parts of
Shimla was transferred from Animal Husbandry Department to the Milk Federation in
1983. In the remaining part of the state, it was transferred in 1992.79
The Himachal Pradesh state cooperative milk producers federation are

managing dairy development activities in the state. The Himachal Pradesh Milkfed has
895 milk producers co-operative societies. The total membership of these societies is
42,000 out of these 200 women dairy co-operatives are also functioning. The surplus
milk from the milk producers is collected by village diary co-operative societies,
processed and marketed by Himachal Pradesh Milkfed. At present, the Milkfed is
running 23 milk chilling centres having a total capacity of 96, 500 litres milk per day
and nine milk processing plants having a total capacity of 90,000 litres milk per day.
78
Livestock Census-Directorate of Land Record and Animal Husbandry, Shimla: Department of
Himachal Pradesh, 2012-17.
79
Rajender Attri, op.cit., 2010, p. 750.
115
However, three big plants with a capacity of more than 10, 000 LPD are located in
Chakkar (Mandi), Tutu (Shimla) and Dagwar (Kangra). The production of various milk
products in the organised sector (Milkfed) including milk sold in the market, paneer,
butter ghee and dahi etc.80
Irrigation
In Himachal Pradesh the fields are terraced, sloppy and small size. The water
canals called Kuhls are the main source of irrigation in all districts except Sirmour, Una
and Solan. In Kangra and Una districts wells are also found but their share to the net
irrigated area is very less. Land of Himachal Pradesh is depending on the rain water.81
Total geographical area of Himachal Pradesh is 55.67 lakh hectares. Out of this, a high
percentage of area is under perpetual snow or under forests and steep barren slopes. As
per latest available figures, only 5.83 lakh hectares is the net area sown. It is estimated
that, ultimate irrigation potential of the state is approximately 3.35 lakh hectares, out of
which 50,000 hectares can be brought under irrigation through major and medium
irrigation projects and 2.85 lakh under minor irrigation schemes. Irrigation projects are
classified into three categories major, medium and minor. Projects having Cultivable
Command Area (CCA) of more than 10,000 hectares are classified as ‘Major Irrigation
Projects’ projects, which have a CCA of more than 2,000 hectares but less than 10,000
hectares are classified as ‘Medium Irrigation Projects’ and projects with CCA of 2,000
hectares or less are classified as minor irrigation projects. Under minor irrigation
projects, both types of water development viz. surface and ground is included.82
Forest
Himachal Pradesh has extensive forests which cover almost an area of 37.033
Sq.kms. This accounts for about 65.52 per cent of the total geographical area of the
state. Most of the forest belongs to the government and private forest is very small in
extent. The strategy of Himachal Pradesh government in forestry management is
conservation along with rational utilization and side by side expanding its base. The
forest of the state can be broadly classified into coniferous forests and broad-leaved
forests. Deodar, Kail, Chil, Spruce, Silver fir and Neoza Pine are the coniferous species
80
81
M. S. Ahluwalia, op.cit, 1998, pp.114-115.
82
116
growing in Himachal Pradesh whereas, Neoza Pine which produces edible nuts, is
grown in Kinnaur district. These are the only forest of Neoza in India.83 Among the
broad-leaved species, sal, ban, oak, mohru oak, kharshu oak, walnut, maple, birdcherry,
horse-chestnut, poplar, seemal, tun, and shisham are the important species in this forest.
These forest provide a large number of medicinal herbs and aromatic plants, which are
in great demand by pharmacetutical industry and perfuneries. Medicinal herbs like
dioscorea, belladonna, banafasha, mushakbala, patish, karru are already being exploited
in large quantities from these forest. The oil of skimia laureola, valeriana wallichi, kuth
and cedar wood oil and oak moss resin are in great demand in perfume making
industry. Coniferous woods provide excellent raw material for the manufacturers of a
number of products. These are fairly extensive areas of coniferous forests in this state
and there is a great scope for the establishment of wood-based industries.
The forest of the state till now has been exploited to produce mainly timber and
railway sleepers. This type of primitive usage has resulted in a great wastage of
valuable wood, which could otherwise be utilized to feed wood-based industries like
the manufacture of newsprint pulp. The manufacture of packing cases for apples from
this wood is also becoming an established cottage and medium scale industry in the
state. Some steps have been taken to establish suitable industries based on the forest
resources. Two government owned Rosin and Turpentine factories at Nahan and
Bilaspur are capable of handling about 1,11,000 quintals of oleo-resin. More factories
are being established for the processing of oleo-resin, rosin and turpentine oil. These
industries will play a very important part in the overall economy of the state.84
Himachal Pradesh covers an area of 37,033 Sq. kms. of the total geographical
area of the state. The government of India is well aware of the importance of the forest
and a large number of schemes and projects are being implemented in the state.
Productive forestry schemes and soil conservation schemes, wild life and nature
conservation, Indo-German, Eco Development Project (ODA) UK Forestry, Research
Education and Extension Project (REEP) and Watershed Development Project for
Himalayan Hills (Kandi Projects).85
83
84
Ibid., pp. 270-273.
85
117
Industries
Industrially, Himachal Pradesh has been lagging behind other states of the
Indian union despite of many efforts being made in this field. Although, there have
been a number of cottage industry units engaged in the traditional crafts, such as shawl-
making and large-scale industries have been set up in the state. The reasons for the
industrial backwardness of Himachal Pradesh in industry apparently, have been due to
its difficult terrain and lack of speedy transport.
Between 1948 and 1966 i.e., upto the integration of Punjab hill areas into
Himachal Pradesh in November 1966, the industrialization of the state progressed
steadily but at a slow pace. By 1st November 1966, the number of small scale units in
the state had risen to 750. The government on its own had setup nearly 60 training cum-
production centres to promote such crafts as shawl making, footwear, carpets, etc. The
concerted efforts being made by the state government since 1967, indeed, have yielded
fairly impressive results on the industrial front. By 1976, the number of small-scale
units multiplied to 1,663 including cottage, village and other industries.86
As on 31st January 2017, there were 43,420 units working in the state. Out of
these, 138 Industrial Units are large and 438 are Medium Scale Units. The industry
department on permanent basis having the total investment of 17, 339.89 crore is
providing employment to 2,78,528 persons. Out of these 494 industrial units are
medium and large scale units.87 After the notification of special incentives package by
government of India in January, 2003, 8,375 small scale industrial units and 298
medium and large scale units having a total investment of 13, 923.22 crore have been
actually set in the state up to October 2012 and employment opportunities were
provided to 1,15,013 persons.88 The Ministry of Commerce and Industry (DIPP),
Government of India has accorded final approval for setting up of two state of art
industrial area at Pandoga district Kangra under modified industrial infrastructure
upgradation scheme. During the financial year 2016-17, an amount of Rs. 35.51 crore
has been allocated of development of these two states of art industrial areas, which has
been booked. The Government/Forest Land measuring 515 Bighas has been identified
for development of third state of the art industrial area at Dabhota, Tehsil Nalagarh in
district Solan. The FCA case has been submitted to the forest department for forest
86
87
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, op.cit., 2016-17, p.67.
88
Ibid., p.73.
118
clearance under FCA, 1980 and is under process. Prime Minister’s Employment
Generation Programme (PMEGP), Assistant to the States for Development of Export
Infrastructure and Allied Activities (ASIDE) has been made by the government of
India. 89
Sericulture Industry
Sericulture is a one of the important agro-based rural cottage industries of the

Pradesh that provides gainful employment to about 9,200 rural families for
supplementing their income by producing silk cocoons. Therefore, 13 silk yarn reeling
units have been set up in private sector i. e., district Kangra and Bilaspur- five each and
in Hamirpur, Mandi and Una-one each with the assistance of government. Upto 31st
December, 2016, 236.55 MT silk cocoons were produced that was converted into raw
silk of 31.54 MT providing an income of about Rs. 851.50 lakh by sale of silk products
in the state. The anticipated production of silk cocoon is 236.55 MT and converted raw
silk production will be 31.54 MT during the year.90 With the financial assistance and
incentives given by the state, industrial pockets have been set up at Parwanoo,
Barotiwala, Baddi, Bilaspur, Reckong Peo and Sujanpur Tira. Electronic complexes
have also been set up at Solan, Mandi, Hamirpur, Shogi, Chamba, Amb and Keylong.
Presently, sericulture, horticulture based units, handlooms and tea industry is receiving
special attention of the state government. However, the state has wisely adopted a
policy of allowing only those industrial units to be set up in Himachal Pradesh, which
do not cause air or water pollution.91
Hydel Power
Power sector play a significant role in the economy of Himachal Pradesh. It has
registered its significance in the economy by contributing in terms of revenue
generation, providing employment opportunities and enhancing the quality of life of
general public. Himachal Pradesh has been blessed with vast hydroelectric potential in
its five river basins, namely Yamuna, Sutlej, Beas, Ravi and Chenab. It is estimated
that about 23, 000 MW of hydel potential can be exploited in the state by constructing
various major, medium, small and mini/micro hydel projects on these five river basins.
89
Ibid.,
90
Ibid., p. 73.
91
M.S. Ahluwalia, op.cit.,1998, pp. 126-127.
119
Out of this hydel potential only 8, 432.47 MW has been harnessed by various agencies,
which also include 477.50 MW by H.P.S.E.B. Ltd. uptill 31st March 2014.
The main projects which are going on in the state are Andhra (16.95 MW), Giri
(60.00 MW), Gumma (3.00 MW), Rukti (1.50 MW), Chaba (1.75 MW), Rongtong
(2.00 MW), Nogli (2.50 MW), Bhaba (120.00 MW), Ganvi (22.50 MW), Binwa (6.00
MW), Gaj (10.50 MW), Baner (12.00 MW), Uhl-11 (Bassi) (66.00 MW), Larji
(126.00 MW), Khauli (12.00 MW), Sal-II (2.00 MW), Holi (3.00 MW), Bhuri Singh
P/H (0.45MW), Killar (0.30 MW), Sissu (0.10 MW), Thirot (4.50 MW), Bhaba
Augmentation (4.50 MW) and Himurja (Under State Sector) (2.37). The main projects,
which are ongoing with the Central/Joint Sector/ HP Share are Yammuna Project
(131.57 MW), Ranjeet Sagar Dam (27.60 MW), Bhakra (1,478.73 MW), Nathpa Jhakri
(1,500.00 MW), Baira Siul (198.00 MW), Chamera-I (540.00 MW), Chamera-II
(300.00 MW), Uhl-I (Shanan) (110.00 MW), Pong Dam (396.00 MW), B.S.L. (990.00
MW) and Chamera-III (231.00 MW).
As a result the Himachal Pradesh government has given thirteen hydro electric
projects in private sector for implementation. These projects are Baspa II (3.00 MW),
Malana-I (86.00 MW), Patikari (16.00 MW), Toss (10.00 MW), Sarbari II (5.40 MW),
Allain Duhangan (192.00 MW), Karchham Wangtoo ( 1, 000 MW), Upper Joiner
(12.00 MW), Sumez (14.00 MW), Beas Kund (9.00 MW), Malana II (100.00 MW),
Budhil (70.00MW), Neogal (15.00 MW) and Mini/ Micro Hydel Projects upto 5 MW
through Himurja (220.25 MW). The increasing activities on construction of hydel
projects, there is an immediate need to lay emphasis on adequate transmission and
distribution network in order to transmit power from these projects and its distribution
for utilisation within the state.92 Electrification of rural areas has great significance for
Himachal Pradesh, where as much as 91.3 per cent of its population lives in villages.
The state has made remarkable achievements in the field of rural electrification. 93
Roads and Transport
A good network of roads is a basic necessity for development and progress of

any region or area. This necessity is greater still in a mountainous state like Himachal
Pradesh, where no development is possible without the construction of roads. It will be
92
93
Ibid., p. 87.
120
no exaggeration to state that the construction of roads in a mountainous region is, in
fact, the beginning of the process of development. The total length of motorable roads
in Himachal Pradesh at the time of its formation in 1948 was 290 Kilometres in
addition to about 300 Kilometres of jeep able roads. In the rest of the areas there were
either foot-path or mule tracks.94 The revenue of the corporation is expected to increase
by 58 crore during the year 2013-14. Roads are an essential ingredient of infrastructure
of economy. In the absence of any other suitable and viable modes of transportation
like railways and waterways, roads play a vital role in boosting the economy of the
hilly state like Himachal Pradesh. Starting almost from a scratch the state Government
has constructed 36, 256 Kms. of motorable roads till December, 2016. The State
Government has been assigning a very high priority to road sector. For the year 2016-
17, there was an outlay of Rs. 912.73 crore. The process of improvement of National
Highways in the state having total length of 2, 027.00 Kms., which includes urban links
and bye-passes, continued during the year also. By the end of December 2016, an
expenditure of Rs. 184.00 crore has been incurred. There are only two narrow gauge
railway lines connecting Shimla with Kalka (96 Km.) and Jogindernagar with
Pathankot (113Km.) and one 33 Km. broad gauge railway line from Nangal Dam to
Charuru in District Una.
Road transport is the main stay of economic activity in the Pradesh as other
means of transport namely Railways, Airways, Taxies, Auto Rickshaw etc. are
negligible. Therefore, the road transport corporation assumes paramount importance.
The growth of means of communication as telephone, telegraphs, newspapers, radio,
roads, post office and televisions are playing an important role in the development of
Himachal Pradesh.95 The passenger transport services to the people of Himachal
Pradesh within and outside the state are being provided by Himachal Road Transport
Corporation (HRTC), with a fleet strength of 3,012 buses as on October, 2016. HRTC
is plying bus services on 2,530 routes with coverage of 5.504 Lakh Kms. daily.96
94
95
96
Ibid., p. 94.
121
Tourism
Tourism occupies an important place in the economy of Himachal Pradesh. In

Himachal Pradesh, tourism offers the greatest scope for its development because the
geographical location and topography bestows upon the state all that a visitor looks for
in nature. Himachal Pradesh Tourism Development Corporation was formed in the year
1972 and started with the capacity of 857 beds for tourists, which has been increased to
about 3, 500 beds during 2007-08. In all, tourist accommodation, as registered with the
Department of Tourism, is 2, 769 hotels and 61, 497 beds. There are about 500 Home
Stay units registered in the state having about 1, 350 rooms. In principle, it has been
decided to promote new, unexpected and unexposed tourist destinations in tribal areas.
Construction of new complexes has been sanctioned with the assistance of government
of India at Keylong, Tabo, Bharmour, Sangla, Kalpa, Kaza, Khadrala, Jhatingri, Khara-
Pather, Kangra, Deothsidh, Naina Devi, Jawalamukhi, Chindi and Chamunda. The state
government has decided to formulate a clear tourism policy focussed on the following
objectives: to encourage infrastructure development under the public sector; to
encourage private sector investment in capital formation.
Himachal Pradesh has mountains and hills but even more important the people
to provide both the adventure and walking tour holidays that cannot be matched
anywhere in the world. The towering middle, low series of mountains and the deepest
gorges form the picturesque scenes for tourists. The different ecological belts from sub-
tropical to perpetual snow with various climatic zones, differentiation, give pleasure for
mountain tourists throughout the year. Everywhere the mountain tourists experience
peace and happiness in the land, which is far from the madding crowd. The sparsely
populated valleys and ridges provide relief and healing touch to people of the plains,
who suffer from heat and over crowdedness and seek the desired peace and tranquillity.
Almost all the regions of Himachal Pradesh are attractive to the tourists. While trekking
in Himachal, one can see the spectacular snowy peaks, beautiful lakes and meet
interesting people living in the remote villages in the rugged mountains. Although the
trekking trails are sometimes steep and lonely, almost all the seasons are tourist’s
seasons in Himachal Pradesh. Tourists who wants to enjoy mountain life and traditions
can visit the state throughout the year.97
97
Rajender Attri, op.cit., 2010, pp.778-779.
122
The department has released advertisements in the print and electronic media to
promote the tourism from time to time during the financial year. The department has
prepared the 20 years perspective tourism master plan for the planned and sustainable
development of the tourism sector. Tourism policy, 2013 and sustainable plan for
Dharamshala, 2013 have also been formulated. The department has organized various
adventure and general training courses for the unemployed youths of the state like
trekking guide, water sports, skiing EDP, Bird watching and river rafting etc. in the
state.98
Health and Family Welfare
The State Government has prevention and treatment intervention are accessible
to people and are applied efficiently. In Himachal Pradesh, health and family welfare
department is providing services which include curative, preventive, promotive and
rehabilitative services through a network of 75 Civil Hospitals, 87 Community Health
Centres, 533 Primary Health Centres, 13 ESI Dispensaries and 2,078 Sub-Centres.99
A brief descriptions of various health and family welfare activities carried out in
the state during 2016-17 are as under: National Vector Borne Disease Control
Programme, National Leprosy Eradication Programme, Revised National T.B. Control
Programme, National Programme for Control of Blindness, National Family Welfare
Programme, Universal Immunization Programme, Mukhya Mantri State Health Care
Scheme, National Rural Health Mission and National AIDS Control Programme. These
all programmes are being implemented as per the guidelines of government of India.
The Directorate of Medical Education Training and Research was established

with the objective to provide better medical education system and training to Medical
and Para Medical and Nursing personnel and also to monitor and coordinate the
activities of Medical and Dental Services of State. At present, the state has three
Medical College i.e. Indira Gandhi Medical College (IGMC), Shimla, Dr. Rajendra
Prasad Medical College (RPGMC), Tanda, Dr. Y.S.P. Government Medical College,
Nahan and one Government Dental College in Shimla are functioning. During this
session 2016-17, 152 number of PG seats in various specialities are filled in IGMC and
98
99
Ibid., p.124.
123
RPGMC Tanda. Indian system of medicines and homoeopathy plays a vital role in the
health care system of the state. The separate department of Ayurveda was established in
1984 and health care services are being provided to the general public through 2
Regional Ayurvedic Hospitals, 2 Circle Hospitals, 3 Tribal Hospitals, 16 Ten/Twenty
bedded Ayurvedic Hospitals, 9 District Ayurvedic Hospitals, One Nature Care
Hospital, and 1,150 Ayurvedic Health Centres, 3 Unani Health Centres, 14
Homoeopathic Health Centres and 4 Amchiclinics. The department has inbuilt system
of production of medicines through 3 Ayurvedic Pharmacies, at Jogindernagar in
Mandi District, Majra in Sirmaur district and Paprola in Kangra district.
These pharmacy catering to the needs of the Ayurvedic health institutions of the
department and also give boost the employment to local people. The department of
Ayurveda is also associated with health programmes like malaria, family welfare and
anaemia free, AIDS, immunization and pulse polio etc. during the financial year 2016-
17, there was a budget provision of Rs. 250.00 crore. To provide better health services
to the people, the government is strengthening the existing infrastructure by providing
modern equipments, specialized services, increasing the strength of the medical and
para-medical staff in the medical institutions.100
Education
Education is the key instrument for development human capability. The state is
committed to provide education to all. Literacy is an important indicator of the socio-
economic development of any area and it is the base of socio-economic change.
Initially, Himachal was considered as a backward region of the north India. The view
came up in the report of state reorganization commission published in 1953, literacy
rate of the Himachal Pradesh was 21 per cent for female as per the 1961 census, well
below the corresponding all India literacy rate. In spite of difficult terrain and many
socio-political cultural barriers, Himachal Pradesh has been making consistent efforts
for the development of education in the Pradesh. After the independence, the overall
literacy rate has shown significant upward trend both for male and female. At present,
there are 10,738 notified primary schools out of which 10,735 are functional and 2,113
middle schools were notified out of which 2,103 are functioning in the state. To
100
Ibid.,
124
overcome the shortage of trained teachers efforts are being made to make fresh
appointments of teachers in the needy schools. An attempt has also been made to cater
the educational need of disabled children.101
There are four agricultural institutions in the state for agricultural education and
research. These institutions are, Central Potato Research Institute (Shimla); Farmers
Training Institute (Sundernagar); Himachal Agriculture College and Research Institute
(Solan-Nauni); Regional Bee Research Centre of the Central Bee Research Institute
(Kangra). These institutions are Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Mandi at
Kamand, National Institute of Technology, Hamirpur, one National Institute of Fashion
Technology (NIFT), Kangra, Indian Institute of Management (IIM), Sirmour, Indian
Institute of Information Technology, Una, Central Institute of Plastic Engineering and
Technology (CIPET), Baddi in district Solan, Regional Vocational Training Institute
(RVTI) for Women at Jhundla, Tehsil Shimla Rural, district Shimla, Jawahar Lal Nehru
Government Engineering College, Sundernagar, Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government
Institute of Engineering and Technology, Pragatinagar, district Shimla, Rajiv Gandhi
Government Engineering College, Kangra at Nagrota Bagwan, Mahatma Gandhi
Government Engineering College, Kotla Tehsil Rampur (Jeori) district Shimla, 2
Government Pharmacy College, Rohroo District Shimla and Nagrota Bagwan District
Kangra, 13 B-Pharmacy Colleges (Private Sector), 14 Engineering Colleges (Private
Sector), 15 Polytechnics ( Government Sector), 18 Polytechnics (Private Sector), 02 D-
Pharmacy Colleges (Private Sector). There are seven, 2nd Shifts in Diploma Courses
(Private Sector), 108 Co-educational Industrial Training Institutes (Government
Sector), and nine Industrial Training Institutes (Women) (Government Sector).
However, there is one ITI for Persons with disability at Sundernagar (Government
Sector), 1 Motor Driving School at Una in Government Sector and 143 ITIs Private
Sectors.102 The literacy, rate in Himachal Pradesh which was 7.98 per cent during
1950-51, has gone upto 82.80 per cent in 2011, and the same is 89.53 per cent for males
and 75.93 per cent for females. The district wise literacy rates in Himachal Pradesh are
as under:
101
Ibid., p.101.
102
Ibid., pp.111-114.
125
Table 2.12
Literacy Rate in Himachal Pradesh 2011
District Male (%) Female (%) Total (%)

Bilaspur 91.16 77.97 84.59
Chamba 82.59 61.67 72.17
Hamirpur 94.36 82.62 88.15
Kangra 91.49 80.02 85.67
Kinnaur 87.27 70.96 80.00
Kullu 87.39 70.91 79.40
Lahaul & Spiti 85.69 66.84 76.81
Mandi 89.56 73.66 81.53
Shimla 89.56 77.13 83.64
Sirmaur 85.61 71.36 78.80
Solan 89.56 76.97 83.68
Una 91.89 81.11 86.53
Total 89.53 75.93 82.80
Source: Census of India, 2011.
District Wise Literacy Percentage (2011 Census)
Bilaspur
86.53 84.59
Chamba
83.68 72.17 Hamirpur

Kangra
Kinnaur
78.8 88.15
Kullu
Lahaul & Spiti
83.64 85.67 Mandi
Shimla
81.53 Sirmaur
80
Solan
76.81 79.4
Una
Fig. 2.5: District Wise Literacy Percentage (2011 Census)
126
The table 2.12 shows that the highest literacy rates have been recorded in
Hamirpur district with 88.15 per cent for the total population in which 94.36 per cent
are males and 82.62 per cent are females. The lowest literacy percentage is in the
district of Chamba i.e. 72.17 per cent of the total population in which 82.59 per cent are
male and 61.67 per cent are females. Further analysis shows that apart from the
Chamba, the female literacy rates are less than the state average in other district.
Mineral Wealth
Himachal Pradesh is endowed with several important minerals, but the

exploitation of minerals started only in the sixth decade of 20th century, when
Directorate of Industries in 1966 set up a geological wing to conduct investigations of
mineral deposits. Geological Survey of India published a consolidated map of India’s
mineral wealth in 1976. Himachal Pradesh occupies a position on the mineral map of
India only in building stones, as limestone, rock salt and lass-making sand. The other
minerals found in the state are: Gypsum, Barytes, Magnesite, Silica, Pyrite, Iron/Ore,
Copper, Cobalt, Nickel, Silver, Antimony, Coal and Mica, Oil and Natural Gas have
also been reported. The largest mineral of the state on the basis of value is Slate.
During the year 2015-16, Rs.155.00 crore revenue was received and in the financial
year 2016-17 up to 31.12.16 about Rs. 99.00 crore of royalty from minerals have been
realized and total revenue earning to the tune of Rs. 130.00 crore is estimated during
current financial year.103
Trade and Commerce
The number of bank offices of scheduled commercial banks increased from

1,413 as on December 2014, to 1,475 in December 2015. Aggregate deposits of the
scheduled commercial banks in the Pradesh increased from Rs. 56034 crore in
December, 2014 to Rs. 62966 crore in December 2015 or by 33.09 per cent. Bank plays
a significant role in the economic growth of a state as well as of a country. They are
aimed at supporting vital sectors of an economy like, Agriculture, Industry and also
aimed at poverty alleviation by way of benefiting farmers, general public, artisans,
professionals and any facilitating in self employment activities.104 The state of
Himachal Pradesh comprises of 12 districts. The lead bank responsibility has been
103
Ibid., p.74.
104
127
allocated amongst three banks viz. PNB, UCO Bank and State Bank of India. The UCO
Bank is the convenor Bank of State level Bankers Committee (SLBC). Up to
September, 2016 the State has a network of 2, 061 and more than 80 per cent branches
are functioning in rural areas. Banks have opened 106 new bank branches during
October, 2015 to September, 2016. At present 1, 661 branches are located in rural areas
and 308 in semi-urban areas and 92 are functioning at Shimla, the only urban centre in
the State classified by Reserve Bank of India (RBI).
Himachal Pradesh State Cooperative Bank is performing dual function viz. that
of Apex Cooperative Bank in Himachal Pradesh to play lead role in development in
Cooperative in the state and that of a Cooperative Bank in six districts viz. Bilaspur,
Chamba, Kinnaur, Mandi, Shimla and Sirmaur. The Himachal Pradesh Cooperative
Bank is serving the people of the state through a network of 198 branches and 21
extension counters, all these branches are on CBS mode. The State Co-operative Bank
is the first State Co-operative Bank on the National financial switch through which the
customers are getting ATMs facilities all over the Nation and about 71 own ATMs on
strategic locations. Bank is actively participating in government of India social security
scheme i.e. Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana (PMJJBY) and Pradhan Mantri
Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY).
The Kangra Central Cooperative Bank, Dharamshala had 204 branch offices
including head office as on 2016 with deposits of Rs. 8, 42,753 lakh. Similarly, the
Jogindra Central Co-operative Bank Ltd., Solan had 29 branches, including head office
with deposits of Rs. 70,784 lakh in 2016. Himachal Pradesh Gramin Bank, sponsored
by Punjab National Bank having total branch network of 244 as on September,
2016.105
Rural Development
The main objectives of the rural development programmes are poverty

eradication and employment generation to the target group families in the rural areas
with a view to improve their socio-economic condition by providing them assistance in
the form of cash and kind by strengthening the infrastructure under various
development programmes. To achieve these objectives the following state and centrally
sponsored development schemes/ programmes are running in the state such as: National
105
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, op.cit., 2016-17, pp.15-16.
128
Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM); Deen Dayal Upadhaya-Gramin Kaushal Yojna;
Watershed Development Programme; Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana Gramin (PMAY-
G); State Rural Housing Schemes-Rajiv Awaas Yojana; Mukhaya Mantri Awaas
Yojana (MMAY); Rajiv Awaas Repair Yojana (RARY);Saansad Adrash Gram Yojana
(SAGY); Matri Shakti Bima Yojana; Swachh Bharat Mission (Gramin); Maharshi
Valmiki Sampooran Swachhata Puruskar (MVSSP); Mahila- Mandal Protsahan Yojna;
Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS).106
Profile of Mandi District
Mandi is a Hindi word, meaning “Market”, and it may possibly be connected

with the Sanskrit word “Mandapika”, meaning “an open hall or shed”, and may be
derived from the Sanskrit root “Mand”, Meaning “to adorn or distribute”. If a
conjunction as to the origin of the name may be offered, it probably took its rise from
the fact that in ancient times as at the present day, the place was a centre of trade on the
main route from Yarkand and Ladakh to Hoshiarpur and plains.107
The present District of Mandi was formed with the merger of two princely
states Mandi and Suket on 15th April, 1948, when the state of Himachal Pradesh came
into existence. Ever since the formation of the district, it has not witnessed any changes
in its jurisdiction. The state of Suket is said to have been founded by Bir Sen, an
ancestor of the Sen Dynasty of Bengal. The separation of Mandi from Suket took place
about the year 1200 AD. Upto that time, it was the single state of Suket. Mandi
emerged as a separate state in the beginning of the sixteenth century. Ajbar Sen was the
first great ruler of Mandi, who founded Mandi Town in 1927 AD. He was probably the
first to assume the designation of Raja. He built a palace here and the temple of Bhut
Nath. Down the line of descendants was Raja Sidh Sen, who succeeded Raja Gur Sen
in 1678 AD. Mandi had never been so powerful before and after his reign. Guru
Govind Singh, the tenth Guru of the Sikhs visited Mandi during his reign in the close of
the 17th century. He built the great tank before the palace. He also built the temples of
“Sidh Ganesh” and “Trilok Nath.”108
106
Ibid., pp.134-142.
107
Gazetteer of the Mandi State, New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1920, p. 14.
108
Government of Himachal Pradesh, District Human Development Report Mandi, Shimla: Planning
Department Himachal Pradesh, 2001, p. 14.
129
The history of both the state of Mandi and Suket is full with wars among
themselves and other adjoining states. These two states had always been rivals and
generally enemies, but there was no great result of their warfare. On 10th November,
1921, both the states of Mandi and Suket were transferred from the political control of
Punjab Government to that of Government of India till 15th August, 1947. The only
place in the district that has an early mention in literature is Rewalsar and it is
mentioned in the Skanda Purana as a sacred place of pilgrimage. It is believed that
Karnpur, a small village, was founded by Karan, a hero of Mahabharta. According to
the Tibetan tradition, Padam Sambhab (750-800 AD), the great Buddist Patriarch, who
was summoned by King Tisong-De-Tsen of Tibet for preaching Buddhism, hailed from
Zohar, which represents the country round about Rewalsar. On the basis of this, it is
concluded that Mandi must have been a great place of Buddist learning as well about
this time.109
Geography
The district is situated between 31º-13-50” and 32º-04-30” north latitude and
76º-37-20” and 77º-23-15” east longitudes. It is bounded by Kangra on the north-west,
Hampirpur and Bilaspur in the west, Arki tehsil of Solan district in the south, Shimla
district in the south-west and Kullu district in the east. The district has two main rivers
viz; the Beas and the Satluj. The river Beas enters the district from close to Bajaura, at
the boundary of Kullu and leaves the district at Sandhol. The Mandi town is also
located on the banks of this river. For the greater part of its length, it runs between high
banks and as it is never of great width, though the current is swift, especially during the
rains. Practically, the whole of the district drains into the Beas with only the southeast
corner situated on the Satluj watershed. Within the district the principal tributaries of
the Beas on the north bank are Uhl, Luni, Rana and Binu and on the south bank are the
Hanse, Tirthan, Bakhli, Jiuni, Suketi, Ranodi, Son and Bakar. The greater part of the
district is mountainous terrain with the main ranges of mountains running from the
north to the south with the system being broken up by innumerable transverse spurs.
The most conspicuous is the Jalori range which is crossed by a high road from Kullu to
Shimla by a pass named as Jalori pass. It divides the watersheds of the Satluj and the
109
Ibid., p.15.
130
Beas and on its northern slopes is unusually well wooded with deodar (Cedrus
Deodara) and blue pine (Pinus Wallichiana) forests of great value. The highest peak in
the range is Shikari Devi (11,060 feet). Its summit being crowned by a shrine to a local
goddess. The range throws off three main spurs which extend throughout the tract
known as the Mandi Saraj. To the north of the Beas is the Nargu range, a continuation
of the Bir Bhangal, separating Mandi from Kullu proper and crossed by the Bhubu pass
(9,480 feet). The mountains here run upto 13000 feet and the slopes often being very
precipitous, while the valleys are deep. Almost parallel and running down the centre of
the district is the Ghoghar-ki-Dhar, of which the slopes are fairly gentle. It is not well
wooded, but contains large expanses of excellent grazing and the salt quarries of Drang
and Gumma. The Sikandar Range commences from the trijunction with Suket and
Bilaspur and from there runs northward for fifty miles. The range contains some good
forests of chil pine, but the greater part of it consists of rich grass slopes. Its name is
attributed to Sikander Lodhi, who, 375 years before the reign of Akbar, is supposed to
have crossed it on his way to the conquest of Kangra.110
Climate
Mandi features a subtropical highland climate under the Koppen climate

classification. The climate of Mandi is composite having hot summers and cold
winters. Mandi generally experiences rainfalls during end of summer season. Mandi
city falls in the lower most climatic zone of the Himalayas. These regions enjoy a wet
sub temperate climate of the foot hills (450-900 m) as against the dry-cold alpine
climate with snow fall at higher altitudes (2400-4800 mts.). Temperatures typically
range from 6.7°C (44.06°F) to 39.6°C (103.28°F) over the course of a year. The
average temperature during summer is between 18.9°C (66.02°F) and 39.6°C (103.28
°F), and between 6.7°C (44.06°F) and 26.2°C (79.16°F) in winter. Monthly
precipitation varies between 25.4 millimetres (1 in) in November to 228.6 millimetres
(9 in) in August. It is typically around 58.3 millimetres (2.29 in) per month during
winter and spring and around 101.6 millimetres (4 in) in June as the monsoon
approaches. The average total annual precipitation is 832 millimetres (32.76 in).111
110
Ibid., pp.15-17.
111
Mandi, Himachal Pradesh, https://en.wikipedia.org.,Accessed on 29-12-2016.
131
Area and Population
As per 2011 census, the district has a population of 9,99,777 persons with a
population density of 253 persons per sq. km. Mandi district population constituted
14.56 per cent of total Maharashtra population. Out of the total population of the
district, 293,739 persons are scheduled castes and 12,787 persons are scheduled tribes.
The male and female population in the district is 4,98,065 and 5,01,712 respectively,
with a sex ratio of 1007 females per 1000 males. The schedule caste population in the
district is 29.4 and the schedule tribe population is 1.3. As per the census of India 2011,
rural population in the district is 937,140 persons and the urban population is 62,637
persons. 112
Mandi has an average literacy rate of 81.53 per cent, higher than the national
average of 74.04 per cent and almost equal to state’s literacy rate 82.80 per cent, male
literacy is 89.56 per cent and female literacy is 73.66 per cent. Mandi has a mixed
population of Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists and Christians with more than 90 per cent
population being Hindu. As per 2011 census, the area of Mandi district is 3,950 km2.
and covers 7.10 per cent area of the state.113
Culture
The people of Mandi are informally called Mandyalis. Mandyali language is

generally used at local level for communication. Sepu-wadi is the official and main
cuisine of Mandi. Dham (Lunch) is generally organised in local marriages, functions
and parties. Himachal Darshan Photo Gallery is situated at about 4 km from Mandi near
Sauli Khad on the Chandigarh-Manali national highway. This art gallery contains a
beautiful collection of photographs of exotic locations of the entire state and reflects the
social and cultural heritage of the people of Himachal Pradesh. District library is
located in Emerson House (District Court). Clothing in Mandi was Kurta Pyjama for
boys and Sari Suits for girls but with the western culture arriving to India, Mandi’s
youth have started wearing western styles. However, there are still large numbers of
people who wear the traditional clothing of Himachal Pradesh. Banthra is the main folk
dance performed in theatrical shows in Mandi and is the official folk dance of the
District. Mandi is also famous for the Mandi Shivaratri fair, a fair held for seven days
112
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Statistical Abstract of Himachal Pradesh, op.cit., 2015-16, pp. 2- 15.
113
Ibid., p. 64.
132
in the month of March every year. The celebration of Shivratri of Mandi is said to have
started in the year 1526 to commemorate the foundation of present day Mandi. Before
this, the capital of Mandi was on the right bank of the river Beas, which is now known
as Old Mandi (Purani Mandi). Mandi also hosts a half marathon every year.
Once, the tenth guru of the Sikhs was on a visit to Mandi, the king of Mandi
invited him to stay at the royal palace. The guru accepted the invitation to stay in
Mandi but not with the king. He put up outside the town in a secluded place, which had
once been the hermitage of a Rishi (Indian sage). The guru was touched by the king’s
devotion and prophesized that Mandi would ever remain safe and if any enemy tries to
harm it, bolts from heaven would crush the invader. He considered Mandi the safest
place on the planet.114
Economy
The economy of the region is predominately agrarian as around 79 per cent of

the total population is dependent on agriculture and activities allied to it, for earning
their livelihood. Balh Valley is known for producing quality wheat, paddy, and
vegetable crop where the water drainage system and sprinkle system of irrigation have
been adopted. The crops of corn maize, wheat, rice and vegetables are grown in other
parts of the district, which cater to the demand of sizeable population. A milk
processing plant run by Himachal Pradesh State Co-Operation-Milk-Federation at
Chakkar is 8 kilometres from Mandi. The people of Mandi follow an agrarian economy
and cultivate rice, pulses, millets, tea, sesame seed, groundnut, sunflower oil and herbal
products. Himachal Pradesh Town and Planning Department works for Mandi Planning
Area (MPA). More than 9,000 farmers are directly involved in cocoon cultivation for
producing Silk in lower hills of Mandi district. Mandi district is also facing tough
competition from china, which is marketing raw silk at much lower rates in the market.
Many hectares of land in Mandi are also under apple production. Apples are
generally planted during December every year. The area under fruit cultivation in
Mandi is about 15 per cent of the total area, under fruits in Himachal Pradesh. Mandi
raw silk has acquired wide fame but the salt mines at Drang and Guma are the special
features of the economy. With abundant deposit of salt and limestone, possibilities are
114
Mandi, Himachal Pradesh, https://en.wikipedia.org.,Accessed on 29-12-2016, pp. 7-8.
133
being investigated for the existence of magnasite coal and china-clay. Mandi also has
fish markets, where brown trout is one of the most demanded fish species. In Mandi, a
farmer gets around Rs.200 per kg. for Brown Trout.115
Main Workers, Marginal Workers and Non -Workers
As per the census of India 2011, out of the total population of the district,
2,84,154, persons are main workers, 2,88,517 persons are marginal workers and
4,27,106 persons are non-workers in the district. Out of the total workers, 5, 72,671 are
main workers (Main Marginal Workers), 3, 87,944 are cultivators, 15,822 are
agricultural labourers, 7,134 are engaged in household industries and 1, 61,771 are
engaged in other activities.116
Education
The city has Anganwadis, primary as well as high schools. Some of the popular
school in the city are DAV Centenary Public School, Kendriya Vidyalaya, Mandi
Public School, Indus World School, The Phoenix School of Integrated Learning, Vijay
Government Senior Secondary School, Government Senior Secondary School (Girls),
Sarswati Vidya Mandir, Sai Public School, St. Xavier Residentia School, DAV Sr.
Secondary School, Anglo Sanskrit Model School. The Medical Institutes in Mandi is
Himachal Dental College. Jawaharlal Nehru Government Engineering College, T. R.
Abhilashi Memorial Institute of Engineering and Technology, and Vallabh Bhai
Government College are also located in the city. The Indian Institute of Technology
Mandi, is an autonomous and top university of the state for Graduation in
B.Tech/M.Tech offering many courses. The Abhilashi University is also based in
Mandi, is having several branches offering engineering and technology, pharmacy,
management studies, vocal training institute. There are many other private institutes of
higher education and research located in Mandi, like M.G. Institute of Engineering and
Technology, Sirda Institute of Engineering and Emerging Technology for Women,
Noble College of Education and Centre for Computer Education and Software
Development.117
115
Ibid., pp. 5-6.
116
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Socio-Economic Indicators of Himachal Pradesh, op.cit., 2014-
15, p.19.
117
134
Mandi district comprises seven tehsils namely, Joginder Nagar, Sarkaghat,
Sunder Nagar, Sadar Mandi, Chachiot, Thunag, Karsog and Nine sub-tehsils, i.e.,
Ladbharol, Padher, Sandhole, Dharmpur, Baldwara, Nihri, Kotli, Aut, Bali Chowki.
For the purpose of development activities, the district has been divided into 10
Blocks. The district has six city including Pandoh as census city. These are namely
Mandi, Sunder Nagar, Joginder Nagar, Rewalsar, Sarkaghat and Pandoh. Recently,
Mandi has become Zonal Headquarter of Central Zone, which covers the districts of
Bilaspur, Hamirpur, Kullu and Mandi itself and has gained much importance from
administrative point of view. Nagar Parishad Mandi was constituted during 1950.118
Profile of Kangra District
Kangra district derives its name from Kangra town that was known as Nagarkot
in ancient times. Kangra proper originally was a part of the ancient Trigarta
(Jullundur), which comprises of the area lying between the river “Shatadroo” (probably
Sutlej) and Ravi. A tract of land to the east of Sutlej that probably is the area of Sirhind
in Punjab also formed a part of Trigrata. Trigrata had two provinces that is one in the
plains with headquarters at Jullundur and other in the hills with headquarters at
Nagarkot (the present Kangra).
The present Kangra district came into existence on the 1st September 1972
consequent upon the re-organisation of districts by the government of Himachal
Pradesh. It was the largest district of the composite Punjab in terms of area, till it was
transferred to Himachal Pradesh on the 1st November 1966, and had six tehsils namely
Nurpur, Kangra, Palampur, Dehragopipur, Hamirpur and Una. Kullu was also a tehsil
of Kangra district up to 1962 and Lahaul & Spiti, which also formed a part of Kangra
was carved out as a separate district in 1960. On the re-organisation of composite
Punjab on the 1st November 1966, the area constituting Kangra district were transferred
to Himachal Pradesh along with the districts of Shimla, Kullu and Lahaul & Spiti and
tehsils of Una and Nalagarh and three villages of Gurdaspur district.119
118
Ibid.,
119
Government of Himachal Pradesh, District Human Development Report Kangra, Shimla: Planning
135
Location
Kangra district is situated in Western Himalayas between 31°2 to 32°5 N and

75° to 77°45 E. The district has a geographical area of 5,739 km. which constitutes
10.31 per cent of geographical area of the state. The district is bounded by Chamba to
the north, Lahaul & Spiti to the northeast, Kullu to the east, Mandi to the southeast, and
Hamirpur and Una to the south. The district shares a border with the states of Punjab on
the southwest, and Jammu and Kashmir on the northwest. Due to the hilly terrain, not
very much of the land is cultivated. The region is covered with uniform patches of
barren land, as well as small forests. There is a reasonably good network of roads
across the district.120
Topography
Kangra district has a mountainous terrain with highly undulating landforms.

The altitude ranges from about 550 meters to 5,500 meters above mean sea level
(AMSL), the rise being gradual to about 1,500 meters (AMSL), thereafter, it becomes
abrupt. The district has a maximum length of about150 km from Baijnath block to
Indora block in east-west direction. It extends to a distance of about 100 km from Rait
to Pragpur block in the north-south direction. The entire territory is mountainous with
the exception of the erstwhile Nurpur tehsil (covering the blocks of Nurpur, Indora,
Fatehpur and parts of Nagrota Surian), which accounts for roughly 15 per cent of the
total area of the district. Deep valleys lying between ranges of varying elevations
characterize the mountainous portion, which comprises the bulk of the territory.121
Area and Population
As per 2011 census, the district has a population of 15, 10,075 persons with a
population density of 263 persons per sq km. Population wise, it ranks first in the state.
Out of the total population of the district, 3, 19,385 persons are scheduled castes and
84,564 persons are scheduled tribes. The male and female population in the district is 7,
50,591 and 7, 59,484 respectively with a sex ratio of 1012 females per 1000 males. The
schedule caste population in the district is 21.2 per cent and the schedule tribe
120
Kangra, Himachal Pradesh, www.himachaltouristguide.com., Accessed on 29-12-2016.
121
Government of Himachal Pradesh, District Human Development Report Kangra, op.cit.,2009, p. 14.
136
population is 5.6 per cent. As per the census of India 2011, rural population in the
district is 14, 23,794 persons and the urban population are 86,281 persons.122
Kangra has an average literacy rate of 85.67 per cent, higher than the national
literacy is 91.49 per cent and female literacy is 80.02 per cent.123
Economy
Kangra being the largest district accounting for more than one fifth of the state
population and 10.31 per cent of total geographical area plays an important role in the
economy of the state. The economy of district is primarily agrarian with two- thirds of
the population directly dependent on agriculture.124 The district is covered by fertile
valleys and agriculture is the mainstay of rural population. The agro-climatic conditions
obtaining in the district are most suitable for the growing of food crops such as wheat,
rice, maize oil seeds, sugarcane, potatoes and tea.125 Tea cultivation was introduced in
1850 into the Kangra valley. The Palampur fair, established by government with a view
to fostering commerce with central Asia, attracts a small concourse of Yarkandi
merchants. The Lahaulis, carry on an enterprising trade with Ladakh and countries
beyond the frontier, by means of pack sheep and goats. Rice, tea, potatoes, opium,
spices, wool and honey are the chief exports.126 Tourism is also an important part of the
economy, with Bir in particular becoming a strong hub for ecotourism and aero sports.
This area was significantly damaged by an earthquake on April 4, 1905.127
As per the census of India 2011, out of total population of the district, 3, 13,915
persons are main workers, 3, 61,255 persons are marginal workers and 8, 34,905
persons are non-workers in the district. Out of the total workers, 6,75,170 are the main
workers, 3, 03,007 are cultivators, 54,849 are agricultural labourers, 15,662 are
engaged in household industries and 3, 01,652 are engaged in other activities.128
122
123
Ibid., p. 64.
124
Government of Himachal Pradesh, District Human Development Report Kangra, op.cit., 2009, p.32.
125
Jag Mohan Balokhra, The Wonderland Himachal: An Encyclopedia on a Tiny State of Western
Himalayas, New Delhi: H.G. Publications, 2007, p. 541.
126
Kangra, Himachal Pradesh, http://en.m.wikipedia.org., Accessed on 29-12-2016, p. 2.
127
Kangra District, http://en.m.wikipedia.org., Accessed on 29-12-2016.
128
15, p.19.
137
The Beas river forms the major drainage system in the district. The river Beas
and its tributaries drain almost the entire district, except the north eastern part which is
drained by the river Ravi. There are two important lakes in the district, namely Dal
Lake and Kareri. The population of Kangra district comprises a multi religious
community of Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists, Sikhs, Christians and Jains.
Culture
The traditional dress for men was the Kurta, Pyjamas, and a woolen jacket used
in winter. Women generally wear the Salwar Kameez and with the Salwar kameez girls
and women taken Chuenni (“Chaddru” in local language).
Kangra valley is one of the most picturesque, green and luxuriant valleys of
lower Himalayas sheltered by the sublime Dhauladhar range. This is one of the most
important and famous districts of Himachal Pradesh due to its popularity. Kangra is
mainly famous for its natural beauty and tea gardens. Number of people visit here. It is
the home of Masroor Rock Cut Temple, also known as Himalayan Pyramids and
Wonder of the World, for being likely contender for the UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Many ancient temples like the Jawalaji Chamunda Devi Temple, Chintapurni Temple
Baba Baroh, Masroor Temple built by Pandvas and Baijnath Temple are found here.
One can also pay a visit to Gopalpur Nature Park in Gopalpur village and can also see
tea gardens there. The Kangra fort is also a popular tourist attraction. Mcleodganj near
Dharamshala is the home in exile to the his Holiness Dalai Lama, the Tibetan spiritual
guru and “Bhagsunag Temple” at Bhagsu. Cricket ground of Dharamshala is also a
major attraction because of its location and good quality pitch for players. Maharaja
Sansar Chandra Museum adjoins the Kangra fort. Available at the Museum are audio
guides for the Kangra fort and the museum.129
Educational institutions of the district are concerned, Central University of

Himachal Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh University Regional Centre, Sai University,
Navodaya Vidyala Paprola, Kendriya Vidyala and many other educational intuitions in
district Kangra.
129
Kangra, Himachal Pradesh, http://en.m.wikipedia.org., Accessed on 29-12-2016, pp.2-3.
138
Kangra district consists of total fifteen Development Blocks: Baijnath,
Bhawarna, Lambagaon, Panchrukhi, Kangra, Nagrota Bagwan Rait, Dehra,
Dharmshala, Pragpur, Nagrota Suria, Nurpur, Indora, Fatehpur, Sulah.
Sub-division in Kangra: Kangra, Palampur, Dharamshala, Nurpur, Dehra, Baijnath,

Jwali and Jaisinghpur, Jawalamukhi, Fatehpur.
Tehsils in Kangra : Nurpur, Nagrota, Indora, Jwali, Kangra, Palampur, Badoh, Kasba
Kotla, Jaswan, Dehra Gopipur, Khundiyan, Jaishinghpur, Baijnath, Fatehpur,
Dharamshala, and Shahpur.
Sub-Tehsils in Kangra: Harchakkian Dhira, Rakkad, Thural Nagrota Surian, Kotla

Gangath and Multhan.130
130
139
CHAPTER-III
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN– AN OVERVIEW
Women’s participation in politics is one of the core areas of women

empowerment. Active participation of women in the mainstream political activities,
political processes, decision-making and policy formulation certainly has a strong
bearing on the governance structure, national-building and development of a country.
The presence of women in the decision-making levels not only enhances their social,
political and economic status but also strengthens democratic institutions by making
them more inclusive and meaningful. Political participation is not only about the right
to vote, but also about power-sharing, decision-making and policy formulation at all
levels of governance. Democracy at the grassroots level provides an opportunity to
women to participate and flourish within a small unit, realize a sense of democratic
responsibility and get instilled with the values of democracy and good governance. All
country around the world become more democratic and all the people involve the
political participation in their state, but the percentage of women in political
participation is very low.
The statistics shows that even in the developed countries like United States of
America (19.4%), United Kingdom (32.0%), Germany (37.0%), Canada (26.3%), Italy
(31.0%), France (39.0%), Japan (9.3%), etc., the participation of women in the
Lower/Single House of National Parliaments /Legislatures is very low as compared to
men. The highest representation of women in parliaments/legislatures is found in the
countries like Rawanda (61.3%), Cuba (48.9%), Iceland (47.6%), Sweden (43.6%),
South Africa (42.0%), Finland (42.0%), Norway (39.6%), Argentina (38.9%), Denmark
(37.4%) and Netherlands (36.0%). In Scandinavian Countries, women enjoy an equal
status with men and their representation in national legislatures is found between 38.0
to 47.0 per cent, whereas the lowest representation is noted in the countries like Nauru
(10.5%), Bahrain (7.5%), Iran (5.9%), etc. There are also countries like Yemen, Qatar,
Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu, etc., where there is no representation of women in the
national legislatures/ parliaments. In the developing countries, women representations
in lower house like Nepal (29.6%), Pakistan (20.6%), China (24.2%), Bangladesh
141
(20.3%), India (11.8%), Maldives (5.9%), and Sri Lanka (5.8%), etc., the women
representation is very low.1 In 1960, Sri Lanka became the first country to have a
woman Prime Minister.2 In the 1970s, Indira Gandhi became Prime Minister of India
and in the 1980s Benajir Bhutto achieved yet another feat, when she became Prime
Minister of an Islamic country, Pakistan. However in spite of this, women constitute a
marginal proportion of representatives in the legislatures and various decision-making
bodies of these countries. It has been pointed out that, in modern South Asian countries
like India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, the largest number of women leaders
have held power (or served in the opposition) for the longest periods of time. But, all
these women leaders (Indira Gandhi, Banajir Bhutto, Hasina Wajed, Khalida Zia,
Sirimao Bandarnaike) succeeded male relatives (husbands, fathers); all of them were
propelled to their positions by party support. Therefore, none of them was a grassroots
politician, all belonged to affluent families and came from elite or ruling classes and in
all these countries weak institutionalization allowed dynastic succession to prevail even
under the democratic system of government. These women assumed leadership
generally during periods of crisis. The women leaders in modern South Asian nations
emerged as a type produced under sharply specific historical conditions. The general
women masses are however poor, illiterate, often veiled and indifferent towards
politics. Thus, the world-wide picture regarding women’s participation in politics is not
very praise-worthy. Women, who constitute half of the human population, have been
denied their due share in politics not only in India but also in the whole world.3
Ancient India
To understand the real position of women, it is therefore, necessary to trace her

position in historical perspective. Broadly speaking, the history of India can divide into
three era that is Ancient Period, Medieval Period and Modern Period. Further, the
ancient period is divided into two parts, Vedic and Post-Vedic period.
1
Women in Parliaments: World Classification-Inter-Parliamentary Union, www.ipu.org/wmn-
e/classif.htm., Accessed on 31-10-2017.
2
2007, p. 3.
3
Dimensions of Gender Inequality in Society, Chandigarh: Shree Ram Lal House, 2016,
pp. 81-82.
142
“Women are deities of prosperity. By cherishing women, one cherishes the
goddess of prosperity herself and by afflicting her, one is said to pain the goddess of
prosperity”.
(Anusasana Parva, Mahabharata)
Where the women are held in reverence, there do the Gods reside, is an old
Sanskrit adage. A society grows, if the women grow, if they partake of the spirit of
progress, for they are the proverbial domestic legislators, they are the matrix of social
life. In India, till the advent of the Turks Indian women enjoyed great freedom and
prestige, but due to certain social, economic and political exigencies and the unhappy
impact of alien ideologies, inhuman restrictions clamped upon them, they were
relegated to a position of servility and insignificance and they were burdened with
several taboos and restrictions. Indian society has been a tradition bound society in
which the traditionalists would present an idealised picture of women substantiating
their claims on the basis of certain references from the Vedic and classical literature.
The Indian woman is part of a culture that goes back into the past. If she has a
particular conviction of acts in a specific manner, it is due to the pattern that has been
ingrained in her by the fairly stable social structure of a thousand years.4 The highest
place has been accorded to women in Indian religious and philosophical thought. The
primordial one is conceived as a harmony of ‘Purusha’ (male) and ‘Prakrati’ (female).
The concept of ‘Ardhanarishwara’ describes god-head as half female and half male.
The ‘Shakti’ cult is centred on the superiority and destructive strength of the females.
Rivers and streams, dawn and twilight, flowers and seasons, knowledge and music are
conceived of as feminine.
The position of power, status and disabilities of the daughter, wife, and the
widow went on changing in course of time. Women enjoyed considerable freedom and
privileges in the spheres of family, religion and public life, but as centuries rolled on,
the situation went on changing adversely. The position which women occupied in
Hindu society at the dawn of civilization during the Vedic age is much better.5
4
Preeti Misra, Domestic Violence Against Women, Legal Control and Judicial Response, New Delhi:
Deep and Deep Publications, 2007, p.1-2.
5
Ibid.,
143
Vedic Period
During ancient times, women held a high place of respect in the society, as
mentioned in Rig-Veda and other scriptures.6 The Vedic era was the golden era so far
as equilibrium of status and freedom between men and women, with right of
knowledge and freedom to marry is concerned.7 The Rig-Vedic women played
significant role in family, society and even in political life.8
In the early Vedic Period, women were taking an active part in the industrial
life. They were manufacturing arrows and bows, making baskets, weaving cloth and
participating in outdoor agricultural (work) activities. These outdoor professions and
activities show early Vedic society. The girl’s were given education at par with boys
and had to pass through a period of Brahamcharya. They had equal right of Vedic
study as of men. They not only studied Vedas but also figured among the authors of
Vedic hymns.
The Vedic studies began with Upanayana or sacred initiation, performed

usually at the age of eight and Vedic study also helped women to securing a suitable
match. Some women Vedic scholars like Lopamudra, Vishwavare and Ghosha
composed hymns, that were later admitted into the sacred canon. However, in early
Vedic Period, marriage was essential in order to participate fully in the religious life.9
During this period, monogamy as a form of marriage was most common, but there were
some reference to polygamy. The child marriage was not in practice in that period and
women had effective voice in choosing their husbands.10
Upanishads
The Hindus love of philosophic speculation is dominant in the third set of

sacred scriptures, the Upanishads, where even women display interest in philosophic
discussion. Some Hindu women as Uma, Gargi and Maitreyi were notable for their
learning, as is evidenced by the philosophic disputations reported in the Upanishads.
6
Shiv Raj Singh, et al. (eds.), Public Administration in the New Millennium: Changing and Prospects,
New Delhi: Anamika Publishers, 2003, p. 253.
7
Mridula Bhadauria, Women in India: Some Issue, New Delhi: APH Publishing Corporation, 1997, p.1.
8
A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1962,
p. 339.
9
Anant Sadashiv Altekar, “Ideal and Position of Indian Women in Social Life”, in Swami
Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra Majumdar (eds.), Great Women of India, Almora: Advaita
Ashrama, 1953, pp. 26-28.
10
Kalpana Roy, Women and their Environment, Delhi: Rajat Publications, 1999, pp. 83-88.
144
Gargi even out questioned and out-wearied the Chief Philosopher of the Upanishads,
Yajnavalkya. Maitreyi was a discourser on sacred knowledge. In the Upanishads,
woman is referred to as having been created by the primeval being. Brihad-Aranyaka
says that ‘a man’s wife is his voice’.11
Women in the Laws of Manu
Manu for the first time legally assigned to woman her definite place in the scale
of society. But his laws reflect a conflict even within himself between his valuation of
woman as a spiritual entity on the one side and as a unit in society on the other. He
averred that a mother is more to be revered than a thousand fathers, yet his laws place
woman socially on a level with the lowest of all groups in Aryan society, the Sudra.12
Manu enumerates many laws directing a wife’s conduct-he says that a wife
must show to her husband such utter devotion that he must be treated like a God, even
when he is conspicuously lacking in virtue. No sacrifice, no vow, no fast must be
performed by women apart. If a wife obeys her husband, she will for that be exalted in
heaven. In childhood, a female must be subject to her father, in youth to her husband;
when her lord is dead, to her sons. A woman must never be independent. The laws of
Manu state that women were created to be mothers and that they may perform religious
rites along with their husband. The tenets of Manu have fostered a deep rooted belief in
the intellectual and otherwise inferiority of women. He says that women should never
be given independence. He equated women with slave and his laws epitomize complete
submission of women to men and there are still the sanctioned codes of conduct
ascribed for and by and large accepted by women. But Manu was not a woman hater,
for it was Manu who said in Manu Samriti that-
;= uk¸;ZLrq iwt;Urs jeUrs r= nsorkA

;=SrkLrq u iwt;Urs lokZLr=kQyk% fØ;kAA
The homes where there is respect for women is like the abode of gods but where
that is not so, all other forms of worship are fruitless.
Manu vehemently opposed the purchase of a woman. He never gave legal

sanction to such a marriage. He recognized the adoption of a girl’s child as putrika,
which conferred on her all the rights of a son. Manu brought down the age of marriage
11
Preeti Misra, op.cit., 2007, pp. 11-12.
12
Purdah Das, The Status of Indian Women, New York: Vanguard Press, 1932, pp. 27-28.
145
for a girl and advocated child marriage, though he warned fathers not to give away their
daughters to men devoid of good qualities. Though polygamy was practiced, he
strongly advocated monogamy and attached the greatest importance to sexual restraint
and fidelity to one’s spouse. He laid down different rules even for a man contemplating
separation. A woman deserted by her husband was given the right to marry after the
lapse of certain number of years. Thus, Manu was the principal law-maker of the
conservative Hindu period. His prime objective was to safeguard the interests of the
family and society at the expense of individual liberty. Thus, the laws of Manu, as do
all the earlier documents of Hinduism shows various attitudes, both appreciative and
depreciative, towards women.13
Epic Period
The status of women and their participation in politics during the epic period is
discussed in the context of Ramayana and Mahabharata periods. 14
Ramayana and Mahabharata Period
The Ramayana is one of the most effective of all Hindu sacred writings. In the
laws of Manu and in the Mahabharata, it is taught that a wife should reverence her
husband, as if he were a veritable deity. This teaching is reaffirmed in the Ramayana.
“...A husband whether he has any merits or not, is a very deity”.
(Ayodha Kanda, 2.62)
Women have no individual identity; their personality is blended with men. The
Ramayana enjoys the lifelong inseparability of wives and husband.
“Women without her husband cannot live”
(Ayodhya Kanda, 2.29)
The dependence of a woman upon her husband, son and relatives is continued
from the antecedent laws of Manu. A wife’s service to her husband is taken as the best
method of attaining heaven. The Ramayana reaffirmed the deep-seated Hindu
conception that husband is a women’s greatest deity.15
13
14
Roma Choudhuri, “Women’s Education in Ancient India”, in Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh
Chandra Majumdar (eds.), Great Women of India, Almora: Advaita Ashrama, 1953, pp.102-104.
15
146
The high standard of women’s education set up during the Vedic Age was
fortunately continued to a large extent during the Epic Age as well. Women were given
full opportunities for education of various kinds. Like men, they were entitled to
Upanayana or initiation and Brahmacharya or Vedic studentship is proved by the right
they enjoyed to take part in various Vedic rites and utter the holy Vedic Mantras.
Ascetic women engaged in the study, teaching and preaching of the highest Truth for
example, Shramani Shabari, the disciple of Matanga. With her hermitage on Lake
Pampa, is described as wearing barks and matted locks having reached the highest
point of ascetic perfection, and being honoured by great ascetics.
The social position of women was high. The wife was regarded as the very prop
of family life and the mother an object of supreme honour. In the Ayodhya-Kanda, the
mother is enjoyed to be honoured as much as the father. In the political sphere also,
women were granted equal rights. For instance, when Sita desired to accompany Rama
to the forest, the great sage Vasishtha, the spiritual preceptor of the royal family, tried
his best to dissuade her with the proposal that she should reign over the kingdom during
the absence of her husband. This instance shows the political recognition of women’s
equal rights with men. The above is sufficient to show that during the age of the
Ramayana, too, the women of India kept their colours flying in all spheres of learning
and progress, and achieved notable success in them all.16
Mahabharata, the great epic depicts the social life of India. The eminent
Professor Macdonell calls the Mahabharata “a moral encyclopaedia in Indian
Literature”. In this heroic age, the poets of Mahabharata portray, on the whole,
womanhood which was noble, intelligent and active. In this document, we see women
in the home, at court, on the battlefield, and in intellectual and spiritual capacities.
Although in some of the earlier Hindu documents, women are sometimes pictured as
helpless females. In the Mahabharata, we find many accomplished women, they are not
only beautiful in appearance, but they possess real tact and graciousness of character. 17
In the age of the Mahabharata also, women’s full rights to Naishthika Brahmacharya or
a life of celibate asceticism is recognized. The most celebrated of these is perhaps
Sulabha, who’s not finding a suitable husband, embraced a life of celibate studentship
and roamed about alone from place to place in search of the highest truth. Until, she
16
Roma Choudhuri, op.cit., 1953, pp.102-104.
17
Preeti Misra, op.cit., 2007, p. 24.
147
reached the court of king Janaka in Mithila, a great scholar versed in the highest lore
leading to salvation. Even such a celebrated scholar was compelled to recognize
Sulabha’s deep learning after a thorough examination, and was taught by her.
Shiva was another women ascetic, who studied all the Vedas and attained
spiritual perfection. The daughter of Shandilya also embraced a life of celibate
studentship and achieved the maximum perfection in asceticism. Not only the ascetic’s
women, but those women who entered the family life also versed in philosophical
knowledge. 18 In the Mahabharata period, women were versed not only in the highest
philosophy but also in other branches of knowledge. But many women of the royal
family were well grounded in politics. Gandhari, wife of the blind King Dhritarashtra
engaged in a learned political discussion with her son in the open court. Other royal
ladies, like Kunti and Draupadi are also the example of versatility and scholarship of
women of Mahabharata period. From the above brief account, it is clear that in the age
of the Mahabharata, women enjoyed equal rights with men.19
Thus, in Mahabharata, there is the highest praise for women and at the same
time the bitterest denunciation. Despite of prohibitions, the priest attempted to enforce
upon the women of the epic, on the whole, these women stand out significantly. They
are resolute and spiritual. They are not isolated but are in close contact with events of
their time. They are capable and serviceable members of society. As a matter of fact,
the epic seems to have produced outstanding portraits of women, which have helped to
stir Hindu women with hope and faith.20
Buddhism and Jainism
Buddhism rose as a protest against the rigid rules of Brahmanism. In the Post-
Vedic period, the dominance of rituals increasingly grew, which gave indomitable
power to the Brahmanism. Buddhism opened the doors of religion to all human beings
without any distinction. Buddhism is in its essence, a religion of self-culture and self
restraint. If a woman could achieve these two qualities, she was entitled to achieve
Nirvana like men.21 The status of women in Buddhism and Jainism was assigned. Both
these were ascetic re-religions, and they have not devoted much attention to the duties
18
Roma Choudhuri, op.cit, 1953, pp. 104-105.
19
Ibid.,
20
21
Ibid., p.30.
148
and ideals of lay women. The Buddha was reluctant to admit women to his Church, and
the Digambara Jains hold that women can never get salvation except by first being
reborn as men. Both Budhism and Jainism placed nuns under a more rigorous discipline
than monks. They should not stay alone without the protection of monks. They should
avoid the company of men of doubtful character; that only monks of unquestioned
purity and integrity should be allowed to preach before nuns; that they should always
live together in groups of two and three etc. Some other rules, however, betray a lack of
confidence in the character and judgement of women. Thus the admission of a new nun
was to be sanctioned by a joint meeting of the monks and nuns; new monks, however,
could be admitted without consulting the nuns at all. A nun could never preach before a
congregation of monks. The permission that was given to women to join the church by
Jainism and Buddhism raised a new and respectable career before them. 22
In Brahmanical religion, there were also some nuns like Sulabha and Gargi
Vachaknavi; their number, however, seems to have been much larger in Buddhist and
Jain circles. Buddhism declared that womanhood was no bar to salvation, and
Svetambara Jains concurred with the view. Marriage was not necessary for women;
nay, it was a fetter which women were advised to avoid. Therefore it was urged to
become nuns without entering into matrimony. Among the nuns of the Therigatha the
majority consists of women, who had renounced the world during their maidenhood.
The career of preaching was opened before women by Jainism and Buddism attracted a
large number of talented ladies, and they distinguished themselves as teachers and
preachers. Sanghamitra, the daughter of Ashoka, went to far off Ceylon to spread the
gospel of the Buddha. 23
When discipline became slack and unworthy persons began to be admitted into
monasteries and nunneries, the tone of moral life deteriorated. It hastened the process
of the downfall of Buddhism. Later, Hinduism took a lesson from it and declared
women to be ineligible for renunciation. But women have realised that improvement in
this direction in modern days depends mainly upon the spread of education and the
acquisition of economic rights and independence. They therefore naturally feel no
inclination for initiating an agitation for the restoration of their old religious rights and
22
A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1959, pp.
207-209.
23
Ibid., pp. 207-217.
149
privileges.24 Thus, the position of women in the Buddhist period could not have
changed very much from that of the earlier days. However, there was some
improvement in their condition, due to the basic principles, which Buddha laid down in
his teachings. Buddha made no distinction between a man and a woman regarding the
attainment of spiritual ends. Buddha discarded the Brahmanic rituals, in which the wife
played a secondary part and a barren women or a widow had no place. The education
given to female novices and nuns was not different from that imparted to their male
counterparts. The status of women was raised in the Buddhist period, it cannot but be
admitted that in the monastic order, the place accorded to the nuns was lower than that
of the monks.25
Medieval Period
The Indian women’s position in the society deteriorated during medieval period.
In this period the women were deprived of different social and economic rights and
26
were brought out under the overall control of their male family members. Life
became insecure. Restrictions on her rights and freedom and her resultant hardships
were aggravated. Women were forcible taken away to be slaves or to marry into
Muslim homes. The consequent insecurity and instability further narrowed down
woman’s social liberties. On the one hand, the foreign Muslim conquerors attempted to
impose their coercive norms on the conquered Hindu population. On the other hand, the
Hindu society itself became more and more rigid curtailing thereby, the rights and
freedom of the lower castes and women. Due to this two-fold reason, the post-puranic
period is one of the darkest periods for women in Indian history. The steady
deterioration of her status continued till the 19th century. Polygamy and the Purdah
were two of the most important social institutions of the Muslim conquerors of India.
Under the Purdha system, not only were women required to live in a secluded
apartment in the house, but also they had to dress in apparel which completely covered
their body excepting the eye.27
24
Ibid., pp. 207-217.
25
Nalinaksha Dutt, “Great Women in Buddhism”, in Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra
Majumdar (eds.), Great Women of India, Almora: Advaita Ashrama, 1953, pp.253-255.
26
G.S. Mehta, Participation of Women in the Panchayati Raj System, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
2008, p.4.
27
Neera Desai, Women in Modern India, Bombay: Vora Publishers, 1957, p. 23.
150
Before the Muslim conquest, the Buddhism had not followed the custom of
Sati. Social sanction for the self-immolation of widows came in with Muslim invasion.
Before Muslim rule, the practice of Sati did occur off and on, but not as a regular
feature. As a result of repressive social and religious custom, a woman sometimes even
preferred Sati to widowhood.28 Instance of Brahmin women who practiced Sati are also
recorded in the 15th century and after the foreign chroniclers record, the Hindu widows
who did not observe Sati were held in great dishonor. The practice of Sati was also
extended to the southern parts of India. The widow in the case was persuaded to believe
that her act of self-immolation was even more auspicious than the nuptial ceremony,
since it guaranteed the continual association with her husband in life after death.29 Due
to lustful proposal of Alauddin Khilji, Rani Padmavati with about 700 Rajput
committed themselves to flames, which came to be known as “Jauhar Vrata”.
Gradually child marriages were preferred in the society and the death of a widow was
welcome news as she would not fall into evil hands. A woman in Hindu society has
always been considered an appendage to her husband. She has no life apart from him.
Consequently, on her husband’s death, there was no reason for her to live on. Also the
husband was her sole protector. During foreign invasions by the Turkas, Muslims and
others, when their men folk were killed, the widows were very naturally expected to
commit Sati. Hence, immolation of widows and killing of girl child infanticide started
in a large number. Even the Muslims were not spared of this fate, when they became
subjugated by the white rulers of England. They developed Purdh, illiteracy, disease,
legal discrimination and handicaps but the worst part of their fate is the male
dominance in their society.30
The Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent brought the Purdhah practice
in the Indian society.31 As a strict security measure, the prohibition of free movement
of woman was advocated and the Purdhah with its elaborate from was also installed.
Women participating in public discussions on vital social and philosophical problems
or in popular festivals became only a memory of the past. Along with child marriage,
marital infidelity on the part of males became more common. Polygamy was a practice
adopted frequently among upper classes and restriction on or conditions laid down as
28
Preeti Misra, op.cit., 2007, p.35.
29
Neera Desai, op.cit., 1957, p. 24.
30
Niroj Sinha, Women and Violence, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1989, pp.47-48.
31
A. Prema, “Women Status in India”, Indian Streams Research Journal, Vol. 2, No.1, February 2012,
p. 2.
151
necessary for the second marriage were also dropped. Even during this darkest period,
when the black cloud of social reaction completely submerged the freedom of woman,
a silver lining was visible. Some of the Mughal emperors through social reforms tried
to relieve the hardships of women. As regards Sati, Akbar did not permit it in cases,
where there was the slightest disinclination on the part of the widow or when a young
widow’s marriage was not consummated. During this period, two schools of law
emerged viz. Mitakshara and Dayabhaga, the exponents of these schools being
Vijnaneshwara and Jimutavahana respectively. These commentators attempted to
improve the position of women. They give a definite share of property to women.
However, in the total setting of complete subordination, these meagre rights hardly
brought any benefits to women.32 The Hindu did not assimilate the customs like
divorce, widow remarriage and a large share of property for women, which governed
the Muslim society. The Hindu society had come so static and rigidified that their
contact with the Muslims, whose social relations were relatively democratic, did not
prompt them to adopt the democratic elements of the Muslim society. 33
In spite of these conditions, some women excelled in the fields of politics,

literature, education and religion in the medieval period. Women were equally eminent
in the field of administration and state crafts. Razia Sultana, Empress Noorjahan,
Chand Bibi, Maharani Jija Bai, Rani Padmini are some women with exemplary
achievements.34
During the Bhakti Movement women were encouraged to educate themselves.

Though this movement did not bring drastic change in the status of women in the
economic and political field. However, in social and religious field some positive
changes were seen, yet some evil practices were also observed like Devadasi custom,
child marriage, sati system etc.35
British Period
The advent of British rule brought ‘Christianity’ to India. In Christianity both

men and women are believed to have been created by God in his own image. In matters
32
33
Ibid., pp. 36-37.
34
Lalit Upadhayay, Women in Indian Politics, Panchkula: Better Books, 2007, p. 17.
35
Research Journal of Language, Literature and Humanities, Vol. 1 No. 1, January 2014, pp.12-13.
152
pertaining to the spirit and the practice of religion, Christianity accepts equality
between men and women. Everybody is baptised in the name of Christ. The Bible lays
great emphasis on the image of women as a strong and steady influence for the good.
Christianity also forbids polygamy and it lays emphasis on the establishment of a
mutual relationship between husband and wife and on their duty towards each other.36
The impact of British rule, English education and Christianity propagated by
missionaries resulted in a number of movements for social change and religious reform
in the nineteenth century. The first impact of western teaching on those who received, it
was to include them strongly in favour of the western way of looking at things and
under this influence they bent their energies. In the first instance, to the re-examination
of the whole of their ancient civilisation or social usages and institutions, religious
beliefs, literature, science and their art in fact their conception and realisation of life.37
There have been three distinct phases in the modern struggle for a better status, life and
opportunity for women in India. The first was in the 19th century by male reformers
aided by religious groups both Hindu and Christian. The second was participation in
the freedom movement which culminated in Independence in 1947 and the third, the
post-Independence period up to women’s International year, 1975.38
During the 19th and early 20th centuries, a number of movements (both religious
and social) were launched to reform the Indian society in general and to improve the
status of women in particular. These movements had a great impact on women’s
identity and women’s life in India. The most well-remembered social reformer of the
19th century was Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who established Brahmo Samaj in 1828 at
Calcutta, (Brahmo literally means the Supreme; Samaj means Society) which worked
for the welfare of women. Freedom and equality of women and widow remarriage were
the focus of the Samaj the cruel system of sati (sati means ‘a virtuous woman). The act
of widow immolating herself on the funeral pyre of her husband) was abolished by the
efforts of Roy. The spiritual succession of Roy was Keshav Chandra Sen, who
popularised Brahmo Samaj and fought for women’s education and established a school
for girls. Due to the struggle of Keshav Chandra Sen, Civil Marriage Act III of 1872
was brought, which included abolition of child marriage (minimum age of marriage
36
C.K. Jain, Women Parliamentarians in India, New Delhi: Surjeet Publications, 1993, p. 10.
37
Government of India, Towards Equality: Report of the Committee on the Status of Women in India,
New Delhi: Ministry of Education and Social Welfare Department of Social Welfare, 1974, p. 50.
38
Tara Ali Baig, Indian’s Woman Power, New Delhi: S. Chand and Company, 1976, pp. 24-25.
153
was fixed at 14), permission for widow remarriage and inter-caste marriage. A religious
reform movement in the form of Prarthana Samaj (worship) was started by Justice
Mahadeo Govind Ranade in Poona. Swami Dayanand Saraswati founded the Arya
Samaj, (revered) whose main objective was to give equal opportunities to all person
men and women (to acquire knowledge and to qualify themselves for whatever position
in life they would like to fill) without any discrimination.
Another eminent person Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar worked for education of

women and widow remarriage. Later in the 19th century, came the eminent liberal,
Gopal Krishna Gokhala his Bill for Universal Compulsory Education for Indian
Women. Pandita Ramabai is another social reformer, gave evidence before the Hunter
Commission in 1881, emphasising need for abolition of child marriage and promotion
of women’s education.39 The roots of women’s participation in politics can be traced
back to the nineteenth century reform movement. Several eminent women reformers
participated in his movement as well as in the religious reform movement of this
period. Pandit Ramabai, Manorma Majumdar, Sarala Devi Goshal, who started Bharata
Stree Mahamandal for the education of women, Swarna Kumari Debi, who started the
women’s organisation Sakhi Samiti in 1886 for widows are few examples. These
activities gave momentum to women’s participation in public spaces, which paved the
way for their entry into the independence struggle. Swarna Kumari Devi, one of the
two delegates elected from Bengal to represent the State at the 1890 Congress session
is a case in point. The Swadeshi movement in Bengal (1905-08) marked the beginning
of women’s participation in nationalist activities. Many of the women were from
families involved in nationalist politics. They include sister Nivedita, Agyavati,
Madame Cama, who was described by the government as the recognised leader of the
revolutionary movement and Kumudini Mitra, who started a journal called ‘Suprabath’,
which linked nationalist politics to women’s traditional power. Madame Cama, a Parsi
woman nationalist persuaded the international socialist congress to support the India’s
independence movement and also began a monthly journal called ‘Vande Mataram’.40
During this, the era of associations also started with Saraladevi Chaudhurani founded
the Bharat Stree Mahamandal in 1910 to assert women’s independent identity. In a
similar manner, Saroj Nalini Dutta founded Mahila Samitis in 1913 in many towns. It
39
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, pp.1-10.
40
Shantha Mohan, “Facilitating the fulfilment of State Obligations towards Women’s Equality”,
Baseline Report, Women and Political Participation in India, pp. 4-6.
154
was in the 1917 the women’s Indian Association was founded in Madras by Annie
Besant.41
Demand for women’s franchise was initiated in 1917, when a deputation of

Indian women led by Sarojini Naidu, presented to the British Parliament a demand for
the enfranchisement of women on the basis of equality with men. The crux of their
demand was that when franchise conditions for India were being drawn up, women be
recognized as people. As a result, in 1919 under the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms,
about 10 Lacs women obtained the voting right. However, women exercised their
franchise for the first time only in 1932. Till 1926, no women ever got into any
legislature. Muthulakshmi Reddy of Madras, a dedicated social worker was the first
women to be nominated to the Madras Legislative Council and she was also elected as
the Deputy Chairperson of the Council. Devadasi Bill was introduced by her, who
saved the lives of these women from degradation. Kamla Devi from South Kanara
Constituency in 1926, Radha Bai Subbaraya, Renuka Roy, Annu Swaminathan were
the earliest women, who got into the central legislature.42
Mahatma Gandhi’s called to women to join the freedom struggle that a new era
has dawned. He recognized the importance of women’s participation in the freedom
struggle. Gandhi appraised the women’s potential for Satyagraha and for the social
reconstruction as higher than that of men.43 Most strikingly, mass population of women
was recognized during the Civil Disobedience movement in 1930.44 In 1931, at the
Karachi session of the Indian National Congress, Nehru piloted the ‘Fundamental
Rights Resolution’, which accepted the principle of complete equality of men and
women in political life. 45 The Government of India Act 1935 invariably provided equal
right to vote to both men and women without gender bias. Consequently, in the election
of 1937, eight women were elected from general constituencies and forty-two from the
reserves constituencies. Six women were appointed as ministers.46
41
M.P. Dube and Munni, Padalia (eds.), Democratic Decentralization and Panchayati Raj in
India, New Delhi: Anamika Publishers, 2002, pp. 174-175.
42
Science, Vol. 68, No.3, July-September 2007, p. 600.
43
Activists, New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1998, p. 58.
44
Publications, 2008, p. 564.
45
46
A.K. Shukla, Women Chief Ministers in Contemporary India, New Delhi: APH Publishing
Corporation, 2007, p. 58.
155
In the 1942 Quit India Movement; when all the top leaders were arrested and
the movement became practically leaderless, women joined hands with others and
carried it on by taking out processions, holding meetings, demonstrations and
organizing strikes. Aruna Asaf Ali, Kalpana Joshi, Preeti Waddadar, Kanaklata Barua,
Roopvati Jain, Durga Bai, Sushila Devi and Usha Mehta were the famous figures of
this movement. Kasturba Gandhi died in jail during the Quit India campaign. In July
1943, in response to the clarion call of Subhash Chandra Bose, a women’s regiment
named ‘The Rani of Jhansi Regiment’ was formed in Singapore with Laxmi Sehgal as
its Captain.
The Constituent Assembly was set up in October 1946, a body elected by the
existing legislatures, had among its members Sarojini Naidu, Durgabai, Renuka Roy
and Hansa Mehta, among others to frame the Constitution for India on Independence.47
In the Constituent Assembly which met in December 1946, there were 14 women
members. But there were no proportionate increase in women as representatives or in
power positions.
It has been noted that women who were active in politics or politically
successful belonged to wealthy and progressive families. They were supported by
husbands or family members who were active in congress. This is being followed even
after independence. But, there were large number of unknown women who participated
in the freedom struggle. It provided an opportunity for large number of women to enter
into active politics, which was not seen earlier. They were willing to join processions,
and to go to prisons. Women joined revolutionary groups, helped in distributing
newspapers and helped in the manufacturing bombs. Innumerable number of women
provided support to freedom fighters by looking after their families.48
During Post-Independence
After independence, various initiatives have been undertaken for bringing

improvements in the socio-economic status and empowerment of women.49 The
Constitution of Independent India, which came into force on 26th January 1950, opened
a new chapter in the matter of equality of women. The Preamble to the Constitution of
47
Tara Ali Baig, op.cit., 1976, p. 218.
48
Vina Mazumdar, “Women in the Political Process”, in Maithreyi Krishnaraj (ed.), Women Studies in
India: Some Perspectives, New Delhi: Popular Prakashan, 1986, p. 97.
49
G .S. Mehta, op.cit., 2008, p.7.
156
India resolves to secure to all its citizens: Justice, social, economic and political;
Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; Equality of status and
opportunity; and to promote among them all; Fraternity assuring the dignity of the
individual and the unity and integrity of the nation. To attain these national objectives,
the constitution guarantees certain Fundamental Rights to all the citizens. Again the
Directive Principles of State Policy enunciated in the constitution embody the major
policy goals of a welfare state. 50
The Constitution of India has granted women equal rights of participation in the
political process of the country along with equal opportunity and rights in education
and employment. The Indian Constitution guarantees political equality through the
institution adult franchise. Article 15 prohibits any kind of discrimination against any
citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth, or any of them.
However, Article 15(3) which empower the state to make any “special provisions for
women and children” even in violation of the fundamental obligation of non-
discrimination among citizens, on the basis of sex. This provision has enabled the state
to make special provisions for women, particularly in the field of labour legislation like
the Factories Act, the Mines Act, etc. Reservation of seats for women in local or
educational institutions has been held to be valued in view of the provisions of Article
15 (3). Article 16 (1) guarantees that, “There shall be equality of opportunity for all
citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the
state”. Again Article 16 (2) forbids discrimination in respect of any employment in
office under the state on grounds of “religion, race, caste, sex, descent, and place of
birth, residence or any one of them”. All these have assured normatively a significant
position and status to Indian women.
The Directive Principles of State Policy in Part IV of the Constitution

incorporate the policy goals of welfare state. Some articles deals with women
indirectly, while few others concern women directly and have a special bearing on their
status.51 Article 39 (a) guarantees right to an adequate means of livelihood for all
citizen. Article 39 (b) guarantees equal pay for equal work for both men and women.
Article 39 (c) that the health and strength of workers, men and women, and the tender
age of children are not abused and that citizen are not forced by economic necessity to
50
C.K. Jain, op.cit., 1993, pp.11-12.
51
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, p. 9.
157
enter occupations unsuited for their age or strength. Article 39 (d) which directs the
state to ensure that there is equal pay for equal work for both men and women. Again
Article 39 (e) which directs the state to ensure that the health and strength of workers,
men and women, and the tender age of children are not abused and that citizens are not
forced by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited to their age or strength; and
Articles 42 which directs the state to make provision for ensuring must and humane
condition of work and maternity relief.52 However, Article 42 guarantees, just and
humane condition of work and maternity relief. This is in accordance with Article 23
and 25 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 51 (a) clause (e) says that it
shall be the duty of every citizen of India-to promote harmony and spirit of common
brotherhood amongst all the people of India, transcending religious or sectional
diversities, to renounces practice derogatory to the dignity of women.
The Constitution of India is based on the principles of equality and guarantees

equality before law and equal protection to all its citizens. It not only guarantees
fundamental rights and freedom, but also prohibits discrimination on the basis of
religions, race, caste, sex, and place of birth. However, the rights have remained de
Jure and have not been translated into de facto rights. As such, women have been
denied social, economic, civil and political rights in many spheres. An important area,
where women have been inadequately represented is in the political sphere.53
The committee on the status of women was appointed as early as 1976. The
draft national policy on empowerment of women was envisaged equal flow of benefits
in physical and financial terms to women. A National Commission for Women was
appointed. The constitution of India guarantees certain rights and privileges to women
as fundamental rights and directive principles. It confers on man and women equal
rights and opportunities in political, economic and social spheres.
Women related Legislations
The constitution imposes a fundamental duty on every citizen to give up all

practices derogatory to the prestige of the women. The safe guard women rights and
prevent their exploitation the government has enacted a number of women specific and
women related acts. The constitution of India adopted equality of women as early as
1950. The Central Social Welfare Board was set-up in 1953; Child Marriage Restraint
52
C.K. Jain, op.cit., 1993, p. 13.
53
Saroj Choudhary, “Political Participation and Representation of Women in Indian Politics”, International
Journal of Behavioural Social and Movement Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 4, October 2012, p. 203.
158
Acts of 1951; the Special Marriage Act of 1954 (Amended 1984). The Hindu
Succession Act of 1956 (later Amended 1976 and 1986), the Dowry Prohibition Act of
1961; the Maternity Benefit Act of 1966 (Amended 1976); Medical Termination of
Pregnancy Act of 1971; the Equal Remuneration of Act of 1976 (amended 1984); the
Indian Evidence Act, 1983; Family Court Act, 1984; Indecent Representation of
Women Prohibition Act 1987; Indian Marriage Act, 1995 (amended 1996); the New
Bill 2001 for Protecting Women against Violence, etc. were passed;54 The Protection
of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 defines the expression “domestic
violence to include actual abuse or threat of abuse-physical, sexual, verbal, emotional
or economic violence etc.55
Women and Panchayati Raj
Panchayati Raj Institutions in India have their roots since time immemorial. The
system has evolved through the ages, acquiring a definite programme or action.
Rajasthan was the first state in the country to adopt Panchayati Raj. Rajasthan
government passed the Rajasthan Panchayati and was formally inaugurated by the
Pandit Nehru at Nagour on 2nd October 1959. In this Act, three tier systems of
Panchayati Raj Institutions were created. Zila Parishad at district level, Panchayat
Samiti at block level and Gram Panchayts at village level were constituted under this
Act. Women who constitute almost half of India’s total population, have been given an
opportunity for participation in local affairs as not less than third of the posts of
Chairpersons have been reserved in their favour. This provision would bring in
qualitative change in the composition of local bodies and make women and weaker
sections equal partners in the nation’s progress and development.56 The committee on
status of woman in India (1974) not only recommended representation of women in
PRIs but also established of statutory women Panchayats at village level as a
transitional measure for managing the programmes for women and children.57
The historic 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution, interlaid,

empowering women to participate in grassroots democracy have added not only
strength and vigour to our democratic institutions but also reduced disparity. These
landmark amendments have at once posed before our women, both opportunities and
challenges. Opportunities, for it ensures to women candidates not less than one-third of
54
Nagaraju Battu, Empowerment of Women in India: New Strategies, New Delhi: Regal Publications
2014, p. 49.
55
Shashi Goel, Domestic Violence Against Women, Jaipur: Literary Circle, 2013, p. 26.
56
J.L. Singh, Women and Panchayati Raj, New Delhi: Sunrise Publications, 2007, pp. 284-285.
57
Ibid.,
159
the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every Panchayats and urban
local body, as also designated offices in the local self-government institutions, both in
rural and urban areas. The opportunity of sharing of power on equal terms with men
and exercising an effective role in decision-making process would lead to vast
improvements in the status of women.58
The Constitution’s 110th Amendment Bill 2009, provides reservation for women
from 33 per cent to 50 per cent in PRIs. The Bill seeks to amend the Article 243D to
enhance the quantum of reservation for women from one-third to one-half of the total
seats in the Panchayats. Similar reservation shall be provided among the total number
of offices of chairpersons.59 However, Articles 325 and 326 of the Constitution of India
guarantee political equality-equal right to participation in political activities and right to
vote respectively. While the latter has been accessed, exercised and enjoyed by a large
number of women, the former i.e., right to equal political participation is still a distant
dream. Lack of space for participation in political bodies has not only resulted in their
presence in meagre numbers in these decision making bodies but also in the neglect of
their issues and experiences in policy making.60
By 1970 the political atmosphere began to change and many leading political
parties realized the importance of women. Thus the efforts of the early leaders like
Jotibha Phule, B.R.Ambedkar, E.V. Ramaswami and the leaders of the later period like
Sharat Patil, Sharat Joshi and Vandana Shiva not only fuelled the women’s movement
but also intensely motivated the Indian women by touching their inner core of
consciousness. No doubt, women of India are highly active today in this area. Sarojini
Naidu, Vijay Lakshami Pandit, Sucheta Kriplani were the torch bearer for the women
of India. Mrs. Vijay Lakshmi Pandit was the first Indian Women to hold position in the
cabinet and paved the way for other women. The most important name in the category
of women politicians is Mrs. Indira Gandhi. She was the first women Prime Minister of
independent India. Today her daughter-in-law Ms. Sonia Gandhi is following her
footsteps and leading the Indian National Congress. Other women who have played a
pivotal role in politics of India are Sheila Dixit, Uma Bharti, Jayalalitha, Vasundhra
Raje, Mamata Banerjee and Mayawati,61 Anandiben Patel, Mehbooba Mufti and
Nirmala Sitaraman.
58
V. Mohini Giri, “Women and Politics” in Yashoda Bhat and C. N. Mangala (eds.), Beyond the
Threshold: Indian Women on the Move, Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1995, p. 24.
59
Kuldeep Fadia, “Women’s Empowerment in India”, Indian Journal of Public Administration,
Vol. 60, No. 3, July-September 2014, p. 543.
60
Baseline Report on Women and Political Participation in India Prepared by NIAS et al. and
Coordinated by IWRAW Asia Pacific Advanced Unedited Version, p.1.
61
Subrat Biswal, “Women and Political Participation”, Third Concept, Vol. 28, No. 328, June 2014, p. 12.
160
Thus, women have served in the both houses of parliament and in the state
legislatures and many women have become heads of different department in the
government. Women have also been appointed as India’s diplomats and envoys in
different countries. 62
Political Participation of Indian Women
Demographically, according to the 2011 census, total population of the country

was 121,01,93,422. Out of this 48% were females that are nearly 50 per cent of the
population. According to 1901 census, the sex ratio of females (Per 1000 Males) was
972 and according to the 2011 census, it has declined to 943. This declining trend is
because of the apathy towards the girl child. In fact in 1991, the sex ratio had decreased
to 927 and thereafter there was a slight improvement in 2011. The table shows
decennial sex ratio in India.
Table 3.1
Decennial Sex Ratio in India (Females per 1000 Males)
Year Female per 1000 Males
1901 972
1911 964
1921 955
1931 950
1941 945
1951 946
1961 941
1971 930
1981 934
1991 927
2001 933
2011 943
62
Bhawana Jharta, op.cit.,2016, pp. 82-83.
161
980
972
Female per 1000 Males
970
964
960
955
950
946
950
943
941
940
934
945
933
930
927
930
920
910
900
1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
Years
Fig. 3.1: Decennial Sex Ratio in India (Females per 1000 Males)
Women and Education
If you educate a man you educate an individual, however, if you educate a woman you
educate a whole family. Women empowered means mother India empowered”.
Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru
Education means an all round drawing out of the best in child and man-body,
mind and spirit. Education plays a vital role in playing human beings proper equipment
to lead a gracious and harmonious life. Education is a fundamental means to bring any
desired change in society, which is an accepted fact through the world. This can be
attained only if schools become real centres of learning. Education not only helps in the
development of personality of the child but also determines his future. Education gives
solutions for any type of problems. Through education we promote values and good
habits and awareness towards corruption, terrorism and disease. Education strength to
the persons, they get knowledge and distinguish between right and wrong with the help
of education.63
Women constitute almost half of the population in the world. But the
hegemonic masculine ideology made them suffer a lot, as they were denied equal
opportunities in different parts of world. The rise of feminist idea has, however, led to
tremendous improvement of women condition throughout the world in recent times.
63
Jitendra Kumar and Sangeeta, “Status of Women Education in India”, Educationia Confab, Vol. 2,
No. 4, April 2013, p. 163.
162
Access of education has been one of the most pressing demands of these women’s
rights movements. Women education in India has also been a major preoccupation of
both the government and civil society as educated women can play a very important
role in the development of the country. India is poised to emerge as one of the most
developed nation by 2020, more literate knowledgeable and economically at the
forefront. No doubt, women will play a vital role in any country. In India, this is yet to
meet the requirements despite reforms. Little has been achieved in the area of women
empowerment but for this to happen, this sector must experience a chain of reforms.64
Education is one of the most important sources of women’s empowerment.

Concerning political empowerment, no doubt that educated women are better informed
about their legal rights and how to exercise them and thus are more politically active
and can participate equally in societal and political decision-making processes.65
According to Gandhi’s words, “One step for women, ten steps for nation”, as such the
role and participation of women in the society cannot be ignored. Education helps girls
and women to know their rights and to gain confidence to claim them.66
In spite of the forceful intervention by a bastion of female privilege, feminist

critics, constitutional guarantees, protecting laws and various efforts by the government
through certain schemes and programmes over the years and above all, the United
Nations enormous pressure with regard to the upliftment of women in terms of
education, is still an enigma in India for several reasons. The 2011 census report
indicates that literacy among women as only 65.46 per cent it is virtually disheartening
to observe that the literacy rate of women in India is even much lower to national
average i.e. 74.04. The growth of women’s education in rural areas is very slow. This
obviously means that still large womenfolk of our country are illiterate, the weak,
backward and exploited. Moreover, education is also not available to all equally.
Gender inequality is reinforced in education, which is proved by the fact that the
literacy rate for the women is only 65.46 per cent against 82.14 per cent of men as per
2011 census. 67
64
Ibid.,
65
Nagaraju Battu, op.cit., 2014, pp. 228-230.
66
Chandni Sinha, “Education and Empowerment of Women”, Third Concept, Vol. 21, No. 243,
May 2007, pp. 49-50.
67
Jitendra Kumar and Sangeeta, op.cit., 2013, pp. 172-173.
163
Table 3.2
Literacy Rate in India
Year Persons Males (%) Females (%)
1901 5.3 9.8 0.7
1911 5.9 10.6 1.1
1921 7.2 12.2 1.8
1931 9.5 15.6 2.9
1941 16.1 24.9 7.3
1951 16.7 24.9 7.3
1961 24.0 34.4 14.0
1971 29.5 39.5 18.7
1981 36.2 46.9 24.8
1991 52.1 63.9 39.2
2001 65.38 76.0 54.0
2011 74.04 82.14 65.46
Literacy Rate in India 1901-2011
80
74.04
Literacy Rate
70
65.38
60
52.1
50
40
36.2
30
29.5
16.1
24
20
7.2
5.3
16.7
5.9
10
9.5
0
1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
Fig. 3.2: Literacy Rate in India 1901-2011.
164
The Table 3.2 reveals that in pre-independence period literacy rate for women
had a very poor spurt in comparison to literacy rate of man. This is witnessed from the
fact that literacy rate of women has risen from 0.7 per cent to 7.3 per cent where as the
literacy rate of men has risen from 9.8 per cent to 24.9 per cent in the first four decades.
During the post-independence period literacy rates have shown a substantial increase in
general. However the literacy rate of male has almost tripled over the period, i.e. 24.9
per cent in 1951 and 76 per cent in 2001. Surprisingly, the female literacy rate has
increased at a faster pace than the male literacy during the decade 1981-2001.
In the year 2011 the difference between the two was, the female literacy
(65.46%) and male literacy (82.14%), this rate is very small as compared to the year
1901 (0.7%) to 2011 (65.46%). From this analysis one can infer that still the female
literacy rate (only half of the female population are literates) is lacking behind male
literacy (three-fourth of the male population are literates). The higher rate of illiteracy
of women is undoubtedly attributing for women dependence on men and to play a
subordinate role. The lack of education is the root cause for women’s exploitation and
negligence. Only literacy can help women to understand the Indian’s constitutional and
legislative provisions that are made to strengthen them.
Thus promoting education among women is of great importance in
empowering them to accomplish their goals at par with men in different spheres of life.
After the independence period the female literacy rate was increased. Education is a
basic requirement and fundamental right for the citizens of a free nation. It also brings a
reduction in inequalities and functions as a means of improving their status with the
family.
Education Equality
Another area in which women’s equality has shown major improvement as a
result of adult literacy programmes is the area of enrolment of boys and girls in
schools.
165
Table 3.3
State Wise Percentage of Female Literacy in India
Percentage of Female Percentage of Male
Sr.No. Name of the State
Literacy Literacy
1 Andhra Pradesh 59.74 75.56
2 Arunachal Pradesh 59.57 73.69
3 Assam 67.27 78.81
4 Bihar 53.33 73.39
5 Chattisgarh 60.59 81.45
6 Goa 81.84 92.81
7 Gujarat 70.73 87.23
8 Haryana 66.77 85.38
9 Himachal Pradesh 76.60 90.83
10 Jammu and Kashmir 58.01 78.26
11 Jharkhand 56.21 78.45
12 Karnataka 68.13 82.85
13 Kerala 91.98 96.02
14 Madhya Pradesh 60.02 80.53
15 Maharashtra 75.48 89.82
16 Manipur 73.17 86.49
17 Meghalaya 73.78 77.17
18 Mizoram 89.40 93.72
19 Nagaland 76.69 83.29
20 Orissa 64.36 82.40
21 Punjab 71.34 81.48
22 Rajasthan 52.66 80.51
23 Sikkim 76.43 87.29
24 Tamil Nadu 73.86 86.81
25 Tripura 83.15 92.18
26 Uttar Pradesh 59.26 79.24
27 Uttarakhand 70.70 88.33
28 West Bengal 71.16 82.67
29 Delhi 80.93 91.03
Union Territories
1 Andaman Nicobar Islands 81.84 90.11
2 Chandigarh 81.38 90.54
3 Dadra & Nagar Haveli 65.93 86.46
4 Daman & Diu 79.59 91.48
5 Lakshadweep 88.25 96.11
6 Pondicherry 81.22 92.12
All India 65.46 82.14
166
The Table 3.3 depicts that the state wise female literacy rate had an average of
65.46 per cent in all India basis in 2011 census, the high literacy rate is 92.0 per cent in
Kerala and least literacy rate is 52.7 per cent in Rajasthan in 2011 census, while
comparing literacy rate of female in 2011 census, there is increase of 11 per cent from
54.16 per cent to 65.46 per cent. Women’s are growing well in the last 10 years.
Government of India has been taken various steps and plans especially for women in
every moment. The table shows that Kerala and the Mizoram shows the smallest
difference in terms of female literacy with their male counterpart. In Kerala female
literacy is (91.98%) with a difference of 4.22 per cent from the male literacy (i.e.
96.02%). Similarly, in Mizoram female literacy is (89.40%) with a difference of 4.32
per cent from the male literacy (i.e.93.72%). Thus, Kerala is having the highest female
literacy in India. Tamil Nadu state female literacy is (73.86%) with difference (12.95%)
from the male literacy (i.e. 86.81%) in India. Rajasthan (52.66 %) is having the
minimum of female literacy in India. As a result, data shows that even after seventy
years of independence, women occupy a secondary position in our social hierarchy.
Inspire of being aware of her position, women can’t transform the situation due to lack
of education. Therefore, women’s empowerment can’t be effected unless we persuade
the importance of women’s education.
Political Status of Indian Women
Political participation of Indian women though in a miniature form started with

the freedom movement. Mahatma Gandhi was mostly instrumental for arousing
political consciousness in poor, illiterate women and making them take part in the
freedom movement. Political participation defined as voluntary participation in
political affairs through membership, voting and partaking in the activities of the
political parties, legislative bodies and politically motivated movements. The
constitution of India guarantees adult franchise and provides the framework for women
to participate actively in politics. The Article 15 of the constitution prohibits
discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. It is a pity
that women have not substantially availed of the constitutional provisions. The
successive election statistics shows that the number of women, who exercise their
franchise, has increased from election to election. For the last two decades almost equal
167
numbers of men and women have gone to the polling booths to vote.68 The number of
women filing their nomination papers in any election, national or state is only a fraction
of the corresponding number of men. Some withdraw at the last moment and the
contesting candidates become fewer in number. Ultimately, the number of women
winning elections will be so small that their percentage in the legislative body will be
nominal.69 Women participation and representation in Lok Sabha is given below.
Table 3.4
Women Representation in Lok Sabha (1952-2014)
General Election Total Seats No. of Women %age of Women
1952 499 22 4.41
1957 500 27 5.40
1962 503 34 6.76
1967 523 31 5.93
1971 521 22 4.22
1977 544 19 3.29
1980 544 28 5.15
1984 544 44 8.9
1989 544 27 5.22
1991 544 39 7.2
1996 543 39 7.18
1998 543 43 7.92
1999 543 49 9.02
2004 543 45 8.28
2009 543 59 10.86
2014 543 61 11.23
Source: Election Commission of India.
68
Delhi: Globus Press, 2016, p.134.
69
Ibid.,
168
12
11.23
%age of Women
9.02
8.9
10.86
10
7.92
7.2
8
6.76
8.28
5.93
5.4
7.18
6
5.15
5.22
4
4.41
4.22
3.29
2
0
1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996 1998 1999 2004 2009 2014
Fig. 3.3: Women Representation in Lok Sabha (1952-2014)
The Table 3.4 shows that the first Lok Sabha was held in 1952 where only 22
women members were elected out of total 499 members, which was just 4.4 per cent.
Though, the number of women representation were increased in second and third
election of Lok Sabha from 27 to 34 respectively, but starts declining from the fourth
election held in 1967. The number was increased only in the year 1996 (i.e. in the
eleventh election of Lok Sabha), where 39 women candidates were elected. In 1999
polls, 284 women had contested the election and 49 were elected and in 2004 election,
355 women contested the election of whom, 45 won. A record of 61 women candidates
have been elected in the sixteenth Lok Sabha election (2014), which account to 11.23
per cent of total, the highest ever since independence. Women representation in the
present 16th Lok Sabha has gone up to 61, which are the highest ever.
However as India has over half of the population of women, this number is still
too small. No doubt, the parliament had the privilege of having many prominent
women as its members, over the years who have championed the cause of women in
the house but parliament still needs more women MPs for safeguarding the women’s
rights and interests. It may be mentioned here that the women in two houses of
parliament largely belong to the privileged middle class and are educated. Many of
them are wives daughter, sister, daughter-in-law and relatives of prominent politicians.
169
The right to vote can be said to be the starting point in the struggle of women for their
political equality and participation. Therefore, the political participation of women by
way of voting has been growing but with variations. The following table reveals the
percentage of female voting in Lok Sabha election in 1952-2014.
Table 3.5
Voting Turnout Lok Sabha
General Election Men’s Turnout Women’s Turnout Difference in

(Year) (%age) (%age) Turnout
(%age)
1952 53.00 37.10 15.9
1957 56.0 38.8 17.2
1962 63.3 46.6 16.7
1967 66.7 55.5 11.2
1971 60.9 49.1 11.8
1977 65.6 54.9 10.7
1980 62.1 51.2 10.9
1984 68.1 58.6 9.5
1989 66.1 57.3 8.8
1991 61.5 51.3 10.2
1996 62.0 53.4 8.6
1998 65.7 57.6 8.1
1999 63.9 55.6 8.3
2004 61.6 53.6 8.0
2009 61.0 55.8 5.2
2014 67.1 65.7 1.4
Source: Election Commission of India from 1951-2014.
Table 3.5 presents the percentage of female voting in different lok sabha
elections. In 1952 general elections, women’s voting was 37.10 per cent as compared to
170
56 per cent of men. The difference in the turnout was 15.9 per cent. Only in half
dozen out of fourteen general elections, women’s voting percentage has crossed 55 per
cent, which highlights their potential participation in the voting level. In 1967, 1977,
1989, 1998, 1999 and 2014 elections women witnessed an increase in the voting
percentage. In the table 3.5 reveals that 2014 elections have witnessed the record
increase in the voting percentage of women compared to men. According to the
Election Commission data (Statistical Report, 1952-2009), women’s voting percentage
has increased from 55.8 to 65.7 per cent in the last election. There is an increase of
nearly 10 per cent. During the same period, the voting percentages of men have also
increased but percentage of increase is lower compared to women. Therefore, there is a
common assumption that increase in men’s voting percentage, also leads to the rise in
the women’s voting percentage. However, the data clearly refutes this assumption.
Despite of decrease in the voting percentage of men, in 1999, 2004 and 2009 election,
there was an increase in women’s voting percentage.
Further, according to different National Election Study 2009, Women’s voting

percentage has been higher in the assembly elections than general elections.
Significantly, recent assembly elections have witnessed more voting percentage of
women than men. The average women’s voting percentage in assembly and general
elections has been 53 per cent compared to 63 per cent for men. There is narrowing of
gender gap in voter turnout. In 2009, it was only 5 per cent which is now just 1.4 per
cent. However, data depicts the narrowing gap between men and women in the voting
percentage. It has brought the gender gap to the historic low. Therefore, women have
successfully broken the barrier of gender marginalisation at least in exercising their
voting rights. Increased women’s voting percentage over different elections does
indicate the growing enthusiasm and participation of women in the elections.
Nevertheless, participation is limited to barely voting and not able to convert it into
substantial numbers of women in Lok Sabha. Participation as contestants in electoral
arena is still a distant dream for the majority of women.
Women as Contestants: the table depicts the total percentage of women who have
contested the Lok Sabha elections since 1952 till 2014.
171
Table 3.6
Women as Contestants during Various Lok Sabha Elections
Year Males Females Total %age of Males %age of Females

Winning Winning
1952 1831 43 1874 26.05 51.16
1957 1473 45 1518 31.7 60.00
1962 1915 70 1985 24.0 50.00
1967 2302 67 2369 21.3 44.80
1971 2698 86 2784 18.5 24.40
1977 2369 70 2439 22.1 27.10
1980 4478 142 4620 11.5 19.7
1984 5406 164 5574 9.2 25.60
1989 5962 198 6160 8.5 13.60
1991 8374 325 8699 5.9 12.00
1996 13353 599 13952 3.8 6.70
1998 4476 274 4750 11.2 15.70
1999 3976 278 4254 12.3 17.30
2004 5080 355 5435 9.8 12.30
2009 2514 556 8070 6.44 10.61
2014 7527 636 8163 6.39 9.74
The Table 3.6 depicts that the number of women contesting election has always
been low. The highest number of women contestants has been merely 636 in 2014,
while the number of male contestants has always been in thousand, the highest being
13,353 in 1996. Yet, it is encouraging to note that the percentage of winners among
women has consistently been more than that of the men, although the fact that more
often than not, the losing seats are offered to women candidates by the respective
political parties, for instance, in 1996, only 3.8 per cent of male candidates won in
172
comparison to 6.7 per cent of female candidates. Likewise, the percentage of winners
was 11.2 per cent for men and 15.7 per cent for women in 1998, 12.3 per cent and 17.3
per cent in 1999, 6.44 per cent and 10.61 per cent in 2009 and 6.39 per cent and 9.74
per cent, respectively in 2014 (16th Lok Sabha).
In the Sixteenth Lok Sabha women representation has negligible improvement.

In the fifteenth lok Sabha there were 61 elected candidates, in the present Lok Sabha
the total number of women members 62. The BJP’s score comes to the higher, women
MPs out of the 58 contestants, 28 are from BJP. Party fielded 35 candidates. The
Trinamol Congress (TMC) comes second with 11 out of 24 candidates emerging
victorious. Out of the total 8070 candidates 556 women contested the election across
the country, in 2009. Whereas, 636 candidates contested the election out of total 8163
candidates in 2014. Some of them belong to those families who have political back
ground. Sonia Gandhi, Maneka Gandhi, Dimple Yadav, Harsimran Badal, Susham
Swaraj, Poonam Mahajan et.al. Common women have meagre share in the political
power.
Political parties during the election campaign propagate 33 per cent reservation
for the women in the national and state legislatures. But the numerical strength of
women parliamentarians indicates the difference between the perception and practices
of the political leaders. Half of the women population is represented by only 11 per
cent in the Parliament. Under representation of the women also reflects that women
issues are represented by their counterparts. Sometime they are not able to understand
these issues. Although the number of women contestants is very less in comparison to
men but their percentage of winnability is higher than to men. Thus, the winnability of
women remained higher in every Lok Sabha election than that of men.
National Parties
Political Parties play a very important role in representative democracy.

Political parties are the links between the people and the representative machinery of
government. Political parties provide the necessary platform for the people with diverse
cultural, religious, caste, community, socio-economic, political interests for promoting
and protecting their interests. The important salient feature of the Indian party system is
the existence of various types of parties. The main categories of political parties in
India are national and state or regional.70 In a multi-party democracy, such as India the
70
R. Yadagiri, “Growth of Regional Political Parties in India: Influence and Impact on Federal
System”, in D. Sunder Ram (ed.), Federal System and Coalition Government in India-Conflict and
Consensus in Centre-State Relations, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2007, pp. 142-143.
173
role of political parties in elections in mobilizing people opinion and also in governance
process cannot be over emphasized.71 Therefore, the backing of a political party for the
success of a candidate in election is also imperative. The following table shows the
seats allocated to women contestants in general election by the national political
parties.
Table 3.7
Seats Allotted to Women Contestants in General Elections by National Parties
National 2004 2009 2014

Parties Contested Won Contested Won Contested Won
All India 355 45 556 59 668 61
Congress 45 12 43 23 57 4
BJP 30 10 44 13 37 28
Others 280 23 469 23 574 29
Table 3.7 reveals that the number of women candidates who contested the
elections has increased and almost doubled from 355 in general elections held in 2004
to 668 in general elections of 2014. But the number of women candidates fielded by
national parties, except for the Bharatiya Janta Party, has remained almost the same
during this intervening period. Thus national parties have followed a discriminatory
and gender exclusionist policy in allotment of seats to women in elections for Lok
Sabha over the years and discouraged active participation in formal politics. The policy
of exclusion of women in granting seats at the national and state level is not only being
followed by national parties, but also by regional political parties that are in completion
in various states of the country. The political decision to not allot seats to women by
political parties at the national and state level electoral has been attributed to lack of
“winnability” of women. However, an analysis of the success rates of women
candidates in Indian general elections as compared to men reveals that it has been
higher in the last three general elections.
71
Government of India, Women Members of Rajya Sabha, New Delhi: Rajya Sabha Secretariat, 2009,
p. 9.
174
Rajya Sabha
The women’s participation in upper house of parliament i.e. Rajya Sabha is

concerned; it is shows the table that the percentage of women’s participation in this
house is not satisfactory.
Table 3.8
Women Members in Rajya Sabha
Total Number of Number of
Year %age of Women
Seats Women Members
1952 219 16 7.3
1957 237 18 7.6
1962 238 18 7.6
1967 240 20 8.3
1971 243 17 7.0
1977 244 25 10.2
1980 244 24 9.8
1985 244 28 11.4
1990 245 38 15.5
1996 223 19 8.6
1998 223 19 8.6
2004 245 27 11.1
2009 245 22 8.97
2014 245 29 11.83
Sources: Election Commission of India.
18
%age of Women
15.5
16
14
11.83
12
11.4
10.2
11.1
10
8.3
7.6
8.97
9.8
8.6
8
8.6
7
7.6
6
7.3
4
2
0
1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1985 1990 1996 1998 2004 2009 2014
Fig. 3.4: Women Members in Rajya Sabha
175
Table 3.8 shows that the representation of women in Rajya Sabha has ranged
from 16 to 29 which are 7.3 per cent to 11.83 per cent in 2011, of the total strength of
the house. It was in 1990, there were 38 women representatives out of a total 245
members in Rajya Sabha accounting to 15.5 per cent, the hightest ever independence.
Thus, the low representation of women in the decision-making organizations is due to
the political parties that harbour very conservative view about women. Different parties
though champion the cause of women in their manifesto, but during election time they
give tickets mostly to men and only to few elite women.
Council of Ministers
The following Table provides a clear picture as to their level of representation

in the Union Council of Ministers between 1985 and 2014 is shown.
Table 3.9
The Representation of Women in the Union Council of Ministers
Number of Minister Number of Women Minister

Year Cabinet Minister Deputy Cabinet Minister of Deputy
Minister of State Minister Minister State Minister
1985 15 25 0 1 3 0
1990 17 17 5 0 1 1
1995 12 37 3 1 4 1
1996 18 21 0 0 1 0
1997 20 24 0 0 5 0
1998 21 21 0 0 3 0
2001 30 7 35 3 2 4
2002 31 45 0 2 5 0
2004 28 38 0 1 6 0
2009 34 45 0 3 5 0
2014 23 23 0 6 1 0
In the Table 3.9 reveals that women have remained poorly represented in
council of Ministers. Since Independence, we had so far 15 women chief ministers and
176
23 women governors. Only one women so served as president of India but so far we
had no women as vice- president and chief justice of India. Only one woman has got
the opportunity to serve as chief election commissioner and one as chairperson UPSC
but none as CAG.
Political Participation of Women in Himachal Pradesh
Women constitute about half of the total population in Himachal Pradesh. But
their participation in state legislative assembly, parliament and other prominent
decision making bodies is very low. Their participation in voting is almost equal to
their male counterparts and sometimes, it is even more than that of men. Women
participation at grassroots level to some extent is also better due to the 33 per cent
reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and municipalities. Himachal
Pradesh Government has further undertaken a historic step by raising the reservation
limit for women in PRIs and Municipalities from the existing 33 per cent of the total
number of seats. It was on 8th April 2008, Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj
(Amendment) Bill was presented and passed in the house, and then Himachal became
the third state after Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh to give 50 per cent reservation to
women in Panchayati Raj Institutions. This will definitely help in empowering women
and in creating sensitivity to women related development issues.72
However, their overall participation and representation in the politics of the

state is not still upto the mark in the state legislative assembly, parliament and other
decision making bodies. It is in this context, an attempt has been made to analyse the
participation of women in voting, their representation in state legislative assembly,
parliament (Lok-Sabha and Rajya Sabha) and Panchayati Raj Institutions.
Participation of Women in Voting
In a democracy, voting determines the sovereign will of the people. It is the

right to vote by which the people vote a government in and out. Voting is the means for
choosing leaders, for determining who shall govern. Participation of voters at the time
of election indicates their involvement in the political process. In a country like India
72
Approach, New Delhi: Regal Publications, 2013, p. 296.
177
most of the citizens participate in governmental affairs only through voting. Therefore,
voting is the most widespread and regularized political activity and in terms of the
overall impact of the citizenry on governmental performance, it may be the single most
important act. It is the simplest most common and least demanding but an effective
mode of political participation. It represents a mass involvement of most citizens at
scheduled times. As a part of the electoral process, it exerts great pressure upon the
leaders, hence is called a blunt but powerful instrument of control upon the government
and decision-makers. The citizens of a democratic country have the right to participate
in governing that country by means of voting.73 The table below shows the voter’s
turnout in different assembly elections in Himachal Pradesh from 1972-2012.
Table 3.10
Women Voter’s Turnout in Different Assembly Elections in Himachal Pradesh
Voters (Lakh) Voters Turnout (Lakh)
Year Men Women Total Men %age Women %age Total %age
1972 929337 876111 1805448 508416 54.71 393335 44.90 901751 49.95
1977 1027616 969713 1997329 638849 62.16 531045 54.76 1169894 58.57
1982 1101563 1109961 2211524 807311 73.29 764263 68.85 1571574 71.06
1985 1173219 1183713 2356932 843623 71.91 814803 68.83 1658426 70.36
1990 1512419 1481280 2993699 1054484 69.72 973927 65.75 2028411 67.76
1993 1653296 1624329 3277625 1188656 71.90 1154957 71.10 2343613 71.50
1998 1827060 1801804 3628864 1283632 70.26 1301152 72.21 2584784 71.23
2003 2081015 2020078 4101093 1522140 73.14 1533570 75.92 3055710 74.51
2007 2336839 2267604 4604443 1597473 68.36 1678296 74.01 3297252 71.61
2012 2373378 2234980 4608359 1646899 69.39 1702953 76.20 3349852 72.69
Source: Reports on General Elections to Himachal Pradesh State Legislative Assembly from 1972-2012,
Chief Electoral Officer and Financial Commissioner, Shimla: Himachal Pradesh.
73
178
Table 3.10 presents that women voter’s turnout in different assembly elections
in Himachal Pradesh over the years. The data clearly reveals that women electors have
outnumbered their male counterparts in exercising their voting rights especially in the
recent years the women voters and their turnout have increased over the years in
Himachal Pradesh. In the assembly election of 1982 and 1985, the number of women
voters increased as compared to the men voters. Further, the percentage of voting
turnout of women is more than the men in the assembly elections of 2003, 2007 and
2012. This indicates that over the years, more women have exercised their right to vote
and choose the government of their choice for the governance. It can be attributed to
the increased awareness amongst women about their voting rights and their desire to be
a part of decision making process.
Women’s Representation in the State Legislative Assembly
Women’s representation in the state legislative assembly, territorial council
remained appallingly low before 1972. Women who have been the members of the
state legislative assembly, territorial council before 1972 are: Umavati, Satyavati Dang,
Devindra Kumari, Subhadra Amin Chand and Sarla Sharma. Uma Vati was elected to
Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly after the integration of Part ‘C’ state of
Bilaspur with Himachal Pradesh in 1954. Satyavati Dang was nominated to the
territorial council (1957-1962), Devindra Kumari was elected to the territorial
council/legislative assembly (1962-1967), Sarla Sharma became member of Himachal
Pradesh legislative assembly after the re-organization of the state of Punjab in 1966.
There was no women member in the state legislature from 1967-1971.74 Table shows
that the participation of women in voting during the different assembly elections from
1972 onwards in Himachal Pradesh.
74
Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly, Who’s Who Members of Himachal Pradesh Legislative
Assembly 1952-1971, Shimla: Legislative Assembly Secretariat.
179
Table 3.11
Women’s Representation in Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly 1972-2012
Contestants Success
No. of
Rate of
Total Winning Political
Year Women
Seats Women Party
Total Men Women %age Contestants
Contestants
%age
1972 68 297 290 7 1.34 4 INC 4 57.14
1977 68 330 321 9 2.72 1 JP 1 11.11
INC 2
1982 68 441 432 9 2.04 3 33.33
JP 1
1985 68 294 284 10 3.40 3 INC 3 30.00

BJP 3
1990 68 446 428 18 4.03 4 INC 1 22.22
JD 1
1993 68 416 399 17 4.08 3 INC 3 17.64
INC 4
1998 68 369 344 25 6.78 6 24.00
BJP 2
2003 68 408 377 31 7.60 4 INC 4 12.90
INC 1
2007 68 336 311 25 7.44 5 20.00
BJP 4
INC 2
2012 68 459 425 34 7.40 3 8.82
BJP 1
In the Table 3.10 depicts that over the year’s women’s representation in the
legislative assembly is not very satisfactory, as very less number of women contested
the elections as compared to their male counterparts. The number of winning women
contestants ever remained one to six. Till date, the highest number of winning women
contestants was six in the assembly elections held in the year of 1998 and the lowest
number of winning women contestants was only one in the year of 1977. Thus, the
number of winning women contestants never exceeded from six. But if we see the
winning rate of women contestants, it is satisfactory as the data show that in the year of
1982 and 1985, it is 33.33 per cent and 30.00 per cent respectively. But, in the year
2012, it went very low to 8.82 per cent. It is rather a disappointing and discouraging
number of women contestants in comparison to their strength. The political parties
seem very reluctant to field women candidates and a very few women are put up by
180
them as candidates in the elections. Though, some women contested elections as
independent candidates but they never won any seats. Thus, contesting election still
remains a male prerogative.
Table 3.12
Women Members in Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly/Territorial Council

(1952-2012)
Total
Women Political
Year No. of Name of Candidate Constituency
Members Party
Seats
1952 43 1 Smt. Uma Vati Geharwin Independent
1957 45 1 Smt. Satya Vati Dang Nominated Congress
1962 58 3 Sarla Sharma Barsar Congress
Subhdra Amin Chand Nominated Congress
Devindra Kumari Chamba Congress
1972 68 5 Ms. Chandresh Kumari Bamson Congress
Sarla Sharma Kutlehar Congress
Padma Bhattiyat Congress
Lata Lahaul & Spiti Congress
Theog Congress
*Vidya Stokes
1977 68 1 Shyama Sharma Nahan Janta Party
1982 68 3 Ms.Vidya Stokes Theog Congress
Shyama Sharma Nahan Janta Party
Chandresh Kumari Thural Congress
1985 68 3 Asha Kumari Banikhet Congress
Vidya Stokes Theog Congress
Viplov Thakur Jaswan Congress
Sushma Sharma Chintpurni BJP
Ms.Leela Gopalpur BJP
1993 68 4 Krishna Mohini Solan Congress
Asha Kumari Banikhet Congress
**Anita Verma Hamirpur Congress
***Krishna Mohini Congress
Solan
Urmila Thakur Hamirpur Congress
Shahpur BJP
Sarveen Choudhary
Asha Kumari Banikhet BJP
Ms.Nirmla Devi Pragpur BJP
181
2003 68 4 Vidya Stokes Kumarsain Congress
Anita Verma Hamirpur Congress
Chandresh Kumari Dharamsala Congress

Urmil Thakur Hamirpur BJP
Vinod Kumari Doon BJP
Sarveen Choudhary Shahpur BJP
Renu Chadha Banikhet BJP
2012 68 3 Asha Kumari Dalhousie Congress
Source: Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly, Who’s Who Members of Himachal Pradesh
Legislative Assembly 1952-2012, Shimla: Legislative Assembly Secretariat.
* Vidya Stokes was elected in the by- election held on 29-5-1974.
** Anita Verma was elected in a by- election.
*** Krishna Mohini was unseated by the Supreme Court Judgement in 1999.
Note: The Elections to Territorial Council were held in 1957 and 1962.
Table 3.12 shows that the constituency and party wise women members of
Himachal Pradesh legislative assembly/territorial council from 1952-2012.
Subsequently, women’s representation in the Himachal Pradesh state legislative
assembly has improved to some extent. In 1998-2012, there were maximum seven
women members in the legislative assembly.
Women in the State Council of Ministers
Like legislative Assembly, women’s representation in the council of ministers

also remained very low in the State. There was no woman in the council of ministers
from 1952 to 1971 and there has been a very few women ministers from 1972 to 2012.
Sarla Sharma and Shayama Sharma remained ministers of state in 1972 and 1977
respectively. Chandresh Kumari was made deputy minister in 1977 and minister of
state in 1984. In 1985, Vidya Stokes was appointed as first woman speaker of the state
and she also remained the leader of opposition from 1990 to 1992 and in 2007. Leela
Sharma was made parliamentary secretary in 1990. In 1995, after the expansion of
council of minister, Asha Kumari and Viplov Thakur were inducted as minister of state
and Anita Verma was made parliamentary secretary. In 1998, two women, Urmil
Thakur and Sarveen Chaudhary were made parliamentary secretaries. In 2003, in the
Virbhadra government, for the first time three women were appointed as cabinet
182
ministers. These were Vidya Stokes, Asha Kumari and Chandresh Kumari. But, later
on Asha Kumari had to resign due to a judicial case lying in the Hon’ble court and
Chandresh Kumari had to lose the ministry due to the downsizing of the council of
ministers to 15 per cent of the total number of members of the State Legislative
Assembly, according to the 91st Constitutional Amendment Act of 2003. In 2005, Anita
Verma was made Parliamentary Secretary and was dropped after four months. In this
way, the representation of women again got reduced to one in the eleven member’s
Council of Ministers. In the (BJP) Dhumal government of 2007, only one woman,
Sarveen Chaudhary included in the council of ministers as a cabinet minister, while
Urmila Thakur was made parliamentary secretary. After 2012 Vidhan Sabha election,
Vidya Stokes was made cabinet minister and no other women member could find place
in the state cabinet.75
Women’s Representation in Parliament
Like state legislative assembly women’s representation in the parliament also

remained very low from Himachal Pradesh. There are four seats in the Lok Sabha and
three seats in Rajya Sabha.
Lok Sabha
Table shows women’s representation in Lok Sabha respectively from Himachal

Pradesh since 1952 to till date.
Table 3.13
Women’s Representation in Lok Sabha from Himachal Pradesh
S. General Election Name of Women MPs Constituenc

No. y
1. 1st General Election (1952-1957) Raj KumariAmrit Kaur Mandi-
Mahasu
2. 8th General Election (1984-1989) Smt. Chandresh Kumari Kangra
3. 14th General Election (2004-2009) Smt. Pratibha Singh Mandi
4. 15th Lok Sabha By–Election on 23-06 Smt. Pratibha Singh Mandi
-2013
75
Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly, Who’s Who Members of Himachal Pradesh Lok Sabha
1952-2012, Shimla: Legislative Assembly Secretariat.
183
Table 3.13 reveals that Himachal Pradesh is far behind in women’s
representation to Lok Sabha. During 2004, only two women candidates from Himachal
Pradesh namely Smt. Pratibha Singh and Ms. Rameshwari Kanwar contested the
election for the Lower House of Union Parliament. Smt. Pratibha Singh contested from
Mandi parliamentary constituency on Indian National Congress ticket securing 3,
57,623 votes and was declared elected, whereas Ms. Rameshwari Kanwar another
women candidate contested from Hamirpur parliamentary constituency as Independent
Candidate and secured only 5,566 votes and lost the election. During 2009, only
women candidates Nirmala Sharma contested the election for Lok Sabha from Kangra
constituency and lost the election. Pritibha Singh was elected in the bye-election held
on 2013. During 2014 only two women candidates from Himachal Pradesh namely
Smt. Pratibha Singh and Ms. Urmila Sharma contested the election for the lower house
of union parliamentary and lost the election. All women’s who were elected to the Lok
Sabha from the state belong to the Congress Party. In 2014 Lok Sabha Election women
voted (65.83%) more than men (64.55%). In Hamirpur constituency their voting
percentage was highest (71.73%), while men’s share only 69.61 per cent. In Kangra,
women voted 67.32 per cent and men 62.00 in Shimla constituency women were a little
behind with 62.05 per cent than men’s 65.10 per cent. In Himachal Pradesh women are
positively expressing their political will and wisdom.
Rajya Sabha
Table shows women’s representation in Rajya Sabha respectively from

Himachal Pradesh since 1952 to till date given below.
Table 3.14
Women’s Representation in Rajya Sabha from Himachal Pradesh
S. No Period Name of MPs in Rajya Sabha
1. 1956-1962 Smt. Leela Devi
2. 1968-1974 Smt. SatyaVati Dang
3. 1978-1984 Smt. Mohinder Kaur
4. 1980-1986 Smt. Uma Malhotra
5. 1996-2002 Ms. Chandresh Kumari
6. 2006-2012 Smt.Viplove Thakur
7. 2010-2016 Smt. Bimla Kashyap
8. 2014-2020 Smt.Viplov Thakur
184
Table 3.14 presents that women participation from Himachal Pradesh in Rajya
Sabha is also very low. Only eight women of this state have represented the upper
house of the parliament. Leela Devi (1956-62) of Mandi was the first women to
represent the State in the Rajya Sabha. After that, Satyawati Dang (1968-74), a
prominent politician of State; Mohinder Kaur (1964-67 and 1978-84); Usha Malhotra
(1980-86); and Chandres Kumari (1996-2002) remained members of the Rajya Sabha.
Viplop Thakur (2006-2012); and Bimla Ksahyap (2006-2016) became member of
Rajya Sabha. Further, Viplov Thakur got an opportunity to become the member of the
Rajya Sabha in 2014-2020. Chandresh Kumari is the only woman in Himachal who
has got an opportunity to be a member of both the House of Parliament i.e., Lok sabha
as well as the state legislative assembly. She also remained a cabinet and deputy
minister in the state cabinet. At the national level party politics, she also remained the
president of all India Mahila Congress. This shows that women’s representation from
Himachal Pradesh has remained comparatively better in the Rajya Sabha than in the
Lok Sabha. However, the overall, representation of women in parliament from
Himachal Pradesh is very marginal and unsatisfactory.
Representations of Women in Panchayati Raj Institutions
The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts (1993) are a very
revolutionary landmark in the history of women’s participation in politics in India.
These amendment acts have provided 33 per cent reservation of seats for women in the
Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and Municipalities. This has laid down a strong
foundation for women’s participation in decision making at the grass-roots level. These
amendments have worked as a break-through towards ensuring equal access and more
participation of women in the political power structure. The Panchayati Raj Institutions
and Municipalities are playing a very significant role in the process of enhancing
women’s participation in public life at the local levels. In consonance of the 73rd and
74th Constitutional Amendment Act, Himachal Pradesh Government has also passed its
Panchayati Raj and Municipalities Act in 1994 and first elections to the Panchayati Raj
and Municipalities, according to this new Act were held in December 1995. Till date,
five general elections have held to the Panchayat, at village level and urban bodies in
the state in the years 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015.76
76
Bhawana Jharta, “Women in the Politics of Himachal Pradesh: An Analysis”, Himachal Pradesh
University Journal, July 2011, pp. 9-10.
185
The latest Amendment to Panchayati Raj Act (2008) provided 50 per cent
reservation of seats for women in Panchayats at village level and urban local bodies,
which is a historical step for the political empowerment of women in this hill state. In
2010, the elections to Panchayats at village level and urban local bodies were held as
per the provisions laid down in the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Amendment Act,
2008, vide which 50 per cent seats were reserved for women in Panchayats at village
level and urban local bodies.77 The experiment of 50 per cent reservation of seats for
women in Panchayat at village level and urban local bodies has been successful in the
state. Before 1995, women’s representation in Panchayats at village level and
Municipalities was maximum upto two women in all the bodies. After 1995, it has
increased to minimum 33 percent and now 50 per cent, since 2010 elections to the
panchayats at village level and urban local bodies. The representation of women in
these institutions has shown an increasing trend. In the last five elections to the
Panchayats at village level and urban local bodies, women have been more than the
fixed quota allotted to them.
In order to ensure equal participation and representation of women in

Panchayats at village level and Municipalities, the government of Himachal Pradesh
has taken an important step in this direction. The State Assembly has passed
unanimously the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Bill, 2008 on April 8,
2008, raising the reservation limit for women in Panchayats at village level from the
existing 33 per cent to 50 percent.78 It has also passed the Himachal Pradesh Municipal
Corporation Bill, 2008, and Himachal Pradesh Municipal (Amendment) bill, 2008 to
provide 50 per cent reservation for women in place of the existing 33 per cent in
Municipal Corporation, other municipalities and urban local bodies. These historic
amendments were brought about by the government, so as to enhance participation of
women in politics at the grassroots level. This step was taken by the BJP Government
led by Prof. Prem Kumar Dhumal, to ensure greater participation of women at grass-
root level politics, which with passage of time will train them for higher level political
arena. At present, there are 3226 Gram Sabha, 78 Panchayat Samitis and 12 Zila
Parishads constituted in the state. Women’s representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh
is given below:
77
Ibid.,
78
Ibid.,
186
Table 3.15
Women’s Representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh Year: 1995-2000 to 2000-2005

1995-2000 2000-2005
%age of %age of
Post Men Women Total Men Women Total
Women Women
Panchayat
12252 6013 18265 32.92 11727 6822 18549 36.78
Members
Panchayat
1952 970 2922 33.19 2011 1026 3037 33.78
Pradhan
BDC
1103 558 1661 33.59 1090 562 1658 33.89
Members
BDC
49 23 72 31.91 48 27 75 36.00
Chairpersons
ZP Members 168 84 252 33.33 164 87 251 34.66
ZP
8 4 12 33.33 8 4 12 33.33
Chairperson
Source: Himachal Pradesh Directorate of Panchayati Raj, Shimla
Table 3.16
2005-2010 2010-2015
Post Men Women Total %age of Men Women Total %age

Women of
Women
Panchayat 11951 7462 19413 38.43 8096 11317 19413 58.30

Members
Panchayat 2131 1112 3243 34.28 1604 1639 3243 50.53

Pradhan
BDC Members 1097 579 1676 34.54 819 863 1682 51.30
BDC 41 34 75 45.33 35 42 77 54.54

Chairpersons
ZP Members 166 85 251 33.86 123 128 251 51.00
ZP Chairperson 5 7 12 58.33 6 6 12 50.00
Source: Himachal Pradesh Directorate of Panchayati Raj, Shimla.
187
Table 3.17
Women’s Representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh Year: 2015 to till Date
Post Men Women Total %age of

Women
Panchayat Members 8570 11778 20348 57.88
Panchayat Pradhan 1585 1631 3226 50.55
BDC Members 811 862 1673 51.52
BDC Chairpersons 36 42 78 53.84
ZP Members 123 127 250 50.8
ZP Chairperson 6 6 12 50.00
Source: Himachal Pradesh Directorate of Panchayati Raj, Shimla .
Table 3.15, 3.16 and 3.17 shows women’s representation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions in Himachal Pradesh since 1995-2015. The data in the table reveals that the
percentage share of women for the post of Panchayat members was 32.92 per cent in
the year 1995, which increased to 36.78 per cent in 2000 and further increased to 38.43
per cent in 2005. The percentage of women who were elected for the post of Pradhan
was 33.19 per cent in the elections of 1995, 33.78 per cent in the elections of 2000 and
34.28 per cent in the elections held in the year 2005. Thus, the recent elections indicate
more representation of women than the reservation provision of 33 percentages. For the
post of BDC member, the percentage share of women has been found almost same in
all the three elections. However, the percentage share of women who were elected for
the post of Chairperson of BDC has increased from 31.94 per cent in1995 to 45.33 per
cent in the year 2005. The data also reveals for the post of Zila Parishad member has
been almost as per the provision of reservation of 33 per cent except in 2000, when
34.66 per cent women were elected to this post in the state. The percentage share of
women who were elected for the post of chairperson-Zila Parishad increased from
33.33 per cent in the years of 1995 and 2000 to 58.33 per cent in the year 2005. Before
1995, women’s representation in local self-governments was up to two women in all
the bodies. After 1995, it has increased to minimum 33 per cent and 50 per cent, since
2010 elections to the PRIs and urban local bodies.
In 2010-11 election in PRIs it has been proved that the participation of women
has increased considerably. At all the three tiers in Himachal Pradesh, women
participated. At the Gram Panchayat level total women contestants were 11317
188
(58.30%), Panchayat Samiti contested 863 (51.31%) and Zila Praishad level contestants
were 128 (51%). The Pradhan of Gram Panchayat were between 1639 (50.54%), at
Panchayat Samiti Level 42 (54.54%) and Zila Parishad the total chairpersons were 6
(50%).
Similarly in 2015 election in PRIs, it has been proved that the participation of
women has considerable increase due to fifty per cent of reservation. Therefore, at the
Gram Panchayat level total women contestants were 11778 (57.88%), Panchayat Samiti
contested 862 (51.52%) and Zila Praishad level contestants were 127 (50.08%). The
chairpersons of Gram Panchayat were between 1631 (50.55%), at Panchayat Samiti
Level 42 (53.84%) and Zila Parishad the total chairpersons were 6 (50%).
Thus, it was observed that women’s representation have increased in the

elections. Some women have also been noticed winning from the unreserved/general
seats. This shows the increasing interest and awareness of women towards politics at
the grassroots level, which is a significant development towards the political
empowerment of rural women.
Women and Health
Health status of women is very low in India, as compared to many developing

countries. Ill-health mal nutrition, under nourishment, and lack of proper pre-natal and
antenatal care characterize Indian women. The World Bank in its recent report pointed
out, that maternal mortality is very high in India. About 25 per cent maternal deaths in
the World take place in India. It is observed that the maternal mortality is very high in
the beginning of the 20th century. It was estimated that maternal mortality was more
than 1000 for one-lakh deliveries.79 Therefore, the health of women and girls is of
particular concern because in many society, they are disadvantaged by discrimination
rooted in socio-cultural factors. Some socio-cultural and political factors that prevent
women and girls to benefit from good health services and attaining the best possible
level of health includes an exclusive focus on women’s reproductive roles; and
potential or actual experience of physical, sexual and emotional violence. While
poverty is an important barrier to positive health outcomes for both men and women,
poverty tends to yield a higher burden on women and girls health.80 Due to successful
implementation of various health programmes, the health of the people of the state has
improved. Special attention has been paid to the provision of health and medical care
79
Nagaraju Battu, op.cit., 2014, p. 51.
80
Sarbjeet Singh and Pankaj Dodh (eds.), op.cit., 2013, p. 309.
189
services in the remotest rural areas of the Pradesh. Disease control and eradication
programmes have given rich dividends. Total number of medical institutions in
government sector stood at 3, 911 on March 2016.81
Life Expectancy at Birth
Life expectancy at birth for a population can be understood as the average

number of years that a child born in the year is expected to live when exposed to the
prevailing risks of death at various ages. It reflects and summarises the current
age-specific death rates that in turn depend on the mortality profile. Life expectancy at
birth is considered as comprehensive measure of mortality, and is often used as a
measure of health development. Both male and female life expectancy at birth in
Himachal Pradesh was high than the overall nation’s life expectancy during the period
from 1981-1985 to 2006-2010. (below the table)
Table 3.18
Life Expectancy at Birth, Himachal Pradesh and India
(per thousand)
Himachal Pradesh India

Period
Male (%) Female (%) Male (%) Female (%)
1981-1985 58.5 62.9 55.9 55.9
1986-1990 62.4 62.8 57.7 58.1
1993-1997 64.6 65.2 60.4 61.8
1997-2001 65.5 66.1 61.3 63.0
1998-2002 65.7 66.3 61.6 63.3
1999-2003 65.8 66.6 61.8 63.5
2000-2004 65.1 66.8 62.1 63.7
2001-2005 66.3 67.1 62.3 63.9
2002-2006 66.5 67.3 62.6 64.2
2006-2010 67.7 72.4 64.6 67.7
Source: Health and Family Welfare Department Himachal Pradesh and Economic Survey of India
The table 3.18 shows that life expectancy for men and women in Himachal
Pradesh has been higher than that of all India Level. Himachal Pradesh women’s life
expecting marked 62.9 years during 1981-1985 as against the 55.9 years of the all India
level. The life expectancy of Himachal Pradesh women reached 72.4 years during
2006-2010, while the national average came only up to 67.7 years. The table also
81
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Statistical Abstract of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla: Department of
Economics and Statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2015-2016.
190
indicates that in Himachal Pradesh itself the rise in the life expecting of women has
surpassed that of men during the period of 1981-2010.
Birth and Death Rate in Himachal Pradesh
The mortality level in a population is an important indicator of its health and

well-being. The infant mortality rate is an important measure of the well-being of
infants, children and pregnant women because it is associated with a variety of factors,
such as maternal health, quality and access to medical care, socio-economic conditions
and public health practices. 82
Birth Rate
The birth rate in Himachal Pradesh was also much lower than that of the all
India average. The following table provides the data regarding the birth rates in
Himachal Pradesh and India.
Table 3.19
Birth Rate in Himachal Pradesh and India
Year Himachal Pradesh India
1971 37.3 36.9
1981 31.5 33.9
1991 28.5 29.5
2000 21.1 25.8
2001 20.7 25.4
2002 20.7 25.0
2003 20.6 24.8
2004 19.2 24.1
2005 20.0 23.8
2006 18.8 23.5
2007 17.4 23.1
2008 17.7 22.8
2009 17.2 22.5
2010 16.9 22.1
2011 16.5 21.8
2012 16.2 21.6
2013 16.0 21.4
2014 16.4 21.0
Source: Sample Registration System, Bulletin Registrar General, India or Himachal Pradesh
82
191
Table 3.19 depicts that Himachal Pradesh birth rate during 1971 period marked
37.3, whereas the same in the all India Level was 36.9 per thousand. During the 2004
period the birth rate of Himachal Pradesh was 19.2 per thousand against the all India
rate of 24.1. During the 2014 period the birth rate in Himachal Pradesh is 16.4 per
thousand, while the same with regard to India was 21 per thousand. It is found that the
birth rate of Himachal Pradesh came down to 16.4 per thousand, whereas the same in
India stood at 21 per thousand.
Death Rate
The following table provides the data regarding the death rates in Himachal
Pradesh and India.
Table 3.20
Death Rates, Himachal Pradesh and India
(Per thousand)

1971 15.6 14.9
1981 11.1 12.5
1991 8.9 9.8
2000 7.2 8.5
2001 7.1 8.4
2002 7.5 8.1
2003 7.1 8.0
2004 6.8 7.5
2005 6.9 7.6
2006 6.8 7.5
2007 7.1 7.4
2008 7.4 7.4
2009 7.2 7.3
2010 6.9 7.2
2011 6.7 7.1
2012 6.7 7.0
2013 6.7 7.0
2014 6.7 6.7
Source: Sample Registration System, Bulletin Registrar General or Economic Survey of Himachal
Pradesh.
192
The Table 3.20, shows that during 1971 period the death rate of Himachal
Pradesh stands at 15.6 per thousand, whereas the same in India was 14.9. During the
2004 period the death rate in Himachal Pradesh registered 6.8 per thousand as against
the national rate of 7.5. In the 2014 period, the rate in Himachal Pradesh comes down
to 6.7, whereas the all India rate moved to 6.7 per thousand.
Infant Mortality
Infant Mortality is a sensitive indicator of the health situations in a society.

Infant mortality is very high in India. Infant mortality is affected by both biological and
environmental factors. Therefore, the age of mother, order of births, and spacing of
children play a significant role in determining the level of mortality in a society. 83
Table 3.21
Infant Mortality Rates, Himachal Pradesh and India
(Per thousand)

1971 118 129
1981 71 110
1991 75 80
2001 54 66
2006 50 57
2007 47 55
2008 44 53
2009 45 50
2010 40 47
2011 38 44
2012 36 42
2013 35 40
2014 32 37
Source: Health and Family Welfare Department, Himachal Pradesh or Economic Survey of India
The above Table 3.21, reveals the fact that infant mortality rate in Himachal
Pradesh came down 32 per thousand in 2014 from 118 per thousand in 1951.
Therefore, it can be compared to the all India rate of 129 per thousand in 1971 and 37
83
Nagaraju Battu, op.cit., 2014, p.52.
193
per 1000 in 2014. While Himachal succeeded in bringing down infant mortality rate
from 118 per thousand to 32, the all India rate comes down only to 37 from 129 over a
period. It is definitely a notable achievement not only for the entire society but more
particularly for the womenfolk in Himachal Pradesh.
Violence against Women
Women in India a better half of Indian society, today are becoming the most
vulnerable section, as far as their safety and security is concerned. Violence against
women in India is an issue rooted in societal norms and economic dependence.
Discriminatory practices are underlined by laws favouring men. Inadequate policing
and judicial practices deny female victims proper protection and justice, it is pertinent
to note that a crime against women is committed every three minutes in India.84 The
table clearly shows that the crime against women has increasing trend in Himachal
Pradesh and India.
Table 3.22
Violence against Women in Himachal Pradesh and India
Year Reported Violence in Himachal Pradesh Reported Violence in India

2008 1106 195856
2009 1083 203804
2010 1145 213585
2011 1112 213585
2012 1024 244270
2013 1523 244270
2014 1576 337922
Source: The National Crime Records, Bureau of India 2014 and Director General of Police, Shimla:
Himachal Pradesh.
Table 3.22 shows that in Himachal Pradesh crime against women has
increasedover the years, as total numbers of crime against women reported has gone
from 1106 in 2008 to 1576 in 2014. According to the National Crime Records Bureau
of India, reported incidents of crime against women were a total of 3 37 922 in 2014. It
has increased in Himachal Pradesh and India.
84
Anju Sharma, “ Violence and Safety Scenario of Women- A World Wide Concern”, in Mamta
Mokta (ed.), Women Safety & Security: Issues Challenges, Chandigarh: Mohindra Publishing House,
2015, p. 200.
194
Therefore, it was noted that education has helped Himachal Pradesh women to
reduce infant mortality considerably and improve the health conditions of women.
Thus compared to the status of women belonging to India, the women of Himachal
Pradesh enjoy not only better educational and health facilities but also better indices of
standard of living. Death rate connected with delivery has also come down
considerably. As far as the security of women is concerned, transport facilities and
accommodations are of paramount importance. Agriculture is the main occupation of
the people of the state. About 69 per cent of the main workers are engaged in
agricultural pursuits. Agriculture is the best with the disadvantage of small holdings.
The villages in Himachal Pradesh are inter-linked with transport facilities.
Government Schemes for Women Empowerment
The Government of India has been trying to empower the women through
various schemes some of schemes related to women empowerment in India are:
Central Social Welfare Board (CSWB) 1953: this scheme launched to

promote social welfare activities and appliance welfare programmes for women and
children through spontaneous organizations.
Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA), 1982: this

scheme launched by the government to improve the socio-economic status of the poor
women in the rural areas.
Support to Training and Employment Programme for Women (STEP)

1986: This programme with the aim of developing skills of women for self and
employment. The main targets of this scheme are rural women and urban poor. This
scheme provides funds to help the women and poor. Funds are released to NGOs and
not to the state governments.
The Rashtriya Mahila Kosh (RMK) 1993: National Credit Fund for Women
was set up in 1993 to make credit available for lower income women in India.
Swadhar (1995): This scheme support women to become independent.

Swadhar makes women to be strong and independent by spirit, by thoughts and by
action and provide full control over their lives rather than be the victim. 85
85
Welfare Schemes for Women in India, https://en.m.Wikipedia.org., Accessed on 01-10- 2015.
195
The National Plan of Action for the Girl Child (1991-2000): The plan of
action is to ensure survival, protection and development of the girl child with the
ultimate objective of building up a better future for the girl child.
National Commission for Women (1992): In January 1992 the government

set-up this statutory body with a specific mandate to study and monitor all matters
relating to the constitutional and legal safeguards provided for women, review the
existing legislation to suggest amendments whereas necessary etc.
Reservation for Women in Local Self-Government (1992): The 73rd

Constitutional Amendment Act passed in 1992 by parliament ensured one-third of the
total seats for women in all elected offices in local, whether in rural areas or urban
areas. 86
Antyodaya Anna Yojana (2000): The government of India launched the

scheme called Antyodaya Anna Yojana with effect from 25th December 2000. The
scheme was implemented in Tamil Nadu with effect from 1st November 2001 in urban
areas from 1st December 2001 in rural areas and collectors are over all incharge for the
implementation of this scheme in the District. The objective of the scheme is to ensure
food security to the poorest of the poor. Originally at the time of introduction of
Antyodaya Anna Yajana scheme, each beneficiary was given 25 kg. per month at the
rate of Rs. 3/- per kg., this has been increased to 35 kg. of rice per card, per month at
the rate of Rs. 2/- per kg. through fair priceshop from November 2006 onwards. 87
The National Policy for the Empowerment of Women (2001): The

Development of Women and Child Development in the Ministry of Human Resource
Development have prepared a “National Policy for the Empowerment of Women in the
Year 2001”. The goal of this policy is to bring about the advancement, development
and empowerment of women. 88
Distance Education Programme for Women’s Empowerment (2000): With

a view to achieve education for all by 2000. The National literacy mission came up
with different plans and strategies. The specific objectives of an adult education are
86
Mamta Mokta (ed.), Dimensions of Gender Inequality in Society, Chandigarh: Shree Ram Lal House,
2016, p. 259.
87
Welfare Schemes for Women in India, https://en.m.Wikipedia.org., Accessed on 01-10-2015.
88
Mamta Mokta, op.cit., 2016, p. 259.
196
acquiring the skills necessary for improving the economic status and well-being of
women, imbibing the value of women’s equality empowerment.89
Swayam Siddha (2001): This scheme organizing women into self-help group.
Empowerment of women through SHGs is the needs of the hours. It is basically
concerned with equality, participation, influencing decision and access to opportunity.
It has been realized that organizing of women group is one of the most effective tools
for involving women in the development process and this task can be fully performed
by the involvement of self-help groups in women’s empowerment.90
National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) (2005): The National Rural Health
Mission (NRHM) was launched by the Government of India in April 2005, with a view
to bringing about dramatic improvement in the health system and the health status of
the people, especially those who live in the rural areas of the country. The mission
seeks to provide universal access to equitable, affordable and quality health care, which
is accountable at the same time responsive to the needs of the people. The NRHM also
aims to achieve the goals set out under the National Health Policy and the Millennium
Development Goals during the mission period.91
UJJAWALA (2007): Ujjawala is a Compressive Central Sector Scheme to

combat trafficking, launched on 4th December 2007. The scheme has five components
such as Prevention, Rescue, Rehabilitation and Re-Integration of Victims of
Trafficking and Commercial Sexual Exploitation.
The Mother and Child Tracking System (MCTS) (2009): This program
helps to monitor the health care department to ensure that all mothers and children have
access all the required services and medical care, during pregnancy and delivery. Also
the system maintains a database of all pregnancies registered and all births from 2009,
December.
The Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana-Conditional Maternity Benefit

Plan (IGMSY-CMB) (2010): This scheme sponsored by the central Government for
pregnant women age 19 and over, for their first two live births. This program provides
89
Ajit Kumar Sinha (ed.), New Dimensions of Women Empowerment, New Delhi: Deep and Deep
Publications, 2008, p.142.
90
Ibid., p. 87.
91
Shahin Razi, “Rural Infrastructure-A Gateway to Rural Prosperity”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 61, No.12,
2013, p. 31.
197
money to help better health and nutrition of the pregnant women/- in 3 instalments.
Any government employee doesn’t come under this scheme.
Priyadarshini (2011), Priyadarshini is a pilot programme for women

empowerment. This scheme offers women in seven districts, access to self-help groups
and promotion of livelihood opportunities.92
The Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for Empowerment of Adolescent Girls-Sabla

(RGSEAG) (2012), this scheme targets adolescent girls of 11-18. The scheme offers a
package of benefits for improving their health and nutrition. This program offers many
services on central level to help women to become self supporting, to get nutritional
supplementation, education, education of health, life skills and various types of
vocational training.
Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUP) (2016): The Pardhan Mantri

Ujjwala Yojana is a welfare program of the government of India, launched by Indian
Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2016. The stated objective of program is providing
50,000,000 LPG connections to women from families below the poverty lines. As on
3rd April 2017, twenty million LPG connections had been completed. It is guided by a
strong commitment to bring in changes in lives of poor women.93
Himachal Pradesh State Government Initiatives for Women Empowerment
Government of Himachal Pradesh also initiated programmes/schemes for

women empowerment these programmes appended below:
Women State Homes: Women and wayward girls Women State Home is
being run at Mashobra (Shimla) by the department. The main purpose of this scheme is
to provide shelter, food, clothing, education and vocational training to the young girls,
widows, deserted, destitute and women, who are in moral danger. For rehabilitation of
such women, after leaving State Home, Financial Assistance of Rs.20,000 per women
is provided. In case of marriage, assistance of Rs. 51,000 also provided to women.
Mukhya Mantri Kanyadaan Yojna: Under this scheme, marriage grant of Rs.
40,000 is given to the parents/ guardians of the girls to solemnize her marriage
provided their annual income does not exceed Rs. 35,000. During 2015-16 a budget
92
93
Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana, https:// en.m. Wikipedia.org., Accessed on 04-08-2017.
198
provision of 566.25 lakh has been kept for this purpose, out of which an amount of
378.98 lakh has been spent and 1516 beneficiaries were covered up to December 2015.
Self-Empowerment Scheme for Women: Under this scheme 5,000 provided

to the women, whose annual income is less than Rs. 35,000 for carrying income
generating activities.
Widow Re-marriage Scheme: The state government is implementing widow

re-marriage Scheme for rehabilitation of young widows by increasing them to enter
into wedlock. Under this scheme and amount of Rs.50,000 is provided as a grant for the
couple.
Mother Teressa Asahay Matri Sambal Yojna: Under this scheme Rs.3000
per child per annum given is to the destitute women belonging to the BPL families or
having income less than Rs. 35,000 for the maintenance of their children, till they attain
the age of 18 years. The assistance will be provided only for two children.
Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojna : Under this scheme free institutional
deliveries of expectant mothers, irrespective of their income are being done in all
government hospitals in the state.
Mata Shabri Mahila Sashaktikaran Yojna: Under this scheme is to provide

relief from drudgery to women belonging to BPL families or those SC/ST families,
whose annual income is less than Rs. 35,000 by providing gas connections. Under this
scheme, 50 per cent subsidy, subject to a maximum of 1,300 is eligible women for
purchase of gas connection. As per schematic norms every year 75, SC/ST women in
each assembly constituency should be benefited and total 5,100 women in the state are
benefited.
Vishesh Mahila Utthan Yojna: State government has started “Vishesh Mahila
Utthan Yojna” as 100 per cent State Plan Scheme for training and rehabilitation of
women in mortal danger in the state. There is a provision to provide stipend Rs.3,000
per month per trainee through the department of women and child development.
Financial Assistance and Support Services to Victims of Rape Scheme

2012: The scheme aims to provide financial assistance and support services such as
counselling, medical aid, legal assistance, education and vocational training; depending
199
upon the needs of rape victims. An affected woman shall be entitled to financial
assistance and restorative support/ services adding up to a maximum amount of Rs.
75,000 additional assistance of Rs. 25,000 can also be given in a special cases. During
the current financial year 2015-16, there is a budget provision of 66.00 lakh and upto
December 2015, 30 women have been benefited.
Beti Bachao Beti Padhao Scheme: This scheme has been launched on 21st
January 2015 in 100 districts of India with the objective of preventing gender biased
sex selective elimination ensuring survival, protection and education of the girl child.
The scheme is an initiative to arrest and reverse (improve) the decline in child sex ratio.
In the state, this scheme is implemented in Una district, were the child sex ratio was
reported lowest. Through this process, efforts are made to create awareness among
masses about the adverse effects of declining sex ratio.
Beti Hai Anmol Yojna: With a view to change negative family and community
attitude towards the girl child at birth and to improve enrolment and retention of girl
children in schools, Beti Hai Anmol Scheme is being implemented in the state on 5th
July 2010. Under this scheme Post Birth Grant of Rs. 10,000 is provided to two girls
only belonging to BPL families and scholarships are provided from 1st Class to 10+2
Classes for their education. The State Government has made 50 per cent increase in
scholarship rates on 23rd July 2015, with a new rates of scholarships ranging from Rs.
450 to Rs.2, 250 per annum. For the year 2015-16, there is a budget provision of 946.65
lakh and an amount of 518.70 lakh has been spent upto December 2015 and 16, 111
girls have been benefited.
Kishori Shakti Yojna: This scheme is implemented to improve their nutrition

and health status, spread awareness among them about health, hygiene, nutrition
Adolescent Reproductive and Sexual Health(ARSH) and family and child care, upgrade
their home-based skills, life skills and vocational skills. The scheme was hundred per
cent central sponsored scheme upto financial year 2014-15 which has been revised to
90:10 between the centre and the state from current financial year 2015-16. The scheme
is functioning in 8 Districts of the state viz. Shimla, Sirmour, Kinnaur, Mandi,
Hamirpur, Bilaspur, Una and Lahaul and Spiti.
200
Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for Empowerment of Adolescent Girls: Rajeev
Gandhi Scheme for empowerment of Adolescent Girls (RGSEAG)–SABLA is a central
sponsored scheme for empowerment of the adolescent girls (AGs from the age 11-18).
The main objectives of the scheme is to improve their nutrition and health status,
spread awareness among them about health, hygiene, nutrition, Adolescent
Reproductive and Sexual Health (ARSH), and family and child care, upgrades their
home-based skills, life skills and vocational skills. The cost sharing ratio of nutrition
component of the scheme was 50:50 and non-nutrition component was 100 percent
central share upto financial year 2014-15, which has been revised to 90:10 between the
centre and state from current financial year 2015-16. This scheme has been started in
four districts viz. Solan, Kullu, Chamba and Kangra. Nutrition and non-nutrition are
two major components of the scheme.94
State Commission for Women: State women commission has been set up in
the state for redressal of grievance of women and to make them aware about their legal
rights. This commission is providing counselling services and legal aid to women. The
commission also looks into the complaint of violence and atrocities against women.
State Level Council for Empowerment of Women: State level council for
empowerment has been set up in the state for effective implementation and monitoring
of national policy for empowerment of women.95
Five Year Plans and Women Empowerment:
First Five Year Plan (1951-56): First five year plan set up the central social
welfare board in 1953 to promote welfare work through voluntary organizations,
charitable trusts etc.
Second Five Year Plan (1956-61): Second five year plan supported the
development of Mahila Mandals to work at the grassroots.
94
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, Shimla: Economic and Statistics Department
Himachal Pradesh, 2016-17, pp.131-134.
95
Economics and Statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2014, pp. 12-15.
201
Third Five Year Plan (1961-1966): Women education was recognized as most
important and main welfare indicator in third five year plan. More thrust was given for
the programmes relating to their health, mother and child welfare, health education,
nutrition and family planning.96
Fourth Five Year Plan (1969-1974): In the fourth five year plan, special focus
was made towards women education and family welfare.
Fifth Five Year Plan (1974-78): There was a major shift in the approach
towards women, from welfare to development.
Sixth Five Year Plan (1980-1985): Sixth five year plan accepted women’s
development as a separate economic agenda took a multi-disciplinary approach with a
three-pronged thrust on health, education and employment.
Seventh Five Year Plan (1985-1990): It had the objective of bringing women
into the mainstream of national development.
Eighth Five Year Plan (1992-97): It saw a paradigm shift from development to
empowerment and benefits to women in the core sectors of education, health and
employment. Outlay for women rose from Rs. 4 crore in the first five year plan to Rs.
2000 crore in the eighth.97
Ninth Five Year Plan (1997-2002): In the 9th five year plan the effective steps
were taken by central government for social economic and educational development of
women. In this five year plan, thirty per cent funds were kept reserved for the
development of women through self help groups. Adequate attention was given
towards women health. Many programmes were stated for improvement of women
nutrition such as mid-day meal.
Tenth Five Year Plan (2002-2007): Tenth five year plan suggests specific
strategies, policies and programmes for the empowerment of women.98
96
Anju Pal, “Women Empowerment in India: Globalization and Opportunities”, in Meenu Agrawal
(ed.), Women Empowerment and Globalization: A Modern Perspective, New Delhi: Kanishka
97
Ibid.,
98
Ibid, p.344.
202
Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-2012): In the eleventh five year plan 2007-
2012 twenty five main sectors have been identified, wherein women development has
been given the place in two sectors viz., social justice and women empowerment,
women and child development, forty one members working committee has been
constituted for women empowerment.99
Twelfth Five Year Plan 2012-2017: The twelfth five year plan entitled as
faster, sustainable and more inclusive growth. Twelfth five year plan has emphasized
on single women by providing ‘quota’ in jobs. Moreover, women’s inclusion in
inclusive growth is only possible, when inclusive democracy turned to be reality not the
myth.100
99
Public Welfare Plan of Government of India, Directorate of Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, Advertisement, New Delhi, p. 24.
100
Satarupa Pal, “Women in Twelfth Five Year Plan in India: An Analysis”, A Journal of Humanities,
Vol. 2, No.I, 2013, pp.121-124.
203
CHAPTER-IV
SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL VARIABLES IN THE

PARTICIPATION OF THE WOMEN
Women play an important role in the development of society. Women’s

economic status, political awareness and ideology invariably determines her place in
society. Moreover, social mores and values affect mankind’s attitude towards women.
Indeed, the position of women in society can be used as a yardstick for the evaluation
of any age. Jawaharlal Nehru was the opinion that the awakening of women is essential
for the general awakening of mankind. Once women are awakened, the family, the
village and the whole nation are inevitable influenced by their attitude. Political
consciousness is essential for the awakening of women. Therefore, all those who are
aware of the importance of the development of women realize, how important, it is for
women to be conscious and active in the political sphere.1
The socio-economic background of the respondents is an important variable in

determining their social status in the community. Karl Mannheim (1936) in this
connection has remarked that “the opinions, statements, prepositions and systems of
ideas are not taken at their face values but are interpreted in the light of the life
situation of the one, who expresses them.” Our thinking and behaviour pattern are
conditioned by our social experiences.2 The socio-economic conditions play an
important role in characterizing the social life and behaviour of an individual. The
socio-economic status of an individual affects the patterns of interaction in a society. It
is, therefore, essential to analyses the socio-economic background of the rural leaders
to understand the pattern of relationship between the rural local leaders and the
environment. In a developing society like ours, where forces of caste and kinship
influence the social life and acute disparity in standard of living and sub-culture among
various groups and regions exist, a study of the socio-economic conditions of local
leaders would help reveal sociologically significant dimensions. 3
1
M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.), Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Swaraj Prakashan,
1999, p.137.
2
3
S.S.Chahar (ed.), Governance at Grassroots Level in India, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2005,
p. 399.
205
Social background is still more significant in the context of leadership, because
it does not only decide the descriptive status style of life and class position, values and
aspirations but also the capacity of leaders of sustain struggle for power and authority.
In an ascription-oriented society as Indian, the social existence of an individual
becomes all the more significant in nature and structure of leadership.4 Democracy is
never complete unless active involvement and participation of people at all levels is
assured.5 Panchayati Raj is regarded as the heart and soul of Indian democracy. The
health and strength of Indian democracy depends on its sound functioning. It is an
agency of social progress, economic prosperity and political development.
Leadership plays an important role in shaping the social, political and

economic life of rural communities. Leadership is an extremely complex social
phenomenon.6 Participation of women in the Panchayati Raj Institution is considered
essential not only for ensuring political participation in the democratic process but also
for realizing the developmental goals for women. The first step for the political
empowerment of women has been initiated with 33 per cent of seats being reserved for
women in the Panchayati Raj Institutions under the amended Panchayati Raj Act. Now
local self government reserved for women 50 per cent, will be local elections. 7
Participation of women in Panchayati Raj Institutions has been recognized as a

step towards equality.8 Political empowerment refers to the equitable representation of
women in decision-making structures, both formal and informal, and their voice in the
formulation of policies affecting their societies. It is for the first time in Indian history
that women are covering a wide spectrum of activity and entering almost every field of
life. They are now challenging male science and knowledge; they are interpreting
religion, rewriting history, breaking the age old silence, opposing injustice, inequality
and the oppression against them. Political empowerment of women is a part of the
overall empowerment process, political participation is a major path to women’s
4
Ibid., pp. 399-400.
5
Ibid., p. 351.
6
M. R. Biju, Dynamics of New Panchayati Raj System: Reflections and Retrospections, New Delhi:
Kanishka Publishers, 1998, p. 203.
7
Thapai Ananda, et al., “Political Participation of Women in India- An Overview”, International
Journal of Advanced Research, Vol.1, No. 10, 2013, p. 632.
8
206
empowerment as well as participation in the decision-making process lead to
empowerment in the true sense.9 The collected information and data were classified on
the basis of age, caste, religion, marital status, education, occupation, landholding and
family size and political involvement of women.
Age
Age is an important characteristic of human being. It refers to physical and

psychological maturity of a person and also serves as an indication of his/her
experience knowledge and worldly wisdom.10 Age was a significant factor not only in
case of career advancement but the benefit of experience does not come from anything
other than personal experience. Experience tells the individual what to do, how and in
what order to do it, and which other individuals to draw into the handing of particular
matters. In Indian culture also, age has been associated with experience and wisdom.
And it was well known, wisdom was the highest form of knowledge required to
perform any kind of functions whether public or private.11 This is one of the most
important factors that determine rural leadership. But with a new system of PRIs along
with lowering of voting age from 21 to 18 years in the constitutional amendment act,
has brought some changes in the leadership pattern of rural India. It is believed that,
there will be significant strength of association between age as a continuous variable on
one hand, and political orientation, political identification and political activity on the
other hand. Traditionally speaking, it was the prerogative of the elders to hold
important position in the villages, respect for age in rural society was the projection of
behaviour in our family setup.12 The implementation of 73rd Constitutional Amendment
Act has brought some change in the leadership pattern.13 Age is considered to be an
important factor, as it affects not only the behavioural pattern of the individual but also
9
10
Manjunath S. Hosagur, “Role of Panchayats in Rural Development: A Political Study”, Third
Concept, Vol. 26, No. 300-301, February-March 2012, p. 41.
11
Anupama Singh, Bureaucracy at the Grassroots Level in India, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
2006, p. 26.
12
Arun Kumar Singh, Political Orientation of People in Rural India, New Delhi: Mittal Publications,
1987, p. 42.
13
B.S. Bhargava, Grassroots Leadership, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1978, p.18.
207
influences one’s ideas and views. As one grows up, one gets exposed to the prevailing
social and cultural patterns and develops a particular kind of attitude.14
In an Indian structure age has great significance in view of prestige and

experience. It is an important characteristic of human beings. It does not only refer to
physical maturity of man but also saves as an indication of his experience, knowledge
and worldly wisdom. Without equating seniority in age with political wisdom, it can be
vouchsafed that ruling is an art involving a high degree of judgement, which can be
acquired mainly through experience.15 Age is one of the important variables in the
understanding of women’s status in society. With change in age the women’s status and
role also changes. 16 Traditionally the leadership was with few privileged persons of the
society and now the younger strata of population are also taking a keen interest in the
political process particularly in the grass root institutions. This factor is also significant
in the terms of experience and maturity of judgment.17 According to K.C. Vidya, the
presence of younger women is a sign of change from the traditional attitude, which
tended to keep younger women away from public life of village communities. The
opinion that, the younger generation lacks political experience does not hold well in the
case of women, since the majority of their involvement in the political sphere is itself
new.18
Rural society is predominantly traditional and conservative, but the need of the
hour is an orientation towards the progress and change. Such changes can be initiated
and promoted only by the young leaders.19 In the tradition-bound and patriarchal Indian
society, social mobility of women usually occurs very marginally and therefore, entry
of the young unmarried women in politics was restrictive. But the situation has been
changed after the new dispensation, which inducts younger women in rural politics.20
The age wise composition of the respondents has been given below.
14
Reena Singh, Gender Composition Values, Preference and Behaviour, New Delhi: Rawat
15
S.S Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p. 400.
16
S.K. Singh and A.K. Singh, OBC Women: Status and Educational Empowerment, Lucknow: New
Royal Book Company, 2004, p.143.
17
B.S. Bhargava, op.cit., 1978, p.18.
18
K.C.Vidya, Political Empowerment of Women at the Grassroots, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
2007, p. 103
19
Ibid.,p. 20.
20
Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2009, p.115.
208
Table: 4.1
Age Wise Classification of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Age in Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Years
No. % age No. % age No. % age
1 18-30 46 31.73 9 6.16 55 18.90
2 31-40 72 49.66 74 50.69 146 50.17
3 41-50 23 15.86 41 28.09 64 22.00
4 Above 50 4 2.75 22 15.06 26 8.93
Total 145 100
50.69 146 100 291 100
60
49.66
50
31.73
40
Percentage (%)
28.09
30 Mandi
15.86
15.06
Kangra
20
6.16
2.75
10
0
18-30 31-40 41-50 Above 50
Age in Years
Fig.4.1 Age Wise Classification of the Respondents

Fig.4.1:
Table 4.1 shows that out of the total, 291 respondents were interviewed, out of
which 55 respondents were from the age group of 18 to 30 years,
years which constitute
18.90 per cent of the total sample, while 146 respondents were from the age group of
31 to 40 years, which constitute 50.17 per cent of the total sample. There were 64
respondents who were from the age group of 41 to 50 years, which constitute 22.00 per
cent of the total sample. Similarly, from the age group of above 50 years,
years the number of
respondents was 26 which constitute 8.93 per cent of the sample.
209
In district Mandi out of the total 145 respondents were interviewed, out of
which 46 respondents were from the age group of 18 to 30 years which constitute 31.73
per cent of the total sample, while 72 respondents were from the age group of 31 to 40
years which constitute 49.66 per cent of the total sample. There were 23 respondents
who were from the age group of 41 to 50 years, which constitute 15.86 per cent of the
total sample. Similarly, from the age group of above 50 years the number of
Similarly, in district Kangra out of the total 146 respondents were interviewed,
out of which 9 respondents were from the age group of 18 to 30 years, which constitute
6.16 per cent of the total sample, while 74 respondents were from the age group of 31
to 40 years which constitute 50.69 per cent of the total sample. There were 41
respondents, who were from the age group of 41 to 50 years, which constitute 28.09 per
cent of the total sample. Similarly, from the age group of above 50 years the number of
The comparative analysis of two districts reveals that as far as the age factor
was concerned there was little variation in the age group of women respondents in two
districts. The old women had very little share in the participation of politics. The study
reveals that the younger generation takes more interest in the politics.
Caste
Caste is known as jati in common parlance. Caste as a system of social relations

has been a central point in Hindu society for several centuries. A lot of conjectures,
controversies and explanations have come up about its origin, nature and role in Indian
society. It has been claimed that it is an all-encompassing system, an ideology, which
would govern all other relations. Its central notion is hierarchy based on the ideas of
pollution and purity. A caste is an endogamous group, that is, its members marry within
the caste. A man is born in a caste and remains in that forever. Members of a caste used
to have a particular occupation on a hereditary basis. Caste occupies a particular rank in
the hierarchy of castes, hence some are superior to it and some are inferior. At the top
are Brahmans and at the bottom are the untouchable castes.21
Caste defined as a small group of persons characterized by endogamy,

hereditary membership, and a specific style of life, which sometimes includes the
21
K. L. Sharma, Indian Social Structure and Change, Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2007, p. 159.
210
pursuit by tradition of a particular occupation and was usually associated with a more
or less distinct ritual status in a hierarchical status. The Indian society was highly
stratified into the age-old division of castes and sub-castes. The Indian caste system
manifests itself as a vertical structure, in which individual castes were hierarchically
graded and kept permanently apart, and at the same time, were linked by well-defined
expectation and obligations which integrate them into the village social system.22
Historically, according to the verna scheme of cast grouping, there were four
varnas; the Brahmins (Priests), the Kshatriyas (Warriors), the Vaishyas (Business and
Trade) and the Shudras (Craftsman) ranking of this classification was generally agreed
upon and by custom and consensus. Brahmins had been placed above all, followed by
Kshatriyas, Vaishayas and Shudras in that order. The caste structure in Indian context
cannot be completely overruled, since it has deep roots in our history. The Indian
society was greatly divided into various castes and sub-castes. The main purpose of this
query was to see, whether all castes were well represented in the bureaucracy or not. 23
According to Rajni Kothari, “Caste is a stratification system in which distances

are rigidly maintained through endogamy, population and the legitimacy of rituals.” In
a democratic system virtually any kind of social identity may be used as a basis for
mobilising political support and it is difficult to deny that caste continues to play major
part in this system.24 Caste has been very widely discussed in the modern sociological
analysis. It has been regarded as the main determinant of political behaviour in India.
An eminent scholar, Andre Beteille explained that social exclusion was maintained
through the rules of purity and pollution, which have been roots in Hindu Religion.25 It
is an important variable of an individual’s ascribed status. The Indian society is
hierarchically divided based on caste. The position of a caste in the hierarchy is
independent of its economic status. Caste determines social prestige and also associated
with different types of social practices.26
Caste has played an instrumental role in raising issues related to the more
marginalised among women. In a highly hierarchical society, women belonging to the
lower castes have lesser access to public fora, which is compounded by their gender.
22
Anupama Singh, op.cit., 2006, p.28.
23
Ibid.,
24
Rajni Kothari, Caste in Indian Politics, Bombay: Orient Longman, 1973, p.8.
25
Andre Beteille, Ideology and Social Science, United Kingdom: Penguin Books 2006, p. 43.
26
Savita Thakur Joshi (ed.), op.cit., 1999, pp. 39-40.
211
This exclusion makes it difficult for these women to represent and articulate the voices
of their constituency and their demands are often overlooked or subsumed by the
dominant sections of the society. Social divisions on the basis of caste often limit the
potential for gender solidarity between women, thereby thwarting attempts at
developing a common political agenda. Caste is a significant variable in the functioning
of the Indian political system. In ancient India, the caste Panchayats used to deal with
the matters pertaining to their castes only and also to the matter of wider importance
affecting the whole village that was dealt by the village council. This was the manner in
which the British transferred the political functions. In the independent India, the
provisions of constitutional safeguard to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
have given a new lease of life to the caste.27
Caste has been the most powerful institution in rural power structure in India.28
On attribute of caste, the leader should belong to the dominant caste, which is usually
the most numerous and economically dominant caste group.29 According to A. R.
Desai, “Caste largely determines the function, the status, available opportunities as well
as handicaps for individuals.30 The influence of caste is marked more in rural society.
Caste plays a significant role in moulding the emergence of leadership at the village
level. It has been observed that the people belonging to the ‘dominant castes’ have
usually been found elected to these grassroots level institutions. 31
The Constitution of independent India has established the rule of law

throughout the entire country. All citizens are equal and subject to the same authority.
Birth-based privileges have been abolished. Religion, language, region, caste or
community are no longer the basis of special powers and privileges, the weaker
sections of society, the scheduled castes (SC), the scheduled tribes (ST) and the Other
Backward Classes (OBC) have been given special concessions to bridge the gap
between them and the upper castes and classes32. Dominated caste always played more
important role in local socio-economic condition, however reservation have given the
chance to determine their destiny. The 73rd Amendment Act has provided ample of
opportunity to the lowers castes i.e. SCs and STs etc. to ensure their participation in
27
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, p. 103.
28
R.S. Singh, Rural Elite Entrepreneurship and Social Change, Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1985, p. 60.
29
Dharam Raj Singh, Rural Leadership Among Scheduled Castes, Allahabad: Chugh Publications, 1985, p. 28.
30
A.R. Desai, Rural Sociology in India, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1969, p. 39.
31
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, p. 103.
32
K.L. Sharma, op.cit., 2007, p.8.
212
decision making process. Caste system is a hereditary classification of people in a
society. The status of a person gets pre-determined
pre in a caste system. The social
stratification that categories people into different groups called caste,
caste is usually based
on your family tree. The caste wise composition of the respondents has been given
below.
Table 4.2
Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of Caste
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Sr.No Caste Mandi Kangra
1 General 65 44.83 46 31.51 111 38.15
2 SCs 72 49.66 37 25.34 109 37.46
3 STs 3 2.06 13 8.90 16 5.49
4 OBCs 5 3.45 50 34.25 55 18.90
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
49.66
44.83
50 Mandi
45
34.25
Kangra
31.51
40
25.34
Percentage (%)
35
30
25
20
8.9
15
3.45
2.06
10
5
0
General SCs STs OBCs
Caste
Fig. 4.2: Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of Caste
The table 4.2 indicate that in all 291 respondents were interviewed through a
questionnaire in which the information regarding caste factor in the society has been
presented. Out of the total 291,
291 respondents 111 respondents were from the general
category, which constitutes 38.15 per cent of the total sample. Whereas,
Whereas there were 109
213
respondents from Scheduled Caste which constitute 37.46 per cent of the sample, while
there were 16 respondents from Schedule Tribe, which constitute 5.49 per cent of the
sample and there were 55 respondents from OBCs which constitute 18.90 per cent of
the total sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents 65 respondents were from the general
category, which constitutes 44.83 per cent of the total sample. Whereas, there were 72
respondents from Scheduled Caste, which constitute 49.66 per cent of the sample,
while there were 3 respondents from Schedule Tribe, which constitute 2.06 per cent of
the sample and there were 5 respondents from OBCs, which constitute 3.45 per cent of
the total sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents 46 respondents were from the general
respondents from scheduled caste, which constitute 25.34 per cent of the sample, while
there were 13 respondents from schedule tribe, which constitute 8.90 per cent of the
the total sample.
From the above analysis it appears that the share of general category of the
respondents in district Mandi was higher (44.83%) in comparison to district Kangra
(31.51%). And Scheduled Caste share is concerned, district Mandi has higher (49.66%)
to district Kangra (25.34%). As far as the OBCs share was concerned district Kangra
had higher share in comparison to district Mandi. The Scheduled Tribes have very
nominal existence in both districts. It appears that the share of STs was still very low. It
may be due to less population of their groups. It was observed during the field study,
that there were mainly two dominant castes in the districts i.e. Brahmin and Rajput in
the general category. People were still graded on their caste position and this was truer
of hilly areas of Himachal Pradesh.
Education
Education plays a very important role in the development of a nation by

transforming the attitudes and inculcating democratic values.33 Durkheim defined
education as the action exercised by the older generations upon those, who were not yet
33
Anupama Singh, Contemporary Discourses on Gender Justice, New Delhi: SSDN Publishers, 2016,
p. 53.
214
ready for social life. Its objective was to awaken and develop in the child those
physical, intellectual and moral states, which were required to him both by his society
as a whole and by the milieu for which he was specially destined. Education, in fact,
helps in social and occupational mobility for the members in social hierarchy.
Educational attainments, to a large extent determine the nature and type of job
opportunities. Johnson rightly argues that there was a broad tendency for people with
higher education to have higher-ranking occupations.34
Education in a broad sense, from infancy to adulthood, was thus a vital means
of social control, and its significance has been greatly enhanced in the last two decades
by the rapid expansion of education at all levels in the developing countries. Through
education, new generations learn the social norms and the penalties for infringing them;
they were instructed also in their station and its duties within the system of social
differentiation and stratification.35 Women constitute almost half of the population of
the world. Education for women is the best way to improve the health, nutrition and
economic status of a household that constitute a micro unit of a nation’s economy.36
Education has far reaching input on the march of women towards empowerment.
Education is the key to all ways and means of women’s empowerment. Virtually, it
opens new vistas to overall achievement of women and consequently leads to their
empowerment.37
Education is one of the important variables which determine the status of

women. Taking into account the different literacy rate, the enrolment for higher and
vocational education, and the dropout rate, one can find out the extent of discrimination
which prevails in a given society at a given period of time. Kamla Bhasin (1973) opines
that the difference in the position of men and women cannot reduce as long as there is a
disparity between the two at the educational level. Traditionally, in India, the
educational opportunities were not open to all the segments and caste groups. Further,
due to the patriarchal social structure, the women were patriarchal social structure, the
women were discriminated against and hence, even among the upper castes, only a few
women got the opportunity to get educated.
34
Anupama Singh, op.cit., 2006, p. 30.
35
Ibid., p. 42.
36
M. Tarique Anwer, “Development of Female Education”, Third Concept, Vol. 31, No. 362, April
2017, p. 25.
37
Chandni Sinha, “Education and Empowerment of Women”, Third Concept, Vol. 21, No. 243, May
2007, p. 51.
215
During the first half of the 19th century, education for women was limited only
to a small number of aristocratic families, who imparted education to their women, so
that they could help them the management of their huge estates. The charter Act of
1813 passed by the East India Company provided them with more opportunities to send
their children to schools and colleges. Missionaries and a few philanthropic
Englishmen entered this field and began rendering support to the establishment of
special schools for girls. Among the Indians, who took a keen interest in women’s
education were Ram Mohan Roy, and Iswar Chandra Vidya Sagar (1813-1854).
However the education was confined to a few privileged women. At the time of
Indian’s independence in 1947, not only was a large percentage of its population
illiterate, but there was a marked discrimination so far as imparting education to the
men and women were concerned.38 In this context, it can be argued that lack of women
education can be an impediment to the country’s economic development. In India
women achieved for less education that of men. The growth of women’s education in
rural areas is very slow. This obviously means that still large womenfolk of our country
are illiterate, the weak, backward and exploited.
Education is the most powerful tool of change of women position in society.

Education also brings a reduction in inequalities and functions as a means of improving
their status within the family. 39 To provide the education to everyone, Education For
All (EFA) programme was launched in 2002 by the Government of India after its 86th
Constitutional Amendment, made education from age 6-14 the fundamental right of
every Indian child. But position of girl’s education is not improving according to
determined parameter for women.40 Article 21-A of the constitution of India and its
consequent legislation, the Right of Children to free and Compulsory Education (RTE)
Act, 2009, which became operative in the country on 1st April 2010, makes it
incumbent on government to provide free and compulsory education to children of 6 to
14 years of age.41
Higher Education in India is provided by both the public and private sector.
India has the largest number of higher educational institutions. According to the data
published by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India, the
38
39
M. Tarique Anwer, op.cit., 2017, p. 25.
40
Sunil Kumar Sain and Sudhir Sudam Kaware, “A Present Status of Women Education in India”,
Educationia Confab, Vol. 2, No. 9, September 2013, p. 50.
41
Shailendar Sharma, “Access to Education”, Yojana, Vol. 60, January 2016, p. 49.
216
number of Universities/University-level institutions has increased 18 times from 27 in
1950 to 504 in 2009. The sector boasts of 42 Central Universities, 243 State
Universities, 53 State Private Universities, 130 Deemed Universities, 33 Institutions of
National importance (established under Acts of Parliament) and five Institutions
(Established under various State legislations). The number of colleges has also
registered a manifold increase with just 578 in 1950 growing to be more than 30,000 in
2011.42
Education is the process that liberates mind. It is liberation from all forms of
darkness and ignorance. Women’s literacy is essential for economic viability and
independence. Acquisition of knowledge is one of the prerequisites of human
development. Today all development agencies agree on the importance of educating
women in order to promote and maintain family education, health, nutrition and general
well-being. The aim of education should be to train women in such a way that they
apply their acquired knowledge to the pursuits of daily life and fit them for the position
they have to fill. Education for women should always be directed towards their holistic
development. Education enhances a women’s sense of her own health needs and
perspectives, and her power to make any health and family planning decisions.43 It is
considered an important variable not only for widening mental horizon of the
individual but also it helps a person to make use of rational and scientific approach to
different problems.44 Therefore, according to census report 2011, in Himachal Pradesh
the literacy rate of women is 75.93 per cent and that of men is 89.53 per cent. As per
the census report 2011, in India the literacy rate of women is 65.46 per cent and that of
men is 82.14 per cent. There has been a sincere effort to improve the education
attainment of women by both government and voluntary organizations. The changes in
the policies and in-frastructural supports on primary, secondary and higher education
reflect the initiatives of the government of India towards women education.45 Higher
educational level of citizen is an important prerequisite for greater role in political
process. Education enables one to act rationally. Some previsions study shows that
higher education leads to greater commitment. In the opinion of Jorgan, education is
not to be regarded as an important factor for political participation. Duverger is
42
Jyoti Gautam, “Gender Issues in Higher Education”, Third Concept, Vol. 29, No. 345, November
2015, pp. 20-21.
43
Rameshwari Pandya (ed.), op.cit., 2008, p. 165.
44
45
217
convinced that education is the most decisive
decisive factor for women’s political
participation.46 Table shows the educational levels of the respondents.
Table 4.3
Educational Levels of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Educational Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Qualification
1 Illiterate 00 00 4 2.74 4 1.37
2 Primary 14 9.65 17 11.64 31 10.66
3 Middle 16 11.04 28 19.18 44 15.12
4 Matric 52 35.86 44 30.14 96 32.99
5 Plus Two 45 31.03 33 22.60 78 26.81
6 Graduation 8 5.52 13 8.90 21 7.22
Post
7 8 5.52 4 2.74 12 4.12
Graduation
8 Others 2 1.38 3 2.06 5 1.71
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
35.86
31.03
30.14
40
Mandi
22.6
Percentage (%)
19.18
30 Kangra
11.64
11.04
20
9.65
8.9
5.52
5.52
2.74
2.74
2.06
1.38
10
0
Educational Qualification
Fig. 4.3: Educational Levels of the Respondents
Table 4.3 depicts that out of 291 respondents there were 4 respondents who
were illiterate, which constitute 1.37 per cent of the total sample,
sample while 31 respondents
46
Usha Kiran, Participation of Women in Indian Politics:
Politics Gender Justice and Political Challenge,
122.
218
were having educational qualification level up to primary which constitute 10.66 per
cent of the sample, 44 respondents were with middle standard which constitute 15.12
per cent of the total sample. Whereas 96 respondents were matriculates which
constitute 32.99 per cent of the sample, 78 respondents were upto ten plus two which
constitute 26.81 per cent of the sample and 21 respondents were graduates which
constitute 7.22 per cent of the sample. There were 12 respondents were post graduates
which constitute 4.12 per cent of the sample. There were only 5 respondents having
some other type of educational qualification, which constitute 1.71 per cent of the
sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, there were 14 respondents were

having educational qualification level up to primary, which constitute 9.65 per cent of
the sample, 16 respondents were with middle standard, which constitute 11.04 per cent
of the total sample. Whereas 52 respondents were matriculates, which constitute 35.86
per cent of the sample, 45 respondents were up to ten plus two, which constitute 31.03
per cent of the sample and 8 respondents were graduates, which constitute 5.52 per cent
of the sample. There were 8 respondents were post graduates, which constitute 5.52 per
cent of the sample. There were only 2 respondents having some other type of
educational qualification, which constitute 1.38 per cent of the sample.
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, there were 4 respondents

who were illiterate, which constitute 2.74 per cent of the total sample, while 17
respondents were having educational qualification level up to primary, which constitute
11.64 per cent of the sample, 28 respondents were with middle standard, which
constitute 19.18 per cent of the total sample. Whereas 44 respondents were
matriculates, which constitute 30.14 per cent of the sample, 33 respondents were upto
ten plus two which constitute 22.60 per cent of the sample and 13 respondents were
graduates, which constitute 8.90 per cent of the sample. There were 4 respondents were
post graduates, which constitute 2.74 per cent of the sample. There were only 3
respondents having some other type of educational qualification which constitute 2.06
per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of both districts reveals that the education level of
respondents of Mandi was higher than that of Kangra. Majority of the respondents were
educated up to matriculation level. The analysis of education standard also proves that
the majority of the leadership in state politics is in the hands of educated elected
219
women. In rural area educational system is not well developed. Hence educational level
and their understanding of the current issues were very poor.
Marital Status
Marriage is an important occasion in human life. In the Hindu society, marriage

is supposed to be a religious obligation. After marriage there is a transition in the status
of men and women with attendant rights and obligations.47 India is characterized by the
presence of a large number of endogamous castes, tribes and religious communities
with different types of marriage practices. The pattern of marriage of India is largely
governed by three important regulations, namely, (i) Endogamy marrying with the
group of birth (ii) Exogamy marrying our and (iii) Consanguineous or sapinda
marriage. The regulation of consanguineous marriage does not permit marriage
between two individual related to a common male ancestor upto the seventh generation
on the father’s ride and the fifth, there is a greater incidence of consanguineous
marriages specially among the population of the Southern States, Muslims groups,
Parsees and various communities.48
Marriage is legal relationship between a man and woman. Though it is a legal

contract in almost all societies, it is also a social relationship. Indeed, in all societies
marriage is generally social. It is relatively a stable relationship between man and
woman including social norms evolved for having children. It is an old institution,
common throughout most of the civilized world. Traditionally, marriage was more than
a linkage of two individuals, and even now, in our culture, girls actually marry the
whole family.49 There are two broad types of marriage, namely, monogamy and
polygamy. Monogamy refers to marriage of one man with one woman, and this is in
general the ideal form of marriage. Polygamy refers to both polygamy and polyandry.
The former refers to marriage of more than one woman to one man, and the latter is
marriage of one woman with more than one man.50
The psychological framework views marriage as an occurrence that makes it

possible to have a close intimate relationship with a number of the opposite sex. In
addition, the case for early marriage lies in the fact that nature of each spouse is such
that, it is gives rise to a congenial relationship between husband and wife unlike in the
47
Savita Thakur Joshi (ed.), op.cit., 1999, p. 34.
48
Priyanka Tomer, Indian Women, New Delhi: Shree Publishers, 2006, p. 52.
49
M.R. Biju (ed.), Dynamics of Modern Democracy: The Indian Experience, Vol. 2, New Delhi:
Kanishka Publishing House, 2009, p. 353.
50
K.L. Sharma, op.cit., 2007, p. 144.
220
case of late marriages, when the man and women will have developed set attitudes. But
from the physiological point of view, Velde (1976) maintains that marriage is the
permanent form of monogamous erotic relationship. Sexual urges cannot be ignored
from marriage. It is one of the marital right and duties.51 Johnson (1970) argues that
wherever we look in history or in the contemporary world, whether at civilized people
or the most primitive, we find that social life is molded to a great extent by social
institutions like marriage. There is no society on record, which is without this
institution, whatever the cultural pattern may be. The idea of marriage, however, differs
from society to society and conditioned always by time and place. As a culturally and
socially recognized institution, people almost believe that family and sexual relation
should be within legal marriage. Marriage brings love, affection, happiness, etc. It is
absolutely a sacred bond of individuals and there is need to remark the marriage intact,
marriage has to be made a permanent bond between two individuals.52
The cultural impact of marriage is universal. A study of marital status is of

much sociological significance in a traditional male dominated and endogamous social
system. In Indian society, the married people command great respect, wider public and
social life than those of unmarried.53 According to Desai, “The members of these rural
societies marry at an earlier age than those of the urban societies.”54 The knowledge
about the marital status of the respondents becomes imperative in regard to the present
study. The marital status-wise distribution of the respondents is given in table:
Table 4.4
Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of their Marital Status
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Marital
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Status
1 Married 143 98.62 137 93.84 280 96.22
2 Unmarried 1 0.69 00 00 1 0.34
3 Widow 1 0.69 9 6.16 10 3.44
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
51
M.R. Biju, op.cit., 2009, p. 353.
52
Ibid.,
53
S.S Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, pp. 405-406.
54
A.R. Desai, Rural Sociology in India, Bombay: Popular Parkashan, 1992, p. 21.
221
98.62
93.84
100 Mandi
Kangra
80
Percentage (%)
60
40
6.16
20
0.69
0.69
0
0
Married Unmarried Widow
Marital Status
Fig. 4.4: Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of their Marital Status
The table 4.4 indicate that out of 291 respondents 280 respondents were
married, which constitute 96.22 per cent of the total sample, whereas 1 respondent was
unmarried which constitute 0.34 per cent of the sample. There were 10 respondents
were widow, which constitutes 3.44 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents 143 respondents were married,

married which
constitute 98.62 per cent of the total
tot sample, whereas 1 respondent was unmarried,
unmarried
which constitute 0.69 per cent of the sample. There were one respondent was widow,
widow
which constitutes 0.69 per cent of the sample.
As far as inn district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 137 respondents were
married, which constitute 93.84 per cent of the total sample
sampl and there were 9
respondents was widow, which constitutes 6.16 per cent of the sample.
Thus, the comparative analysis of table indicate that the majority of the
respondents in the whole sample in both districts were married which indicated that
more married women was getting family support to join politics. Marital status of the
women enjoys more freedom as compared to the unmarried women. Due to patriarchal
character, familyy members and society does not permit girl to actively involved in the
public issues. The findings of the study indicated
indicate that married women have more
acceptability as women leaders in the society as compared to unmarried women
leaders.
222
Type of Family
Family holds a central position in social life. It is the family which lays the
foundations of the child’s personality and his emotional stability. The quality of the
generation is determined more especially by the family. India is one such nation where
agriculture is the main occupation for its population, and size of a family has a role to
fulfil in order of birth. Large families are one of the characteristics of the third world
nations. Family size tends to be particularly large in the communities, whose
subsistence economy is agriculture, where kinship ties are strong and large families are
taken as symbols of social prestige. The size of the family and number of children
count a lot in every one’s life. The limited size family can help to create conditions in
which happier families can grow and parents can be able to give their children the due
care. The large size of the family entails heavier responsibilities and burdens in meeting
the obligations of the family towards feeding, clothing, education, housing
accommodation, entertainments etc. In the Indian society two types of families are
identified viz., the Joint family and the nuclear family. 55 The type of family also affects
the political behaviour and participation of women in politics. In the family structure
generally distinction is made between joint family and nuclear family. The joint family
is associated with a traditional, agricultural society, where conservatism and family
status tend to dominate over individual interest. On the other hand, the nuclear family is
more a development of a mobile, industrialised society permit of a greater degree of
flexibility and self- expression among its members.56
Women generally occupy a subordinate position, joint family system teaches

interdependence, sharing and caring, conformity to traditional norms and honour of the
family. Though due to various factors of social change, joint family system is giving
way to nuclear family system, still the emotional ties of extended family continue to
play an important role in the social life of an individual.57 Therefore, the Hindu joint
family is the grandest symbol of cooperation. A man and a woman join to make a
home. They raise families and work to pool their earnings. They live under the
common roof and they ask for no registration from the government or from the
55
S.S Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, pp. 402- 403.
56
Hazel D, Lima, Women in Rural Government: A Study of Maharashtra, New Delhi: Concept
57
Archana Kaushik, Welfare and Development Administration in India, New Delhi: Global Vision
Publishing House, 2013, pp. 89-90.
223
community. The basic unit of our democracy will be the individual family.58 Data in
this regard are presented in Table 4.5
4.
Table 4.5
Family Structure of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Family Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Structure
1 Nuclear 69 47.59 63 43.15 132 45.36
2 Joint 76 52.41 83 56.85 159 54.64
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
56.85
52.41
Mandi
47.59
43.15
60 Kangra
50
Percentage (%)
40
30
20
10
0
Nuclear Joint
Family Structure
Fig.4.5: Family Structure of the Respondents
Table 4.55 shows that all 291 respondents were interviewed, out of 132
respondents were living in nuclear family system,
system which constitutes 45.36 per cent of
the total sample, whereas, 159 respondents were living in the joint family. The
percentages of such respondents were 54.64 of the total sample.
As far as district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents,

respondents 69 respondents
were living in nuclear family system, which constitutes 47.59 per cent of the total
sample, whereas
hereas 76 respondents were living in the joint family,
family which constitute 52.41
per cent of the total sample.
58
S. K. Dey, Panchayati Raj: A Synthesis,
Synthesis, Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1961, pp. 102-103.
102
224
As far as district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents 63 respondents
sample, whereas 83 respondents were living in the joint family. The percentages of
such respondents were 56.85 of the total sample.
From the comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that joint family
system is still prevailing in the rural and urban areas of Mandi and Kangra districts. It is
not possible for a woman to choose joint family or nuclear family especially in the rural
areas, where the system of joint family is still common. It was observed that in a
sample where all the respondents come from agricultural households, the greater
number would live in joint families. There seems no big difference between styles of
family life in terms of percentage in both districts.
Number of Children
The number of children affects political participation of women to a great

extent. As proper grooming and settlement of children is considered an important role
and responsibility of mothers in Indian society. Women are always found to be
occupied with their children’s proper growth and development. More children mean
more family responsibilities for women and the less spare time, they can have to take
part in political activities.59 According to Marcia Lee few women hold public office
and one of the factors which affect women’s political behaviour is children. Children at
home have both short range and long range effects. In the short-run, child care prevents
women from fully participating in politics in their twenties, thirties and early forties,
especially in the more time demanding activities such as running for public office. In
the long-run, after the children are grown up women’s entrance into politics at the
decision-making level becomes difficult because of their lack of political knowledge-
how and connections to effectively compete with the more experienced men, who have
been active all along. In short, most men interested in politics get a head start and it is
very difficult for women to catch up.60 The number of children a woman has no direct
impact on her right and ability to participate in political activities. But certain policies
adopted by the state as a family planning measure has indirectly affected women’s
59
60
Marcia Manning Lee, “Why Few Women Hold Public Office: Democracy and Sexual Roles”,
Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 91, No. 2, 1976, pp. 304-10.
225
potential to participate in political activities. The number of children that a citizen
c has
can impede his/her participation in elections.61
Table 4.6
Classification of Respondents for the Basis of Number of Children
No. of Respondents
Number of Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Children
1 None 6 4.14 1 0.69 7 2.41
2 One 14 9.66 20 13.69 34 11.68
3 Two 103 71.03 89 60.96 192 65.98
4 Three 16 11.03 29 19.87 45 15.46
5 Above Three 6 4.14 7 4.79 13 4.47
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
71.03
80 Mandi
60.96
70 Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
19.87
13.69
30
11.03
9.66
20
4.79
4.14
4.14
0.69
10
0
None One Two Three Above Three
Number of Children
Fig.4.6: Classification of Respondents for the Basis of Number of Children
Table 4.6 reveals that out of 291 respondents, 7 respondents were having no
child, which constitute 2.41 per cent of the total sample, 34 respondents were having
single child which constitute 11.68 per cent of the sample, whereas 192 and 45
respondents were having two and three children respectively. The percentage of such
respondents was 65.98 and 15.46 of the sample. And 13 respondents were having more
than three children they constituted about 4.47
4.47 per cent of the total sample.
61
S. Lal, Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Kunal Books, 2010, p.110.
226
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents 6 respondents were having no child,
which constitute 4.14 per cent of the total sample, 14 respondents were having single
child which constitute 9.66 per cent of the sample, whereas 103 and 16 respondents
were having two and three children respectively. The percentage of such respondents
was 71.03 and 11.03 of the sample. And 6 respondents were having more than three
children, they constituted about 4.14 per cent of the total sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents 1 respondents were having no child,

child, which constitute 13.69 per cent of the sample, whereas 89 and 29 respondents
The comparative analysis of both districts revels that majority of the

respondents were having two children. Although family planning programmes are
popular in these days, yet illiteracy and unawareness about the consequences of
overpopulation still exist among the people of Himachal Pradesh. It has been observed
that educated people were thinking about the benefits of small families and younger
leaders have adopted two children norm strictly. The stigma of childlessness is no
longer a deterrent of women’s social participation. The policy of reservation seems to
have opened doors for fruitful contribution on the part of such women.
Occupation
Occupation is also one of the important variables which determine familial

social standing. This is due to the fact that not only different occupations have different
prestige but are also associated with different privileges and economic benefits. It is
believed that those who are owner/cultivators have power and better life opportunities
than those who are agricultural labourers because they depend for their livelihood on
the landlords.62 In the traditional social structure, the allocation of the occupation and
role was based on caste and the values of ritual superiority and inferiority attached to it.
The emergence of secular occupation in Indian society is recent phenomena and their
openness to scheduled castes is still a more recent feature. However, the process of
62
227
occupational change and mobility among these communities and caste was accelerated
only after the state enacted the policy of safeguards and reservations.63
Modern societies are characterized by the presence of numbers of occupations,

whose members perform a variety of specialized functions. These include doctors,
lawyers, engineer, agriculturalists and host of others. Occupation is also the most
important variables in determining the socio-economic status of a person in the
society.64 Man’s functional status in society and style of life, and class position depends
upon his occupation. Though one works for income, arising out of it, his occupation
also determines his status, power and prestige in society. The nature and level of an
occupation also determines the functional utility of man.65
Occupation of the rural society is one of the important factors contributing to

the emergence of a leader. Persons of only those occupations can afford to be leader,
who get leisure time and can also stay in the village. Only agriculturalists, labourers
and traditional occupation holders get opportunity to stay in the village. While among
these occupation holders the agriculturist class gets more leisure time than other
classes. Moreover service-holders usually do not get spare time and sometimes they are
also debarred from fighting elections.66 Hence occupation is an important indicator of a
person’s position in society. Varying degree of power and prestige is attached with
each occupation and this determines one’s status in the society.67 Being important in
the distribution of status and prestige, occupation is a good measure of socio-economic
mobility as well.68 Majority of the people in Himachal Pradesh live in rural areas. They
are dependent upon agriculture for their livelihood. Farming is the main occupation of
the people in village of Himachal Pradesh. Apart from agriculture and horticulture,
business, daily wages earner and government jobs are also important in Himachal
Pradesh. Occupational status of an individual woman is also one of the most important
variables in determining the socio-economic character of the women. In the present
63
Dharam Raj Singh, op.cit., 1985, pp. 41-42.
64
Usha Sharma and B. M. Sharma, Women and Profession, New Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers,
1995, p. 68.
65
66
S.N. Mishra, Pattern of Emerging Leadership in Rural India, Patna: Associated Book Agencies,
1977, pp. 62-63.
67
Reena Singh, op.cit., 2001, p.58.
68
Madan Lal Goel, Political Participation in a Developing Nation: India, Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1974, p.116.
228
study attempts has been made to know about the occupation
occupation of the respondents in the
Table 4.7.
Table 4.7
Occupational Patterns of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Occupational Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Pattern
1 Agriculture 113 77.93 100 68.49 213 73.19
2 Horticulture 6 4.14 00 00 6 2.06
3 Business 15 10.34 22 15.07 37 12.72
4 Others 11 7.59 24 16.44 35 12.03
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
77.93
68.49
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
30
16.44
15.07
10.34
20
7.59
4.14
10
0
0
Agriculture Horticulture Business Others
Occupational Patterns
Fig.4. Occupational Patterns of the Respondents

Fig.4.7:
Table 4.7 shows that the occupation distribution of the respondents. It is clear
from the table that out of 291 respondents, 213 respondents were engaged in agriculture
which constitutes 73.19 per cent of the total sample, whereas 6 respondents engaged in
horticulture which constitutes 2.06 per cent of the total sample. There were 37
respondents were from the business,
busine which constitute 12.72 per cent of the sample and
229
35 respondents were having occupation other than above, which constitute 12.03 per
cent of the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 113 respondents were engaged in

agriculture, which constitute 77.93 per cent of the total sample, whereas 6 respondents
engaged in horticulture, which constitute 4.14 per cent of the total sample. There were
15 respondents were from the business, which constitute 10.34 per cent of the sample
and 11 respondents were having occupation other than above, which constitute 7.59 per
cent of the sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 100 respondents were engaged in

agriculture, which constitute 68.49 per cent of the total sample, whereas no respondents
engaged in horticulture of the total sample. There were 22 respondents were from the
business, which constitute 15.07 per cent of the sample and 24 respondents were having
occupation other than above, which constitute 16.44 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of Mandi and Kangra districts reveals that the number
of respondents on agriculture based profession was higher in district Mandi than that of
district Kangra. Whereas, people engaged in business activities and small scale
industries were higher in district Kangra than that of district Mandi. But overall,
majority of the respondents were in agriculture. It is clear from this table that leadership
in India as well as in Himachal Pradesh is dominated by the agricultural class and
particularly by the women leadership. This is the fact that the economy of Himachal
Pradesh is dependent upon agriculture.
Income
Annual income of an individual is supplemented by occupation. The economic

status of the family has been studied through an investigation of the husband’s
occupation, income and extent of family land holding.69 Annual income of the women
contestants needs to be reckoned with. But as most of the women leaders are
housewives by occupation they have no income of their own and consequently, they
had to spent money from the sundry sources of their families.70 Income is very
69
K.C. Vidya., op.cit., 2007, p.109
70
D. Sundar Ram (ed.), op.cit., 2009, p. 121
230
important indicator to judge the status and influence of the respondents on the society.
People who had good financial position in the rural areas wield good influence in the
village. Lack of financial institutions in the past had made the people dependent on the
money lenders in the villages. After the independence, banking facilities were available
to the rural people. Now, the exploitation by the money lenders has been reduced to a
greater extent. With the upcoming of co-operative credit institutions poor people got
their financial needs fulfilled through these institutions.71 Agriculture plays a vital role
in India’s economy, as 54.6 per cent of the population is engaged in agriculture and
allied activities and it contributes 17.4 per cent of the country’s Gross Value Added.72
In Himachal Pradesh, the economy of state is highly dependent on three sources:
agriculture, hydro-electric powers and tourism. Agriculture is the main source of
income and employment in Himachal Pradesh. Agriculture in Himachal Pradesh
provides direct employment to about 62 per cent of its people. Hydro power and
tourism is also one of the major sources of income generation for the state. The
economy of the state also appears to be in a resilient mode in terms of growth. As per
advance estimates the Growth Rate of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) during of
2016-17 will be 6.8 per cent against 7.9 per cent at the national level. GSDP or state
income is the most important indicator for measuring the economic growth of a state.
According to the quick estimates based on the new series, Per Capita Income of the
Himachal Pradesh at current prices in 2015-16 stood at Rs. 94,178.73 Income of family
is an important determinant in the election of the state. It is generally said that, money
plays an important role in electoral process of the state politics. The criterion adopted
here for determining the economic status of respondents was to enquire about their
annual income from all sources. The amount of income largely determines the status of
the family in the society and also affects their participation and involvement in politics.
The table shows that distribution of the respondents by their annual income.
71
O.C. Sud, Administration Problems of Rural Development, Delhi: Kanishka Publishing House,
1992, p.102.
72
Government of India, Annual Report, Department of Agriculture, Cooperation and Farmers, New
Delhi: Welfare Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare Government of India, 2015-16, p.1.
73
231
Table 4.8
Distribution of the Respondents of the Basis of Annual Income
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Sr.No Annual Income Mandi Kangra
1 5000-15000 20 13.79 32 21.92 52 17.87
2 15000-25000 31 21.38 44 30.14 75 25.77
3 25000-50000 48 33.10 21 14.39 69 23.71
4 50000-75000 15 10.35 7 4.79 22 7.56
5 75000-one Lac 14 9.66 7 4.79 21 7.22
6 Above one Lac 17 11.72 35 23.97 52 17.87
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
33.1
30.14
35 Mandi
Kangra
23.97
30
21.92
21.38
25
Percentag (%)
14.39
13.79
20 11.72
10.35
9.66
15
4.79
4.79
10
0
75000-one
Above one
15000
15000-
25000-
50000-
5000-
25000
50000
75000
Lac
Lac
Annual Income
Fig.4.8: Distribution of the Respondents of the Basis of Annual Income
Table 4.8 depicts that out of 291 respondents, 52 respondents were having
annual income Rs. 5000-15000
15000, which constitute 17.87 per cent of the total sample,
while 75 respondents were having income Rs.15000-25000, which constitutes 25.77
per cent of the sample, whereas 69 respondents were having income Rs. 25000-50000,
25000
which constitute 23.71 per cent of the sample,
sample while 22 respondents were having
havin
75000, which constitute 7.56 per cent of the sample. There
were 21 respondents were having Rs.75000-One
Rs.75000 Lac, which constitute 7.22 per cent of
232
the sample and 52 respondents were having income above One Lac, which constitute
17.87 per cent of total sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 20 respondents were having annual

income Rs. 5000-15000, which constitute 13.79 per cent of the total sample, while 31
respondents were having income Rs.15000-25000, which constitutes 21.38 per cent of
the sample, whereas 48 respondents were having income Rs. 25000-50000, which
constitute 33.10 per cent of the sample, while 15 respondents were having annual
income Rs. 50000-75000, which constitute 10.35 per cent of the sample. There were 14
respondents were having Rs.75000-One Lac, which constitute 9.66 per cent of the
sample and 17 respondents were having income above One Lac, which constitute 11.72
per cent of total sample.
Similarly, in district Kangra out of 146 respondents 32 respondents were

having annual income Rs. 5000-15000, which constitute 21.92 per cent of the total
sample, while 44 respondents were having income Rs.15000-25000, which constitutes
30.14 per cent of the sample, whereas 21 respondents were having income Rs. 25000-
50000, which constitute 14.39 per cent of the sample, while 7 respondents were having
annual income Rs. 50000-75000, which constitute 4.79 per cent of the sample. There
were 7 respondents were having Rs.75000-One Lac, which constitute 4.79 per cent of
The comparative analysis of Mandi and Kangra districts reveals that the power
of politics was in the hand of middle class society in both districts. The study reveals
that most of the respondents came under the low income group. Due to uneconomic
size of holding most of the poor people cultivate only field crops like maize, wheat etc.
They were not able to produce cash crops at large like vegetables such as cabbage,
cauliflower, potato, peas and tomato etc. Due to non-fertile and small land holding, lack
of irrigation facilities and their poor economic standards.
Land Holdings
Land is a major determinant of access to power in India. It is also one of the

most important parameters through which an individual’s/family’s social status is
measured in rural society. Traditionally, land is the source of socio-political status and
233
power in the Indian rural society.74 In India, for a long time land ownership played a
very significant role as an element of influence in community power structure, land
ownership is crucial factor in establishing dominance ownership of land not only
insured a stable and secure income but also symbolized high social and economic
status. Generally the pattern of land is concentrated in the hands of a relatively small
number of big owners (Landlord) as against a large number, who either owns very little
land or no land at all.
The power and prestige which land owning castes command, affect their social
and economic relations in the society.75 If land ownership is not always an
indispensable passport to high rank, it certainly facilities upward mobility.76 Land
constitutes the basic foundation of agrarian social structure in India. Whereas, it
determines the nature of occupational and economic activities and the rewards flowing
from them, it also serves as a pointer towards status and prestige in society.77 Land
ownership was a crucial factor in establishing dominance in the village. The pattern of
land ownership in rural India was such that bulk of the arable land was concentrated in
the hands of a relatively small number of big owners, as against a large number, who
either owned very little land or no land at all.78
Therefore, land holding is often considered to be the most important source of

power and prestige in rural Indian communities. It is believed that three conditions
normally facilitate the dominance of a caste, considerable amount of cultivable land,
numerical strength of the family and a high place in the local hierarchy. The system of
land ownership in the Indian village is such that most of the available land is
concentrated in the hands of a few persons as against a large number, who either own
very few land or no land at all. Both of these later types, of people are dependent on the
big owners for their livelihood.79 Himachal Pradesh is a hilly state and majority of
population is engaged in agricultural based profession. About 70 per cent of total state
population earns their livelihood from this sector. Out of the total geographical area of
55.67 lac hectares, the area of operational holding is about 9.55 lac hectares and is
74
R. Indira and Deepak Kumar Behera (eds.), Gender and Society in India: Rural and Tribal Studies,
Vol. 2, New Delhi: Manak Publications, 1999, p.112.
75
S.S. Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, pp. 406.
76
M.N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1982, pp. 12-13.
77
Dharam Raj Singh, op.cit., 1985, p. 38
78
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, p.110.
79
D.S. Chaudhary, Emerging Rural Leadership in an Indian State: A Case Study of Rajasthan, Rohtak:
Manthan Publications, 1981, pp. 55-56.
234
operated by 9.61 lac farmers. The average holding size is about 1.00 hectare. About 10
per cent of the total GSDP comes from agriculture
agriculture and its allied sectors.
Table 4.9
Size of Land Holding of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Land Grand Total
Sr.No Holding Mandi Kangra
(Bighas)
1 0-10 111 76.55 112 76.71 223 76.63
2 11-20 24 16.55 18 12.33 42 14.43
3 21-30 6 4.14 6 4.11 12 4.13
4 31-40 3 2.07 2 1.37 5 1.72
5 Above 40 1 0.69 8 5.48 9 3.09
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
76.55
76.71
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
16.55
30
12.33
20
5.48
4.14
4.11
2.07
1.37
0.69
10
0
0-10 11-20 21-30 31-40 Above 40
Size of Land Holding
Fig.4. Size of Land Holding of the Respondents

Fig.4.9:
The table 4.9 indicate that out of 291 respondents, 223 respondents whose total
size of land holding was 0-10
0 bighas, which constitute 76.63 per cent of the total
sample, whereas 42 respondents whose size of land holding was 11-20
11 bighas, which
constitute 14.43 per cent of the sample,
sample while 12 respondents whose size of land
holding was 21-30
30 bighas,
bighas which constitute 4.13 per cent of the sample. There were 5
respondents who were having land 31-40
31 bighas, which constitute 1.72 per cent of the
235
sample and 9 respondents who were having land above 40 bighas, which constitute
3.09 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 111 respondents whose total size of
land holding was 0-10 bighas, which constitute 76.55 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 24 respondents whose size of land holding was 11-20 bighas, which constitute
16.55 per cent of the sample, while 6 respondents whose size of land holding 21-30
bighas, which constitute 4.14 per cent of the sample. There were 3 respondents who
were having land 31-40 bighas, which constitute 2.07 per cent of the sample and 1
respondent who was having land above 40 bighas, which constitute 0.69 per cent of the
sample.
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 112 respondents, whose

total size of land holding was 0-10 bighas, which constitute 76.71 per cent of the total
sample, whereas 18 respondents whose size of land holding was 11-20 bighas, which
constitute 12.33 per cent of the sample, while 6 respondents whose size of land holding
land 21-30 bighas, which constitute 4.11 per cent of the sample. There were 2
respondents who were having land 31-40 bighas, which constitute 1.37 per cent of the
The comparative study of two district reveals that the size of land holding in the
study areas was very small. Majority of the respondents at all levels were found holding
land below 10 bighas. However, the size of the land holding of the respondents in
Kangra district was slightly better than that of the district Mandi. This shows that
majority of women political activists in Mandi and Kangra districts have their own
land. But the size of land holding is not very large. It was observed that due to the
growth of population, the size of land holding was going down day by day at village
level and poor people compel to sell their land for the requirement of some domestic
social needs. It is evident that the high land holding farmers are minority in comparison
with the large number of small farmers and agricultural labourers, who constitute the
back-bone of the rural population.
Role of Newspaper
Newspaper is a collection of news from all over the world which keeps us up-
to-date about everything going outside. Now-a-days the newspaper has been a necessity
236
of the life. It gives us all about what is happening in our own country as well as whole
world. It is essential to be aware of with day to day happening in the society as well as
at the governmental level. Attempt was made to analyse the awareness of the
respondents in the day to day life. Table shows that the respondents take interest in
reading newspapers daily.
Table 4.10
Respondents
spondents Awareness Role of Newspapers
No. of Respondents
Regarding Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Newspapers
No. % Age No. % Age No. % Age
1 Yes 115 79.31 104 71.24 219 75.26
2 No 26 17.93 35 23.97 61 20.96
3 No Opinion 4 2.76 7 4.79 11 3.78
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
79.31
71.24
80 Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
23.97
40
17.93
30
20
4.79
2.76
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.10
10: Respondents Awareness Role of Newspapers
Table 4.10 shows that 291 respondents were interviewed regarding their habits
of reading newspapers. Out of which 219 respondents responded positively,
positively which
constitute
te 75.26 per cent of the sample and there were 61 respondents replied
negatively.
y. The percentage of such was 20.96 of the total sample. While 11 respondents
who gave no opinion, which constitute 3.78 per cent of the sample.
237
As far as in district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondent’s 115
respondents who responds positively, constitute 79.31 per cent of the sample, which
whereas 26 respondents did not show any interest in the reading of newspapers. The
percentage of such respondents was 17.93 of the sample respectively. There were 4
respondents who gave no opinion, which constitute 2.76 per cent of the sample.
Respectively, in district Kangra 146 respondents were interviewed. Out of

which 104 respondents replied positively, which constitute 71.24 per cent of the
sample, whereas 35 respondents replied negatively, which constitute 23.97 per cent of
the sample. There were 7 respondents, who gave no opinion. The percentage of such
was 4.79 respectively.
The comparative analysis of the two district shows that the number of
respondents, who were in habit of reading newspaper was higher in district Mandi in
comparisons to district Kangra. Majority of the respondents take interest in the reading
of newspapers.
Role of Radio and Television
Media has been the source of shared images and messages relating to political
and social context. India is a multilingual, multiethnic and multi-religious country. In
India, internet and cable television have about meaningful change to public and private
spheres of life more quickly than education, industrialization or any other socio-
economic factor. Electronic media had no role to play for a decade after independence.
Print media and radio served as the primary means of political information and
mobilization. Mass media received a boost in September 1959, as a result of the
introduction of television to urban India. The emergence of television to post-colonial
India was characterized by competing visions, its deeply segmented political sphere
witnessed several rounds of intense debating between politicians and bureaucrats, who
were concerned with the efficacy of investing in television, considering only a few
could manage access to the medium.80
The government controlled national television network began as “modest

enterprise”, since viewers had access to one channel, while the bigger cities/metropolis
had access to two channels. In term of influencing civic and political engagement, its
influence was minimal, since the goals of the state regulated electronic media were
80
Sayantani Satpathi and Oindrila Roy, “The Impact of the Electronic Media on the Modern Indian Voter: A
Study of the Post Liberalization Era”, Global Media Journal, Summer Issue, June 2011, pp. 1-3.
238
restricted to educational and entertainment based programs. In 1991, the Indian
television network was deregulated and cable-satellite network emerged for the first
time from its modest beginning with two channels by June 2010. Moreover, there were
thirty three for hour news channels that would constantly engage in political and
economic debates and conduct opinion/exit polls in election years.81
Radio is a vehicle for projecting personality through which it attracts and hold
an audience. Radio is an efficiency instrument for getting a message to a large number
of people at the same time. Radio is a powerful instrument in the area of public
enlightenment. Not been constrained by the barriers of time space, illiteracy, and
electricity supply, radio is one of the ideal means of mass communication in both
developed and developing societies because it is easy to establish, own operate and
maintain, and does not demand much intellectual exertion from listeners. It is capable
of offering tutorial support and resources to stimulate discussions, reflections and
practical learning on the socio-economic, socio-political and cultural activities of a
society or a nation. The radio has different roles some of which are: Informing Role:
the radio performs the role of keeping women informed. It has an important job in
providing political information to women and the general public. Influencing role: the
media may not always be successful in telling people what to think, but are usually
successful in telling them, what to think about. Mobilising people: through
commentaries and programmes, the radio acts as secondary agents of mobilization. The
radio facilitates and enhances the process by which, individuals partake in collective
decision making. This role is one, the radio adapts through political programmes in
mobilizing women for participation.82
Thus, radio and television play a vital role in the life style of the people. At the
basic level, they inform people about the various things in various ways and through a
variety of programmes. Radio and the television are the most effective media to
achieve the much desired rural development. Radio and television constitute the
effective media for national awareness and the mood of advancement of the society, the
need of the society and the objective of the government as laid down in the national
interest of the country. In the present time television and radio have become an integral
81
Ibid.,
82
Adekoya, Helen Odunola, et al., “The Role of Radio in the Mobilization of Women towards Political
Participation: A Study of Ogun State Nigeria”, Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 5,
No. 24, 2015, p.13.
239
part of our life. The people who are sitting in the rural areas are the well aware of day
to day happenings in the state. In the present study, an attempt has been made to know
the opinion of the respondents,
respondents whether they see and hear news in television or in radio.
Table 4.11
Respondents Awareness Role of Radio and Television
No. of Respondents
Regarding Radio Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
and Television
1 Yes 124 85.52 119 81.51 243 83.51
2 No 16 11.03 23 15.75 39 13.40
3 No Opinion 5 3.45 4 2.74 9 3.09
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
85.52
Mandi
81.51
100
Kangra
80
Percentage (%)
60
15.75
40
11.03
3.45
2.74
20
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.11: Respondents Awareness Role of Radio and Television
Table 4.11 reveals that 291 respondents were interviewed, out of which 243
respondents replied positively they were in habit of hearing news in the radio or in the
television, whereas only 39 respondents expressed their ignorance regarding news in
television or in radio
adio and while 9 respondents did not express their opinion. The
percentage of all the three types of respondents was 83.51, 13.40 and 3.09 respectively.
In district Mandi, out of which 145 respondents 124 respondents replied in

favour of hearing news either
er in radio or television which constitute 85.52 per cent of
240
the sample, whereas 16 respondents were not in habit of hearing news. The percentage
of such was 11.03 respectively. There were only 5 respondents who gave no opinion
which constitute 3.45 per cent of the sample.
As far as is district Kangra was concerned 146 respondents were interviewed.

Out of which 119 respondents were hearing regular news on the television or in the
radio. The percentage of such respondents was 81.51 of the sample, whereas 23
respondents which constitute 15.75 per cent of the total sample, were not the habit of
hearing news neither in television nor in radio. There were 4 respondents who did not
give their opinion, which constitute 2.74 per cent of the sample respectively.
The comparative analysis of two districts Mandi and Kangra depicts that in
district Mandi the respondents were slightly higher in habit of hearing news in
television or in the radio in compared to district Kangra. Hence, it has been revealed
that television and radio programmes are very effective in mobilizing women to
participate in politics. It was observed that there was a tendency among the rural
leaders to hear news in television and radio. These sources gave information about the
state, national and international level. Thus television and radio become an integral part
of our daily life.
Political Interest
Political participation is the hall-mark of democracy and modernization. In the

traditional society, government and politics are concerns of narrow elite. On the
contrary, the more advanced nations have accepted the principle of active citizenship.
The focus and nature of participation varies widely, social and economic modernisation
produces broadened participation. Participation increase individual’s political
knowledge, enhances the citizen’s subjective sense of governmental legitimacy, and
hastens individual self-realization. Thus, participation is to be valued not based solely
on policy results, but for the mere process itself, more than simply expressing a
preference, engaging in political activity with other citizens is a creative, enlightening
experience.83 Political participation apparently means roughly, what it means to
contemporary political scientists, the articulation of private interests in the public
sector. Individuals can exercise private influence over public policy by voting or by
aligning themselves with like-minded citizens in parties or interests groups.84
83
53, No. 1, February 1991, p. 190.
84
Joel. D. Schwartz, “Participation and Multisubjective Understanding: An Interpretivist Approach to
the Study of Political Participation”, The Journal of Politics, Vol. 46, 1984, pp. 1128-1129.
241
Political interest is the first
first and psychological component of political
participation. The interest of a person in political institutions, elections, the processes of
struggle for power, political events and national and local issues are important indices
of his psychological participation
ipation in political structure and process. The political
interest of a person does not only reflect his commitment and attachment to state and
polity but also expresses his will to participate and understand their complexities.85
Though, the power struggle is an incessant fact of democratic political life, life no all
members of political community are always and alike involved in it. People are
interested and involved in the country’s politics at all time.86 Mumtaz Soysal defines,defines
“Participation
Participation as all forms of action by which citizens ‘take part’ in the operation of
administration. The taking part refers to any level from macro to micro region or it may
be of any type e.g. advisory in nature or in participate through public or private bodies
or other organizations”.87
Table 4.12
Respondent’s Opinion Regarding Interest in Politics
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Sr.No Response Mandi Kangra
1 Yes 85 58.62 94 64.38 179 61.51
2 No 42 28.96 32 21.92 74 25.43
3 No Opinion 18 12.42 20 13.70 38 13.06
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
64.38
70 58.62
60
Percentage (%)
50
40 28.96
30 21.92 Mandi
20 12.42 13.7 Kangra
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.12: Respondent’s Opinion Regarding Interest in Politics

85
Dharam Raj Singh, op.cit., 1985, p. 82.
86
M.M.S. Negi, “Voting Attitude of Women in Uttarakhand with Special Reference to Garhwal”, The
Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 72, No. 3, July-September 2011, pp. 803-804.
804.
87
Ramesh K. Arora and Meenakshi Hooja (eds.), Panchayati Raj, Participation and Decentralization,
Decentralization
New Delhi: Rawat Publications, 2009, pp. 114-115.
114
242
Table 4.12 depicts that out of 291 respondents, 179 respondents were interested
in politics, which constitute 61.51 per cent of the total sample, whereas 74 respondents
were not interested in politics, which constitute 25.43 per cent of the sample, while 38
respondents did not give their opinion, which constitute 13.06 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents 85 respondents were interested in

politics, which constitute 58.62 per cent of the total sample, whereas 42 respondents
respondents did not give their opinion, which constitute 12.42 per cent.
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents 94 respondents were

interested in politics, which constitute 64.38 per cent of the total sample, whereas 32
respondents were not interested in politics, which constitute 21.92 per cent of the
sample, while 20 respondents did not give their opinion, which constitute 13.70 per
cent of the sample respectively.
The comparative analysis of both the districts reveals that vast majority of the
respondents in the whole sample 61.51 per cent, as well as individually in Mandi (58.62
%) and Kangra (64.38%) districts were interested in politics. However, the respondents
in Kangra district were found to be slightly more interested in politics, as compared to
Mandi district.
Political Background of Respondents Father/Husband
In a democratic society, participation gives the ordinary citizen a means of

voicing his/her opinion and showing his/her behaviour and action that they are able to
take on responsibilities. Her family decides women’s leadership and representation in
governance to a large extent. Women on getting support from the family work with
greater enthusiasm and vigour.88 According to Vijay Agneu, reveals that women took
to politics when they were supported by male family members and which in no way
disturbed the traditional male-female relationship of sex-based division of labour.
Women politicians perceived their participation in politics as being supportive of the
activity of their male family members and involved in nationalist activity with their
consent.89
88
S. Waseem Ahmad, et al., “Women’s Political Participation and Changing Pattern of Leadership in
Rural Areas of U.P”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 69, No.3, July- September 2008,
p. 664.
89
Vijay Agneu, Elite Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1986, p. 133.
243
Table 4.13
Politicall Participation of Respondents Father/Husband
F
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 57 39.31 53 36.30 110 37.80
2 No 67 46.21 69 47.26 136 46.74
3 No Opinion 21 14.48 24 16.44 45 15.46
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
47.26
46.21
50 Mandi
39.31
45 Kangra
36.3
40
Percentage (%)
35
30
16.44
25
14.48
20
15
10
5
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.13: Political Participation of Respondents Father/Husband
Table 4.13 shows that out of 291 respondents 110 respondents father/husband
participate in politics, which constitute 37.80 per cent of the total sample, whereas 136
respondents, the father/ husband had no participation in politics, which constitute 46.74
per cent of the sample, while 45 respondents gave no opinion on the question,
question which
constitute 15.46 per cent of the total sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 57 respondents father/husband

participates in politics, which constitute 39.31 per cent of the total sample,
sample whereas 67
respondents had no participation in politics,
politics which constitute 46.21 per cent of the
sample, while 21 respondents gave no opinion on either side question, which constitute
244
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 53 respondents father/husband
participates in politics, which constitute 36.30 per cent of the total sample, whereas 69
respondents had no participation in politics, which constitute 47.26 per cent of the
The comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that majority of the
respondent’s father and husband did not participate in politics. However, a few
respondents’ father and husband did participate in political activities. On the other
hand, a very lesser number of the respondents were completely active in politics.
Voting
In democratic political system, voting is one of the forms of political

participation.90 Voting is the most frequent citizen activity. It exerts influence over
leaders through pressure. Leaders adjust their policies in order to gain votes, and of
course, the vote determines who holds elective office. But it communicates little
information about voter preferences to leaders.91 Voting is the basic activity by which
the citizens get assimilated in the political process. Women in India have proved to be
good voters. The common women use their franchise like men. Women participation in
formal elections is to a great extent dependent on the mobilization efforts of the
political parties, general awareness among the community of the importance of
exercising franchise and overall political culture.92 Indian Constitution has given voting
rights to the Indian citizens irrespective of the caste, creed, religion and sex. 93
Voting has a tremendous strength and weakness and has impact for equalizing
and mobilizing women. Yet, it has to be noted that voting requires the least initiative
and interval motivation. Many times women treats the day of voting as a welcome
break from her dull and tiring routine and does not appear to have a notion of, why she
should vote for a particular candidate.
90
Wan Asnal, et al., “Political Attitude and Voting Behaviour”, International Journal of Humanities
and Management Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2013, p. 126.
91
Sidney Verba, et al., Participation and Political Equality: A Seven-Nation Comparison, New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1978, p. 313.
92
Rashmi Shrivastava, “Minority Representation of a Political Majority Group: Women in Indian
Democratic Process”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 66, No.2, April-June 2005, pp.
234-235.
93
Savita Thakur Joshi (ed.), op. cit., 1999, p.148.
245
Though, women’s participation in the political process has increased both in the
elections and their readiness to express their view on issues directly concerning their
life. But their ability to produce an impact on the political process has been negligible
because of the inadequate attention paid to their political education and mobilization by
both political parties and women’s organizations, as political parties see women voters
as appendages of the males. Political parties seem uniformly reluctant to field women
candidates. The high cost of electioneering is another deterrent to most women
candidates. Because of these factors there is an increasing tendency among women to
contest election as independent candidates.94 Political participation denotes such
activities by which the citizens share in choosing the government and directly or
indirectly in the formation of public policy. These activities are voting, seeking
information about the policy of political parties and of the government, attending
election meetings, contributing money to the party or election funds of its candidate,
enrolment in a party, canvassing for a party and working in campaigns. Among these,
making contributions to the party fund, enrolment in a party, canvassing and working in
campaigns are considered to be more active forms of participation. In a democracy, the
citizens’ participation in election is a basic norm. It is the right by which, they grant or
withdraw consent in a democracy.95 Table shows the participation in voting in different
past election.
Table 4.14
Respondents Views on Participation in Voting in Different Past Elections
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 134 92.41 137 93.84 271 93.13
2 No 8 5.52 7 4.79 15 5.15
3 No opinion 3 2.07 2 1.37 5 1.72
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
94
Rameshwari Pandya (ed.), op.cit., 2008, pp.570-571.
95
Sachchidananda, The Tribal Voter in Bihar, New Delhi: National Publishing House, 1976, p. 36.
246
93.84
92.41
100
Percentage (%) 80
60
Mandi
40
Kangra
5.52
4.79
2.07
1.37
20
0
Yes No No opinion
Response
Fig.4.14: Respondents Views on Participation in Voting in Different Past Elections

Election
The data in table 4.14

4 indicate that out of 291 respondents,
casted their vote in last election,
election which constitute 93.13 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 15 respondents did not cast their vote in the last election,
election which constitute 5.15
per cent of the sample.. There were 5 respondents, who did not give their opinion about
the cast of vote in election,
election which constitute 1.72 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 134 respondents casted their vote in
last election, which constitute 92.41 per cent of the total sample, whereas 8 respondents
did not cast their vote in the last election,
There were 3 respondents,
respondents who did not give their opinion about the cast of vote in
election, which constitute 2.07 per cent of the sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 137 respondents casted their vote in
The comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that majority of

respondents, in Kangra district (93.84%) was higher,
higher who casted their vote as compared
compare
to Mandi district (92.41%).
(92.41%) It was observed that participation in voting is higher among
the respondents. Participation in Panchayat/Assembly
P election is understood to bring
immediate benefits and candidates are also closer to voters. Hence the turnout is
obviously higher.
247
Factors Influence on the Voting
The behaviour of voter is influenced by several factors such as religion, caste,

community, language, money, policy or ideology, purpose of the polls, extent of
franchise, political wave etc. The political parties and groups make use of these
variables for the sake of winning the battle of the ballot box. Despite making their
professions for enlightened secularism, politicians can be found making appeals to the
religious and communal sentiments of the people; they can also be found involved in
exploiting the factors of language or money to achieve the purpose of emerging
successful in the war of votes. Appeals are issued and canvassing campaigns conducted
in the name of a particular policy or ideology for the same purpose.
The interest of the voters and accordingly their behaviour at the time of voting
is also influenced by the nature or purpose of the elections or the extent of the suffrage.
The force of charisma has its own part to play, whereby the voters are influenced by a
slogan like “Garibi Hatao”, or “A vote for a pair of bullocks is vote for Panditji and
progress”, or “Indira means India, India means Indira”, or “Indira means Dictatorship,
“My heart beats for India” versus “Rajiv means Bofors” and the like. The role of all
these factors can be examined in the study of Indian electoral behaviour. There are
several factors responsible for voting behaviour in India. In India following are main
political and socio-economic factors, which act as determinants of voting behaviours in
our democratic system. 96 In elections there are so many factors which affect the voting
behaviour, such as candidate, religion, caste, education and political party etc. Table
shows the responses of the respondents regarding the factors, which they keep in mind
while casting their votes.
Table 4.15
Respondents Views Regarding Influence on the Voting
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Candidate 60 41.38 64 43.83 124 42.61
2 Religion 00 00 00 00 00 00
3 Caste 18 12.42 11 7.54 29 9.97
4 Education 21 14.48 29 19.86 50 17.18
5 Party 46 31.72 42 28.77 88 30.24
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
96
Biraj Hazarika, “Voting Behaviour in India and its Determinants”, Journal of Humanities and Social
Science, Vol. 20, No.10, October 2015, pp.22-25.
248
43.83
41.38
Mandi
45
Kangra
40
31.72
28.77
35
Percentage (%)
30
19.86
25
14.48
20
12.42
15
7.54
10
5
0
0
0
Candidate Religion Caste Education Party
Response
Fig.4.15: Respondents
Respond Views Regarding Influence on the Voting
Table 4.15 shows that out of 291 respondents,

respondents 124 respondents casted their
votes in elections based on the merit of the candidate,
candidate which constitute 42.61 per cent
of the total sample, whereas 29 respondents casted their votes on the basis of caste,
caste
which constitute 9.97 per cent of the sample. There were 50 respondents kept in mind
the educational status of the candidate,
candidate which constitute 17.18 per cent of the sample,
sample
while 88 respondents gave importance to political party affiliation of the candidate,
candidate
which constitute
te 30.24 per cent of the sample.
As far as Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents,

respondents 60 respondents casted
their votes in elections based on the merit of the candidate,
candidate which constitute 41.38 per
cent of the total sample, whereas 18 respondents casted their
their votes on the basis of caste,
caste
candidate
As far as Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents,

cent of the total sample, whereas 11 respondents casted their votes on the basis of caste,
caste
249
The comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that in majority the
respondents casted their votes in elections, keeping in mind the merits of the candidate.
There were so many factors, which affected the voting behaviour such as caste, religion
political party and education of the candidate. It was observed that the respondents
gave less importance to other factors, while casting their votes.
Participation of Women in Campaign Activities
Campaign activity, like voting, produces collective outcomes. It involves the

citizen in conflictual situations. But some initiative is required of the citizen; campaign
activity is clearly a more difficult political act than mere voting.97 The election
campaign started vigorously as the day of polling approached nearer. The Art of
campaigning is an amalgam of strategy, technique and plat-form. Its long term object is
party-building by persuading the people to accept the party’s programme, while in the
short run, it seeks to mobilize them in support of party candidates in support of party
candidates at the time of election.98 Like voting, participation in election campaign is a
part of electoral process. Through this mode of action, citizens can exert more influence
upon the political actors than they could do by voting. The vote, it exerts a great deal of
pressure on the leaders. But it can communicate more information about the
participant’s preferences because campaign activities are always in close contact with
candidate.99
The election campaign provides another sphere for women to participate in the
political process. The campaign strategy plays an important part in the electoral
process. The partied have organised regular forums, cell to mobilise and campaign
among women. The handbills, posters and public meetings etc. emphasise specific
promises for women. Recognising the significance of women voters, many political
parties of late, are deploying their women workers as campaigners to deal with women
voters. Women campaigners are sent for house to house visits. They usually enjoy the
advantage of mixing freely with all the members of the family during such visits.
However, it is obvious that the numbers of women are engaged in this sort of activity.
They attend a meeting only for a short time. It appears that, broadcasts through radio
and television also have been effective among women to an extent. Propaganda,
97
Equality, New York: Harper and Row, 1972, p. 52.
98
B. B. Jena and J. K. Baral, Election Politics and Voting Behaviour in India, Delhi: Discovery
Publishing House, 1989, p.140.
99
K.S. Pandhy and Purna Chandra Satapathy, Tribal India, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1989, p. 103.
250
publicity slogans and symbols generally kindle the interest of the illiterate women
voters.100
Women’s participation in election campaigning is a multi-interaction activity

that requires investing time and moving in public spaces outside their household.
Political parties in India in recent times have engaged in intense election campaigns and
have relied heavily on both print and electronic media to put forward their agenda
among the voters and solicit votes for the party during elections. But traditional
campaign method like holding rallies and meetings, distributing party agenda leaflets,
door to door canvassing by party workers and supporters, and road shows by party
leaders, still remain the more popular methods. Women in India have been actively
participating in election campaigns but their levels of participation need to be
numerically estimated to get a fair assessment of their engagement in this process. For
analysing the levels and trends of women’s participation in electoral competition as
campaigners in the last two general elections as electoral participation, index was
constructed on the following variables: attending election meetings participated in
rallies, door to door canvassing, donations to parties and distributing party agenda
leaflets.101 Thus, the participation in campaign activity is an important index of political
involvement and activism on the part of the people. A person who canvasses for a party
or a candidate or takes active part in various campaign activities, they are more
involved politically than a person, who merely takes part in voting. Table shows the
participation of women activists in campaign activities.
Table 4.16
Respondents Views Regarding Participation of Women in Campaign Activities
No. of Respondents Grand
Sr.No Campaign Activities Mandi Kangra Total
No. % age No. % age No. %age
Door to Door Campaigning with
1 70 48.27 69 47.26 139 47.77
in Village/Town
Campaigning outside the
2 8 5.52 20 13.69 28 9.62
Village/Town
3 Preparing Sticking Posters 8 5.52 10 6.85 18 6.18
4 Addressing Public Meeting 7 4.83 8 5.48 15 5.16
5 All the above 52 35.86 39 26.72 91 31.27
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
100
Kalpana Roy, Women and their Environment, Vol.1, Delhi: Rajat Publications, 1999, pp. 241-242.
101
and Political Weekly, Vol. 46, No. 3, January 2011, pp. 50-51.
251
48.27
47.26
Mandi
50
Kangra
35.86
40
26.72
Percentage (%)
30
13.69
20
6.85
5.52
5.52
5.48
4.83
10
0
Door to Door Campaigning Preparing Addressing All the above
Campaigning outside the Sticking Public
with in Village/Town Posters Meeting
Village/Town
Response
Fig.4.16: Respondents Views Regarding Participation of Women in Campaign
Activities
Table 4.16 indicates that,

that the out of 291 respondents, 139 respondents took part
in door to door campaigning with in village/town,
village/town which constitute 47.77 per cent of
the total sample, 28 respondents took part in campaigning outside the village/town,
which constitute 9.62 per cent of the sample, whereas 18 respondentss who took part in
the activity of preparing and sticking posters and distributing pamphlets,
pamphlets which
constitute 6.18 per cent of the sample, while 15 respondents who took part in the
campaigning activities like addressing public meetings, which constitute 5.16 per cent
of the sample.. Further, there were 91 respondents who took part in all activities in
campaigning, which constitute 31.27 per cent of the sample.
As far as district Mandi,

Mandi out of 145 respondents, 70 respondents took part in
door to door campaigning with in village/town,
village/town which constitute 48.27 per cent of the
total sample, 8 respondents took part in campaigning outside the village/town,
village/town which
constitute 5.52
52 per cent of the sample, whereas 8 respondents
respondents who took part in the
activity of preparing and sticking posters and distributing pamphlets,
pamphlets which constitute
5.52 per cent of the sample, while 7 respondents who took part in the campaigning
activities like addressing public meetings,
meetings which constitutee 4.83 per cent of the sample.
252
Further, there were 52 respondents who took part in all activities in campaigning,
As far as district Kangra, out of 146 respondents, 69 respondents took part in

door to door campaigning with in village/town, which constitute 47.26 per cent of the
total sample, 20 respondents took part in campaigning outside the village/town, which
constitute 13.69 per cent of the sample, whereas 10 respondents who took part in the
activity of preparing and sticking posters and distributing pamphlets, which constitute
activities like addressing public meetings, which constitute 5.48 per cent of the sample.
respondents take part in door to door campaigning with in village/town. Mandi district
was highly active in take part in campaigning as compared to district Kangra. It was
observed that women took part in door to door campaigning to elections. A person who
canvases for a party or a candidate or took active part in various campaign activities,
they were more involved in politically. Many younger women were becoming involved
in politics in more informal ways, such as social media campaigns.
Winning the Election First Time
In the present study an attempt has been made to know the opinion of the
respondents’ views regarding, won the election in first time.
Table 4.17
Respondents Views With Regard to Winning the Election
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 120 82.76 126 86.30 246 84.53
2 No 22 15.17 16 10.96 38 13.06
3 No Opinion 3 2.07 4 2.74 7 2.41
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
253
86.3
82.76
90 Mandi
80
Kangra
70
Percentage (%)
60
50
40
15.17
10.96
30
2.74
2.07
20
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.17: Respondents Views With Regard to Winning the Election
Table 4.18 depicts that out of 291 respondents,

respondents 246 respondents won the
election first time, which constituted 84.53 per cent of the total sample, whereas 38
respondents who did not win the election,
election which constitute 13.06 per cent of the
sample. There were 7 respondents who gave no opinion,
opinion which constitute 2.41 per cent
of the total sample.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents 120 respondents won the election first
time, which constituted 82.76
76 per cent of the total sample, whereas 22 respondents who
did not win the election, which constitute 15.17 per cent of the sample. There were 3
respondents who gave no opinion,
opinion which constitute 2.07 per cent of the total sample.
In district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 126 respondents won the election first
time, which constituted 86.30 per cent of the total sample, whereas 16 respondents who
The comparative analysis of two districts reveals that majority of the

respondents won the election in first time. It was observed that they take interest in
politics.
Level of Political Participation
Participation in politics is a right of every individual in a democratic setup. No

Institution can work successfully unless people participate in it. Panchayati Raj
254
Institutions are the essentially institutions of concern masses for the masses and their
success depends on the people’s participation.102 The 73rd amendment act provided
reservation of seats for women and this has raised new hopes. Achieving the goal of
equal participation of women and men in decision-making will provide a balance that
more accurately reflects the composition society and is needed in order to strengthen
democracy and to promote its proper functioning. Women’s equal participation in
decision-making is not only a demand for simple justice or democracy but can also
seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to taken into account. Without
active participation women at all levels of decision-making, the goal of equality,
development and peace cannot be achieved.103 Political participation of women is an
important determinant of their modernization. It enables women to come out of the
shackles of tradition and secluded life. It also leads to greater social and political
awareness among women. Women in politics could effectively represent opinions of
other women and also understand and deal effectively with the problems of society in
general and women in particular. Political participation of women equips them with
political competence, organizational abilities and belief in egalitarianism and
democratic planning.104 In the present study an attempt has been made to know the
opinion of the respondents by the level of their participation.
Table 4.18
Level of Political Participation of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Village level 107 73.79 101 69.18 208 71.48
2 Block Level 20 13.79 20 13.69 40 13.74
3 District Level 18 12.42 25 17.13 43 14.78
4 State Level 00 00 00 00 00 00
5 National Level 00 00 00 00 00 00
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
102
D. Sundar Ram, “Rural Development”, Third Concept, Vol. 14, No. 158, April 2004, p. 41.
103
S. Nagendra Ambedkar and Shilaja Nagendra (eds.), Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj,
Jaipur: ABD Publishers, 2005, p. 200.
104
R. Indira and Deepak Kumar Behera (eds.), op.cit., 1999, p.122.
255
73.79
69.18
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
17.13
30
13.79
13.69
12.42
20
10
0
0
0
0
0
Village level Block Level District Level State Level National
Level
Response
Fig.4.18: Level of Political Participation of the Respondents

respondents 208 respondents contested the
election from the village level,
level which constitute 71.48 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 40 respondents contested the election from block level,
level which constitute 13.74
per cent of the sample, while 43 respondents who were
were contested election at the district
level, which constitute 14.78 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents,

per cent of the sample, while 18 respondents who were contested election at the district
level, which constitute 12.42
.42 per cent of the sample.
Similarly in district Kangra,

Kangra out of 146 respondents, 101 respondents contested
the election from the village level,
whereas 20 respondents contested the election from block level, which constitute 13.69

respondents contested election from the village level. It was observed that village level
participation of women were increased
increase after reservation. But national and state
s level
participation is very dismal.
256
Age at the Time of First
irst Election
Age is important factor, which has greater influence on affecting political

participation. There is a general view that young and middle aged participates actively
in institutions. In the opinion of Nie, Verba, and Kim, age has a greater impact on
political participation. According
According to them, participation arises in early year’s picks in
middle ages and falls in later ages. Narayan Pillai has same view, as age is an important
factor in participation.105 Table shows the age at which the respondents contested the
election for the first time.
Table 4.19
Respondents view
vie Regarding Age at the Time of First
irst Election
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Sr.No Years Mandi Kangra
1 18-25 17 11.73 1 0.69 18 6.19
2 26-40 101 69.65 84 57.53 185 63.57
3 41-55 24 16.55 49 33.56 73 25.09
4 Above 55 3 2.07 12 8.22 15 5.15
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
69.65
Mandi
70
57.53 Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40 33.56
30
16.55
20 11.73
8.22
10 0.69 2.07
0
18-25 26-40 41-55 Above 55
Age in Years
Fig.4.19: Respondents view Regarding Age at the Time of First Election
The table 4.19 shows that out of 291 respondents,

elections for the first time at the age of 18-25
18 years, which constitute
constitut 6.19 per cent of
105
Usha Kiran, op.cit., 2016, p.121.
257
the sample, whereas 185 respondents contested the elections for the first time at the age
of 26-40 years, which constitute 63.57 per cent. There were 73 respondents who
contested election for the first time at the age of 41-55 years and 15 respondents
contested election for the first time at the age of above 55 years. The percentage of such
respondents was 25.09 and 5.15 of the sample respectively.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 17 respondents contested the elections

for the first time at the age of 18-25 years, which constitute 11.73 per cent of the
sample. Therefore, 101 respondents contested the elections for the first time at the age
contested election for the first time at the age of 41-55 years, which constitute 16.55 per
cent and 3 respondents contested election for the first time at the age of above 55 years.
The percentage of such respondents was 2.07 of the sample respectively.
As far in district Kangra out of 146 respondents 1 respondent contested the

elections for the first time at the age of 18-25 years, which constitute 0.69 per cent of
the sample. Therefore, 84 respondents contested the elections for the first time at the
age of 26-40 years, which constitute 57.53 per cent. There were 49 respondents who
cent and 12 respondents contested election for the first time at the age of above 55
years. The percentage of such respondents was 8.22 of the sample respectively.
The comparative analysis of two district reveals that majority of the respondents
contested election for the first time at the age of 26-40 years. In district Mandi 69.65
per cent of the respondents contested election for the first time at the age 26-40 years,
as compared to district Kangra 57.53 percent.
Motivation Factor
The participation of women in politics is essential to promote the interest of the

nation through laws and policies. Women’s participation in politics is mainly
influenced by the attitude of women towards politics, attitude of family and above all
the society. Women could play a very effective role in the pre-independence period,
mainly because both the attitude of women as well as of their family’s was favourable.
Gandhi’s personality inspired confidence not only in women, but in their guardians-
husbands, fathers and brothers, who did not object to their women folk coming out of
their sheltered homes to march in the streets.106
106
G. Palanithurai, Contemporary Issues in Development Dynamics, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
1999, pp.197-200.
258
Consequently, one of the key factors that determine their high levels of
participation in casting their votes is women’s interest in politics. Women’s interest in
politics is a pre-requisite for encouraging higher participation of women in formal
politics. Individual socio-demographics including education and income, socio-cultural
norms and caste are also associated with women’s opportunities in political
participation. Women’s level of participation in electoral politics depends on their
societal background and the levels of liberty and freedom enjoyed by them. Thus
women who exercise their own discretion in deciding whom to vote for, shows a higher
level of electoral competition as voters in electoral competition than those, whose
decisions are influenced by family and friends.107
However, women in India enjoy a unique status of equality with the men as per
constitutional and legal provision. But the Indian women have come a long way to
achieve the present positions. Reservation has resulted in bringing a novel group of
women representative into Panchayati Raj Institutions. With the provision of 73rd
Amendment, women representatives have ample scope for involvement in the process
of local government.108 Women have taken initiatives to evolve an able leader, the
support of family, self-confidence and society were major factors promoting her.109
Table show the respondent’s opinion regarding motivation factor of respondents to
contest the election.
Table 4.20
Respondents Opinion With Regard Motivation Factors
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Your Own Decision 42 28.97 38 26.03 80 27.49
2 Family Members 59 40.69 62 42.47 121 41.58
3 Friends/Relatives 18 12.41 8 5.48 26 8.94
4 Political Party 14 9.66 15 10.27 29 9.96
5 Others 12 8.27 23 15.75 35 12.03
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
107
Praveen Rai, op.cit., 2011, p. 52.
108
Dasarathi Bhuyan, “Particpation in Panchayati Raj”, Yojana, Vol. 52, October 2008, p. 36.
109
S. Waseem Ahmad, et al., op.cit., 2008, pp. 670-671.
259
42.47
40.69
Mandi
50
Kangra
28.97
26.03
40
Percentage (%)
15.75
30
12.41
10.27
9.66
8.27
20
5.48
10
0
Response
Fig.4.20: Respondents’
pondents’ Opinion With Regard Motivation Factors
The table 4.20 indicates that out of 291 respondents,

respondents 80 respondents believed
that they were motivated themselves,
themselves which constitute 27.49 per cent of the total
sample, whereas 121 respondents believed that family motivated them to contest the
elections, which constitute 41.58
41 per cent of the sample. The 26 respondents believed
that their friends and relatives motivated
motivate them to contest the elections, which constitute
8.94 per cent of the respondents. There were 29 respondents which believed that
political parties motivated them to contest the elections,
elections which constitute 9.96 per cent
of the sample and 35 respondents contested
contested the election due to some others factors like
reservation of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipalities,
Municipalities which
constitute 12.03 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents,

respondents 42 respondents believed that they
th
were motivated themselves, which constitute 28.97 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 59 respondents believed that family motivated them to contest the elections,
elections
which constitute 40.69 per cent of the sample, while 18 respondents believed that their
friends and relatives motivated them to contest the elections,
elections which constitute 12.41 per
cent of the respondents. There were 14 respondents which believed that political parties
motivated them to contest the elections,
elections which constitute 9.66 per cent of the sample
and 12 respondents contested the election due to some others factors like reservation of
seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipalities,
Municipalities which constitute
rict Kangra out of 146 respondents,

In district respondents 38 respondents believed that they
260
friends and relatives motivated them to contest the elections, which constitute 5.48 per
motivated them to contest the elections, which constitute 10.27 per cent of the sample
seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipalities, which constitute
The comparative analysis of two districts reveals that the number of respondents
who believed that they were motivated by their family. Mandi district respondents were
less motivated by their family as compared to district Kangra. It was observed that
women got motivation from the family and relatives. There were some other factors i.e.
interest and political parties. These factors influence women to take part in politics.
Elections Contested on the Seats
Democracy implies government of the people and it postulates a popular set up

based essentially on the good will and support of the electorate. Elections are an
essential and inseparable part of the democratic process, without them the will of the
people cannot be determined. When the term participation is involved, elections
continue to be the focal point to study the phenomenon of the participation. Elections to
representative institutions are the means for democratic freedom of society and modus
operandi of political development. Political participation has become an important tool
for the understanding of political process in democracy. Election not only provides an
opportunity to people for choosing their representatives but also gives them a scope for
participation. Elections are prominent, as they reveal aspects of the most contemporary
political setup and also dramatize the political system. Political participation depends
upon the nature of environment and demographic factors. The participation of the
citizen in the process of elections through the exercise of their voting rights lends
effective legitimacy to the political system. Participation in electoral process is a key
feature in political participation. In the context of voting behaviour, political
participation has acquired a new and dynamic connotation than generally understood in
traditional terminology.110
In a democracy, elections constitute a major political activity for the people.

Election is an important process in the politics of the country.111 Elections are a proven
means for modern societies to establish legitimate and relatively stable government.
110
111
Vina Mazumdar, Symbols of Power, Bombay: Allied Publishers Private Limited, 1979, p. 174.
261
They secure peoples participation in public affairs, ensure orderly transfer of power and
the authority of government with legitimacy. It provides
provide an opportunity to the people to
express their faith in the government from time to time and change it.
it When
W needed
much more significant, they highlight and dramatize a political system and open up
channels between the polity and the society, between the elite
elite and the masses and
between the individual and government. The Indian Constitution makers have given a
great importance to the electoral process. Therefore, many provisions have been made
in the constitution for a free and fair electoral process.112 The election system is a
political device through which,
which the modern state creates among its citizens a sense of
involvement and participation in public affairs.113 Table shows the categories of the
seats on which the respondents contested the election.
Table 4.21
Respondents View Regarding Elections Contested on the Seats
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
No. %Age No. %Age No. %Age
1 Reserved for Women 71 48.96 55 37.67 126 43.29
2 Reserved for SCs Women 67 46.21 39 26.71 106 36.43
3 Reserved for STs Women 2 1.38 11 7.54 13 4.47
4 Reserved for OBCs Women 5 3.45 41 28.08 46 15.81
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
48.96
46.21
37.67
50
45
28.08
40
26.71
Percentage (%)
35
30
25
20 Mandi
7.54
15
3.45
Kangra
1.38
10
5
0
Reserved for Reserved for Reserved for Reserved for
Women SCs Women STs Women OBCs Women
Response
Fig.4.21: Respondents View Regarding Elections Contested on the Seats
112
Tara, “Electoral Process in India”,
India Vidhanmala, Year 7, No.1, June 2014, p. 45.
113
Kalpana Roy, op.cit., 1999, p. 87.
262
It is clear from the above table 4.21 that out of 291 respondents, 126
respondents contested the election from the reserved seat for women, which constitute
43.29 per cent of the sample, while 106 respondents contested from the reserved for
SCs women, which constitute 36.43 per cent of the sample. There were 13 respondents
who contested elections from the reserved category for STs, which constitute 4.47 per
cent of the sample and 46 respondents contested election for OBCs women, which
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 71 respondents contested the election

from the reserved seat for women, which constitute 48.96 per cent of the sample, while
67 respondents contested from the reserved for SCs women, which constitute 46.21 per
cent of the sample. There were 2 respondents who contested elections from the
reserved category for STs, which constitute 1.38 per cent of the sample and 5
respondents contested election for OBCs women, which constitute 3.45 per cent of the
sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 55 respondents contested the election

sample.
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals the categories of the seats
on, which the respondents contested the elections. Majority of the respondents in whole
sample 43.29 per cent, in Mandi district 48.46 per cent and in Kangra district 37.67 per
cent contested the elections from the reserved seats for women. This percentage further
increased in the respondents, who contested the elections from the seats reserved for
SCs women. It was observed that women generally get an opportunity to contest the
elections only on those seats, which are reserved for women.
Participation in Strikes/Protest/Bandh Calls
The public rallies, protest, strikes and bandh calls are the important modes of
political participation. Participation in processions, rallies, demonstrations and
contacting party leaders and members of the bureaucracy are quite important activities
263
in the sense thatt these not only introduce a person into politics but also enable him to
influence decision-making.
making. Strikes, dharnas, riots, political assassinations, non-voting,
non
gheraos and other anomic activities,
activities which though old have been inducted into the
political process.114 Political participation through strikes/protests/ bandh call are such
activities, which include demonstration, riots and other form of civil violence through
which citizens try to pressurize or intimate the government.115 Table shows that,
that
responses of the respondents regarding their participating in public rallies.
Table 4.22
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 87 60.00 93 63.69 180 61.86
2 No 41 28.28 39 26.72 80 27.49
3 No Opinion 17 11.72 14 9.59 31 10.65
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
70 63.69
60 Mandi
60 Kangra
50
Percentage (%)
40
28.28 26.72
30
20 11.72
9.59
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.22: Participation in Strikes/Protest/Bandh Calls
114
S. Bhatnagar, Political Theory,, New Delhi: Meenakashi Prakashan, 1984, p. 280.
115
Ali Ashraf and L. N. Sharma, Political Sociology,
Sociology Madras: Universities Press, 1983, p. 144.
264
It is evident from the table 4.22 that out of 291 respondents, 180 respondents
participated in strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitutes 61.86 per cent. However
80 respondents were not participated in strikes/protests/bandh calls. The percentage of
such respondents was 27.49. There were 31 respondents, did not give their opinion
about participation in strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitutes 10.65 per cent of
the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 87 respondents participated in

strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitute the total sample 60.00 per cent. However
41 respondents did not participated in strikes/protests/bandh calls. The percentage of
such respondents was 28.28 per cent. Therefore, 17 respondents did not give their
opinion about participation in strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitute 11.72 per
cent of the sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 93 respondents participated in

strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitute 63.69 per cent. There were 39 respondents
were not participated in strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitutes 26.72 per cent of
the sample. However, 14 respondents did not give their opinion about participation in
strikes/protests/bandh calls. The percentage of such respondents was 9.59 per cent of
the total.
respondents participated in strike/protest/bandh calls. It was observed that these are the
important modes of political participation in political process.
Source of Political Information
Media is considered as the fourth pillar of the society and democratic medium
of information. Media has the power to pressurize and criticize the drawbacks of
democracy. The electronic media particularly television, has become the most
influential medium of mass communication in India. It is high time now that women
should get a respectable and dignified position in the Indian society. Awareness in the
women as well as society should be created and their equal rights should be effectively
implemented. In the era of globalization and with revolution in means of
communication and information technology, the media role has become more crucial
for women empowerment in India.116
116
Purnima Ojha, “Women’s Issues in India: Role and Importance of Media”, The Indian Journal of
Political Science, Vol. 72, No. 1, January-March 2011, pp. 98-101.
265
The mass media-often referred to as just, the media-are usually understood with
reference to the printed press and to radio and television broadcasters. In recent years,
the definition has perhaps become broader, encompassing internet, mobile phones,
social media, such as blogs and micro-blogs, social networking websites like facebook,
video-sharing sites, such as You Tube and others. There is no doubt that the media play
a very significant role in the life of all human societies. It provides the conduit
necessary for all kinds of communication that helps societies to exist and function.
In Modern democratic societies, which entails representative government, the
media play the very essential role of ensuring that information vital to the existence,
survival and development of constituents, available to them in a timely, equitable fair
and balanced manner. The media can also play a more specific part in enabling full
public participation in elections, not only by reporting on the performance of
government. Media also provides information about the constituencies and various
human development index parameters, offering chances for people to comment on the
work done by their elected representatives and providing feedbacks to the candidate.
Emerging as a potentially powerful force, electronic media has also been playing a
similar role to that of print media in conducting free and fair elections.117 It is of course
a well known fact that better informed persons would be more aware and will
participate more in politics than the less formed ones. Information enhances the
knowledge about politics, political objects and working of the political system. While
political parties are a good source of political information, people can get information’s
through a variety of media sources. Citizens learn about politics and the government
from the news, they watch on television, read newspapers and from on social media.
Media discounted the effect of mass communications on elections.118 Table gives a
description of the sources of political information of the respondents.
117
Gurpreet Randhawa, “Role of the Media in Indian Electoral Process”, Vidhanmala, Year 7, No. 1,
June 2014, pp. 70-71.
118
Rahul Verma and Shreyas Sardeshari, “Does Media Exposure Affect Voting Behaviours
and Political Preference in India”, Economic and Politically Weekly, Vol. 49, No. 39, September
2014, p. 83.
266
Table 4.23
Source of Political Information of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Members of the Family 38 26.21 25 17.13 63 21.65
2 News Papers 11 7.59 13 8.91 24 8.25
3 Radio 19 13.10 20 13.69 39 13.40
4 Television 58 40.00 65 44.52 123 42.27
5 Others 19 13.10 23 15.75 42 14.43
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
44.52
Mandi
50
40
Kangra
40
26.21
Percentage (%)
30
17.13
13.69
13.1
20
8.91
7.59
10
0
Members of the News Papers Radio Television
Family
Response
Fig.4.23: Source of Political Information of the Respondents
It is evident from the table 4.23 that out of 291 respondents,

provided political information through their family members,
members which constitute 21.65
per cent of the sample. Whereas 24 respondents, the main source of their political
information was reading newspapers,
newspapers which constitute 8.25 per cent of the sample.
sample
There were 39 respondents that seek
s political information from radio
adio, which constitute
13.40 percent of the sample.
sample Majority of the 123 respondents seek political information
from television, which constitute 42.27 per cent of the sample.
sample However, 42
267
respondents got political information from other sources, which constitute 14.43 per
cent of the sample.
As far as district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents 38 respondents

provided political information through their family members, which constitute 26.21
information was reading newspapers, which constitute 7.59 per cent of the sample.
There were 19 respondents that seek political information from radio, which constitute
13.10 percent of the sample. Majority of the 58 respondents seek political information
from television, which constitute 40.00 per cent of the sample. However, 19
cent of the sample.
As far as district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents, 25 respondents

cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of the both district reveals that the main sources of
political information were television, newspaper, radio and social media. In district
Kangra 44.52 per cent and in districts Mandi 40.00 per cent respondents seek
information from television followed by family members, reading newspaper, radio and
other sources. It was observed that in both districts majority of the respondents seek
information from television. These sources gave political information to the women
and made them aware about their rights and got information about the state, national
and international levels. It can have a huge influence on election outcomes.
Party Affiliation
A party in the most general sense of the word is a body of persons, who are
united in opinion or action, as distinguished from or opposed to the rest of a community
268
or association.119 Political parties are groups organized for the purpose of achieving and
exercising power within a political system. The roles of political parties are inevitable
in a parliamentary system. Parties are playing a key role in democracy in the world.
The 20th century saw the spread of political parties throughout the entire world. Modern
political parties are institutions that can function in widely divergent political
situations. 120 Maciver defined political party as “an association organised in support of
some principle or the policy, which by constitutional means endeavours to make the
determinant of the government”. This definition focussed attention on the associated
and the organised aspects of a political party, while bringing about the rational for its
existence in terms of some guiding principle or policy and linking the same to political
power as exercised by the government. Political parties are the closely connected with
government, and thus, in decision-making position. The parties furnish the government
with personnel. In order to socialise the masses effective, every political party must
have competent leadership. Party workers or cadres must establish contacts with the
people on a regular basis so as to aggregate and articulate their interests, educate them
politically, and thereby, secure their support for the party. The party officers and
workers aim at imbibing the ordinary members with the party spirit, imparting party
ideologies and motivating them to be active in implementation of party programmes.121
According to Sh. Narayan’s conception of the panchayats, is completely free

from the poison of political strife and is linked with his idea of a Partyless Democracy.
He supports his thesis by emphasising that if the political parties actively contest the
Panchayat Elections, they are bound to bring with them the political rivalry from the
centre down to the grass-roots, there by spoiling the peace in Indian village. Political
parties through their involvement in politics will focus on the attention of the rural
people on national issues. They will act as important media of modernization in
villages. Political parties can strengthen the roots of Indian democracy by involving in
the mainstream of Indian politics. Political parties have to act as a great instrument for
the politicization of the masses.122 Political parties are the sinews of Indian democratic
polity. They have profound effects on the process of social, economic and political
119
Edwin R.A. Seligman, “Parties, Political”, Encyclopedia of Social Science, New York: The
Macmillan Publishing Company, Vol. 11-12, 1959, p. 590.
120
New Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. William Benton, New York: William Benton Publishers, Vol. 14,
New York, 1943, p. 677.
121
Niroj Sinha, Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2006, p.142.
122
A.K. Majumdar and Bhanwar Singh, Panchayat Politics and Community Development, New Delhi:
Radha Publications, 1996, pp.118-134.
269
changes. Further, the working of the party system as well as the role of political leaders
significantly, influences the process of modernization so as crucial to developing
society like India. The development of Indian party system can be traced to the freedom
movement days, which resulted in the wide-ranging political recruitment, vast political
socialisation and mobilisation of the masses.123
A political party is probably the most potent instrument in facilitating political

participation. The party is a powerful reference group in its own right for the party
candidates and influences the electorate during the elections to vote for the party
candidate. People who affiliate with a party get more benefits than those, who do not
have affiliation with a political party. More often, the impact of political party and its
policies are visible on the party candidates.124 The Indian party system has witnessed,
several important transformations over the past sixty years. Due to the emergence of
new parties and decay of old parties, the party system has changed significantly today
since the time of independence.125 Political parties provide procedures for actions as
well as the motivation to act. They provide a set of valued objectives. Political parties
try to reinforce the existing political culture or try to change it. Party identification is
significant in shaping our political attitudes. Identifying a particular party by persons,
depends upon general factors. Participation in political activities involves time, energy
and resources. Political parties offer themselves as a mean to an individual for effective
and meaningful participation.126
Mainstream political parties became conscious of women as a constituency and

this was reflected in their election manifestoes and their considering women as
candidates with potential votes. However, this did not translate into more seats for
women in the political bodies and most parties resorted to tokenism and symbolism,
when it came to representation of women.127 The Indian political parties are categorized
into two main types- National Level and State Level Parties. The national parties are
those political parties, which participate in different elections all over India. For
123
Pratap Chandra Swain, “Dynamics of the Indian Party System”, The Indian Journal of Political
Science, Vol. 69, No. 1, January-March 2008, pp. 59- 60.
124
P.V. Krishna, “Participation and Awareness of Elected Women Representatives in PRIs”, Voice of
Research, Vol. 2, No.4, March 2014, p. 46.
125
Rajshree Dutta, “Measuring Party System Change in India: An Analysis at the National and at the
Level of States, 1952-2009”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol.72, No.3, July-
September 2011, p. 661.
126
Kalpna Roy, op.cit., 1999, p. 150.
127
Pooja Singh, “Representation of Women in Indian Politics”, Third Concept, Vol. 28, No. 327, May
2014, pp. 48-50.
270
example, Indian National Congress, Bhartiya Janta Party, Samajwadi Party, Communist
Party, Communist Party of India (Marxist) and some other parties.128 Table deals with
party affiliation to leadership
leader at the politics.
Table 4.24
Parties Affiliation of the Respondents

Party Affiliation Mandi Kangra Total
Sr.No
(Membership)
%
No. % age No. % age No.
age
1 Indian National Congress 80 55.18 76 52.06 156 53.61
2 Bhartiya Janta Party 49 33.79 55 37.67 104 35.74
3 CPI 2 1.38 1 0.69 3 1.03
4 BSP 3 2.07 5 3.42 8 2.75
5 Others 11 7.58 9 6.16 20 6.87
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
55.18
52.06
60 Mandi
Kangra
50
37.67
33.79
Percentage (%)
40
30
20
7.58
6.16
3.42
10
2.07
1.38
0.69
0
Indian Bhartiya Janta CPI BSP Others
National Party
Congress Party Affiliation
Fig. 4.24: Parties Affiliation of the Respondents
128
Ramesh Kumar, “Political Parties in India and the United Sates: A Comparative Analysis”,
Analysis” The
Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 72, No. 2, April-June 2011, pp. 555-556.
556.
271
Table 4.24 shows that all 145 respondents were interviewed from Mandi district
and 146 respondents were interviewed in district Kangra. Out of 291 respondents, 156
respondents were affiliated with the Indian National Congress Party, which constitutes
53.61 per cent of the sample, whereas 104 respondents were affiliated with the BJP,
which constitute 35.74 per cent of the sample. There were hardly a few 3 respondents,
who were affiliated with CPI. The percentages of such respondents were 1.03 per cent
of the sample, while 8 respondents were affiliated with the BSP, which constitute 2.75
per cent of the sample. There were 20 respondents who were not active in any political
party, which constitute 6.87 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents 80 respondents were affiliated with

the Indian National Congress Party, which constitutes 55.18 per cent of the total
sample, whereas 49 respondents were affiliated with the BJP, which constitute 33.79
per cent of the sample. There were hardly a few 2 respondents, who were affiliated with
CPI. The percentages of such respondents were 1.38 per cent of the sample, while, 3
respondents were affiliated with the BSP which constitute 2.07 per cent of the sample.
There were 11 respondents who were not active in any political party, which constitute
In district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 76 respondents were affiliated with

per cent of the sample and 1 respondents who was affiliated with CPI, which constitute
0.69 per cent of the sample, while 5 respondents were affiliated with the BSP, which
constitute 3.42 per cent of the sample. There were 9 respondents who were not active in
any political party, which constitute 6.16 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of the both districts reveals that political party plays
an important role in determining women’s participation in politics. It is evident from
the table 4.24 that on an average percentage of the respondents got membership of
political parties. Majority of the respondents in both district were the members of the
Congress Party. It was observed that some respondents tried to hide their political
affiliation.
272
Type of Party Membership
Political parties play significant role in strengthening the process of democracy

and consolidating the foundations of democracy.129 Participation in a political party as
an active member is considered to be an indication of deep involvement in politics. In a
democratic society, a political party is the most important link to unite the people with
leadership. Political parties articulate interests and demands of the people and convert
them into policy formulations and thus perform the function of interest aggregation.130
Political parties also provide an opportunity to party activists to be elected as leaders
and install them as decision-makers to play an effective and vital role in the political
system.131 According to Milbrath, “Psychological identification with a party, formal
membership through payment of dues, and active participation in party affairs are the
three ways in which person can be a party member.”132 Political parties often attempt
to increase the participation of inactive groups. Political parties help citizens to
interpret political information and event. The articulate parties have high rate of people
participation. A personal contact with party workers is more impressive way to vote or
participate. Party identification also reflects the participation and it has an independent
effect on participation and also reduces participation disparity between social groups.
Clarity and attractiveness of issues mainly affect education day turnout and other
political activities. Flow of propaganda also influence the participation. Political
development and modernization, change the participatory patterns in new nations.
More modernized societies have higher political participation level than that of the less
modernized ones.133 Hence political parties generally have ordinary and active
members in their organizations. Ordinary members are passive members, who just get
enrolment in the party and do not participate actively in party activities whereas other
hand, active members are active party workers and take active part in party affairs.
Table shows that the type of party membership of the respondents.
129
Ibid.,
130
Gabriel A. Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach,
New Dehli: Amerind Publishers, 1975, pp. 98-100.
131
132
Lester W. Milbrath, Political Participation: How and Why do People Get Involved in Politics?, 1st
edition, Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965, p. 25.
133
Lester W. Milbrath and M.L. Goel, Political Participation How and Why do People Get Involved in
Politics, 2nd edition, Chicago: Rand McNally Publication, 1977, p. 33.
273
Table 4.25
Respondents Opinion about Type of Party Membership
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Active 80 55.17 84 57.53 164 56.36
2 Inactive 58 40.00 57 39.04 115 39.52
3 No Opinion 7 4.83 5 3.43 12 4.12
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
57.53 Mandi
60 55.17
Kangra
50
40 39.04
Percentage (%)
40
30
20
10 4.83 3.43
0
Active Inactive No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.25: Respondents Opinion about Type of Party Membership
Table 4.25 shows that out of 291 respondents, 164 respondents were the active
member of political parties, which constitute 56.36 per cent of the total sample.
Whereas, 115 respondents who were inactive member of political parties,
parties which
constitute 39.52 per cent of the sample, while 12 respondents who did not give their
opinion about the membership of political
politic parties, which constitute 4.12 per cent of the
sample.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents, 80 respondents were the active

274
Whereas, 58 respondents who were inactive member of political parties, which
opinion about the membership of political parties, which constitute 4.83 per cent of the
sample.
In district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 84 respondents were the active

constitute 39.04 per cent of the sample. There were 5 respondents who did not give
their opinion about the membership of political parties, which constitute 3.43 per cent
of the sample.
The comparative analysis of the both district reveals that in Kangra 57.53 per
cent of the respondents were active members of political parties as compare to Mandi
district (55.17%). It is found that in both districts women had active membership and
were office bearers of different political parties. Almost all political parties set up a
women’s cell or wing but they worked as ancillary bodies. Very few women were able
to capture seats of power. The number of women in the legislatures remained very
small. Very few women reached the position of party president or leader of legislative
party. More recently, major political parties have indeed made conscious efforts to
induct more women into the various levels of the party organisation.
Financial Contribution to a Party/ Candidate
The respondents made some financial contribution to a party/candidate. Table

shows the response of the respondents in this regard.
Table 4.26
Views Regarding Financial Contribution to a Party/Candidate
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 49 33.79 56 38.35 105 36.08
2 No 94 64.83 86 58.91 180 61.86
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 4 2.74 6 2.06
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
275
64.83 Mandi
70
Kangra
58.91
60
50
Percentage (%)
38.35
40 33.79
30
20
10 2.74
1.38
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.26: Views Regarding Financial Contribution to a Party/Candidate
It is evident of the table 4.26 that out of 291 respondents, 105 respondents who
contributed financially
ancially to a party/candidates,
party/ which constitute 36.08 per cent of the
total sample. Whereas 180 respondents did not contribute financially to any party or
candidate, which constitute 61.86 per cent of the sample. There were 6 respondents
who did not express any opinion about the financial contribution to a party
part or
candidate, which constitute 2.06 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents, 49 respondents who contributed

cont
financially to a party/candidate
candidate, which constitute 33.79 per cent of the total sample.
Whereas, 94 respondents did not contribute financially to any party or candidate,
candidate which
constitute 64.83 per cent of the sample. There were 2 respondents who did not express
any opinion about the financial contribution to a party or candidate, which constitute
As far as in district Kangra,

Kangra out of 146 respondents, 56 respondents who
contributed financially to a party/candidate,
party/ which constitute 38.35 per cent of the total
sample. Whereas, 86 respondents did not contribute financially to any party or
who did not express any opinion about the financial contribution to a party or
The comparative
ve analysis of the two district reveals financial contributions
contribution to a
party or candidate. In district
strict Kangra (38.35%)
(38.35%) respondents who contributed
contribute financially
276
to a party or candidate as compared to Mandi district (33.79%). Majority of the
respondents did not contribute financially to any party/candidate. It was observed that
the majority of the respondents in the sample were not financially self-sufficient.
Membership of Voluntary Organisation
Voluntary Organizations are not merely the provider of social services to the
needy persons but are actively involved in accelerating the process of development. At
many places, they are an important link between the people and the administration. All
voluntary organisations are positive genuine, authentic and committed to development.
Voluntary organisations are charitable, service delivery, welfare oriented, relief and
rehabilitation type of voluntary organisation, which primarily work at the grass-roots
level to alleviate sufferings of the poor and the marginalised, to respond to failure in
government service by filling gaps in social services delivery and in the welfare of the
weaker sections.134
NGO denotes all organisations outside the governmental sector. These

institutions are known variously as voluntary organizations, non-governmental
organizations, community based organizations, self-help groups, etc. Self-governing
charitable initiative and non-governmental organisations engaged in or supporting
developmental efforts focuses on the poor, and emphasizes democratization,
decentralization and popular participation.135 The Table shows that membership of
voluntary organisation as follows:
Table 4.27
Respondents Views Regarding Membership of Voluntary Organisations
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 118 81.38 110 75.34 228 78.35
2 No 25 17.24 28 19.18 53 18.21
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 8 5.48 10 3.44
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
134
R. Srinivsan, “Emerging Trends in NGO Sector: A Study of Tamil Nadu”, The Indian Journal of
Political Science, Vol. 66, No.2, April-June 2005, pp. 273-274.
135
Ibid., p. 276.
277
Mandi
90 81.38
Kangra
75.34
80
70
Percentage (%)
60
50
40
30
17.24 19.18
20
5.48
10 1.38
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.27: Respondents Views Regarding Membership of Voluntary Organisations
Table 4.27 shows that out of 291 respondents, 228 respondents were members
of one or the other voluntary organisations,
organisation which constitute 78.35 per cent of the total
sample. Whereas, 53 respondents were not the members of voluntary organisations,
organisations
which constitute 18.21 per cent of the sample. There were 10 respondents who did not
give their opinion about the member of the voluntary organisations,
organisations which constitute
The district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents, 118 respondents
were members of one or the other voluntary
volunt organisations, which constitute 81.38 per
cent of the total sample. Whereas,
Whereas 25 respondents were not the members of voluntary
organisations, which constitute 17.24 per cent of the sample. There were 2 respondents
who did not give their opinion about the member of the voluntary organisations,
organisations which
Similarly district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents,

respondents 110
respondents were members of one or the other voluntary organisations,
organisation which
constitute 75.34 per cent of the total sample. Whereas 28 respondents were not the
members of voluntary organisations,
organisations which constitute 19.18 per cent of the sample,
while 8 respondents
ndents who did not give their opinion about the member of the voluntary
organisations, which constitute 5.48 per cent of the sample.
278
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that majority of the
respondents were the members of one or other organisations. In district Mandi
percentage was higher with (81.38%) percent of the respondents who have the some
knowledge of the different economic and social organisations or associations working
for the welfare and uplift of women as compared to district Kangra (75.34%). It was
found that these organisation uplift women in all fields. There was a great influence of
family upon membership in voluntary organisations. Voluntary organisations attracted
rich people more than the poor. They solve their problems as well as, to serve the
weaker sections of the society.
Attending Party/Organisational Meetings
Attending party/organisational meetings is also one of the important modes of

political participation. Election meeting are one of the important media for approaching
the electorate collectively, which is used to inform the electorate about the party, its
programme and symbol, as also for introducing the candidates to the electorate. This is
also important because it gives an opportunity to the candidate and the party to
demonstrate to the rival candidates about their strength and the support that they
command. An effort is made to mobilize as large number of people to attend a public
136
meeting as possible. Praveen Rai analysed the levels and trends of women’s
participation in electoral competition as campaigners in the last two general elections,
an electoral participation index was constructed on following variables; attending
election meetings, participated in rallies, door to door canvassing, donations to parties
and distributing party agenda leaflets. Indian women are now actively participating in
campaign activities that are not more intensive but very much a form of active
participation as compared to voting in elections. One of the main reasons for increased
participation of women in election campaign activities is due to higher mobilisation by
political parties by including women in their campaign programmes. It seems that
political parties seem quite keen and enthusiastic in treating women as constituencies
and campaigners, but run shy of allotting adequate number of seats to them in elections
and in sharing political power.137 Table shows the participation of the respondents in
party or organisational meetings.
136
S.P. Varma and Iqbal Narain, Voting Behaviour in Changing Society, Delhi: National Publishing
House, 1973, p. 276.
137
Praveen Rai, op.cit, 2011, p. 51.
279
Table 4.28
Respondents Views on Attending Party/Organisational Meetings
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 103 71.03 100 68.49 203 69.75
2 No 28 19.31 37 25.34 65 22.34
3 No Opinion 14 9.66 9 6.17 23 7.91
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
Mandi
80 71.03
68.49 Kangra
70
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
30 25.34
19.31
20
9.66
6.17
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.28: Respondents Views on Attending Party/Organisational Meetings
attended party and organizational meeting regularly,
regularly which constitute 69.75
75 per cent of
the total sample. Whereas 65 respondents did not attend the meeting regularly,
regularly which
constitute 22.34 per cent of the sample. There were 23 respondents who had no opinion
about attending the meetings, which constitute 7.91
91 per cent of the sample.

respondents 103 respondents attended party and
organizational meeting regularly,
03 per cent of the total sample.
Whereas 28 respondents did not attend the meeting regularly,
per cent of the sample. There were 14 respondents who had no opinion about attending
the meetings, which constitute 9.66 per cent of the sample.
280
Similarly in district Kangra, out of 146 respondents, 100 respondents attended
party and organizational meeting regularly, which constitute 68.49 per cent of the total
sample. Whereas 37 respondents did not attend the meeting regularly, which constitute
25.34 per cent of the sample. There were 9 respondents who had no opinion about
attending the meetings, which constitute 6.17 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of the two district depicts that majority of respondents
attended the party/organizational meeting regularly. In district Mandi the number of
respondents (71.03%) attending party and organizational meeting, was higher as
compared to Kangra district 68.49%). It was found that majority of the respondents had
accepted that they raised their voice on various issues in the meetings.
Knowledge of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act
Seventy third Amendment to the Constitution of India provides a new

dimension to the old concept of Panchayati Raj in India. After Independence, the
community development programme was launched on 2nd October 1952. The
chairmanship of Sh. Balwantrai Mehta, which was appointed to evaluate the
programme, diagnosed that the programme has not evoked popular enthusiasm and
participation. It should be entrusted to the self-governing elected bodies at the
grassroots level. The committee recommended a three-tier structure of Gram
Panchayats, Panchayat Samitis and Zila Parishad at the village, block and district level
respectively. Following the recommendations of Balwantrai Mehta Study Group,
Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh became the leading states, where Panchayati Raj pattern
recommended by Balwantrai Mehta team was followed in 1959.138 The appointment of
Ashok Mehta Committee in 1977 by Janta Party government at centre to revitalize the
Panchayati Raj structure was the only major step taken in this direction, during this
period. This committee submitted its report in 1978, which was partially implemented
in some states, as the Janata Party government at the centre lost the power. Panchayati
Raj in India entered into its last but latest phase of revival from 1983 onwards. The
central government headed by Rajiv Gandhi made certain serious attempts to involve
PRIs in the mainstream of India politics. This process led to the formation of a series
of steps on the part of the Central Government in connection with PRIs, which include
138
M. P. Dubbey and Munni Padalia (eds.), Democratic Decentralisation and Panchayati Raj in India,
281
the appointment of G.V.K. Rao Committee (1985), L. M. Singhvi Committee (1986),
Chief Secretaries Conference (1988), Thungon Committee (1988) and the introduction
of constitution (Sixty-fourth) Amendment Bill, 1989. Therefore P. V. Narsimha Rao,
who became Prime Minister in 1991, was able to get the 73rd Amendment enacted in
1992 by building a consensus in its favour. The 73rd Amendment not only gave a
constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj Institutions but also provided for its uniform
structure in all the states. This amendment also made provisions for the increase in the
powers and resources of these institutions. 139 With a view to bring law relating to the
Panchayats in conformity with provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act,
the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1968 has replaced and the Himachal Pradesh
Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 was enacted with effect from April 23, 1994.140
Any institution’s innovation, which does not reach the common man and fails to
ameliorate the conditions of the people, does not serve anything, but results in futile
experiment. The Panchayati Raj system, looked at from a historical perspective, has
had its ups and downs. Various forces have worked against the system, despite its
inbuilt strength and advantages to suit the nation. For the successful working of the
Panchayati Raj system, people’s participation is considered very important and an
effort is always made to educate the masses for their full participation and active
involvement. So, people’s perception of Panchayati Raj is an important yardstick.
Absence of awareness of the system in general and the institutions as well as their
functions in particular would result in slow progress or no progress.141 The 73rd Act is
landmark legislation, which has brought empowerment of the Panchayati Raj
Institutions and has ensured the transfer of power from the state to the Panchayati Raj
Institutions to be exercised by the people.142 Thus empowering women is one of the
major issues of Indian polity and Himachal Pradesh government today. Women can be
empowered through the knowledge and the working of Gram Sabha under the
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994. The awareness of the new Panchayati Raj
Act is given in the table as follows:
139
Ibid., pp. 96-97.
140
Simi Agnihotri and Vijay Singh, “Women Empowerment through Reservation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions in Himachal Pradesh”, Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 60, No.3, July-
141
K.C Vidya, op.cit., 2007, pp.138-139.
142
Mathew C. Kunnumkal, “Grassroots Level Democracy in Indian an Assessment”, Yojana, Vol. 55,
February 2011, p. 6.
282
Table 4.29
Respondents Awareness with Regard to the Panchayati Raj Act
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 57 39.31 60 41.09 117 40.21
2 No 61 42.07 64 43.84 125 42.95
3 No Opinion 27 18.62 22 15.07 49 16.84
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
43.84
42.07
41.09
39.31
45
40
35
30
18.62
Percentage (%)
25
15.07
Mandi
20
15 Kangra
10
5
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
It is evident from the table 4.29 that out 291 respondents, 117 respondents were
fully aware of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati
Panchayat Raj Act, which constitute 40.21 of the
total sample. Whereas 125 respondents were not aware about this act,
act which constitute
42.95 per cent
ent of the sample.
sam There were 49 respondents held no opinion on either side.
The percentage
age of such respondents was 16.84 of the total sample.
As far as in district Mandi was concerned,

con out of 145 respondents, 57
respondents were fully aware of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati
Panchayat Raj Act, which
constitute 39.31 of the total
otal sample. Whereas, 61 respondents were not aware about this
act, which constitute 42.07 per cent of the sample. There were 27 respondents having
no opinion, which constitute 18.62 per cent of the sample.
283
As far as in district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents, 60
respondents were fully aware of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, which
constitute 41.09 of the total sample. Whereas, 64 respondents were not aware about this
The comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that in district Kangra the
elected women representatives were more aware about Panchayati Raj System in
comparison to district Mandi. It was clear from the table, women to a certain extent
were aware of the functioning of Panchayati Raj Act. But most of the women were
unaware of the functioning of Panchayati Raj System.
Participation of Women in PRIs
India is perhaps the first country to recognise the social fact underlined by
Lenin on the International Working Women’s Day in 1921. There has been taken
concrete measures to draw women into leadership positions and thereby into politics by
giving them one third reservation, in what may now be called the third tier of
governance the Panchayati Raj. The constitutional amendment providing one-third
representation to women in elected bodies as well as reserving one third of the offices
of chairpersons for them will have far-reaching consequences in Indian political and
social life.143 The 73rd Amendment to the Indian Constitution aimed at the
empowerment of women by making provision for the reservation of one-third share for
women in the Panchayati Raj Institutions.144
The 73rd Amendment has created silent revolution in the country. It has created
appropriate social, economic and political conditions that enabled women participation
in the local government institutions. Additionally, this is also of great significance as
women have a definite voice in the process of governance.145 Women reservation
(33%) has been provided by the Amendment in Panchayati Raj Act 1994, and
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Amendment Act, 2008 has provided 50 per cent
reservation of seats for women in PRIs and urban local bodies, which is a historical
step for the political empowerment of women. The experiment of 50 per cent
143
Ajit Pal Singh, “Women’s Participation at the Grassroot Level: An Analysis”, Mainstream,
Vol. 47, No.12, March 2009, p. 25.
144
S. S. Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p.76.
145
December 2008, pp. 56-57.
284
reservation of seats for women in PRIs and urban local bodies has been successful in
the state. Before 1995, women’s representation
representatio in local self-governments
governments was up to,
to
two women in all bodies. After 1995, it has increased to minimum 33 per cent and now
50 per cent, since 2010 elections to the PRIs and urban local bodies.146 This is for the
first time in our history that an opportunity
opportunity has been provided for such substantial entry
of women in public life and large numbers have come forward to tackle the challenge
of leadership at all levels of Panchayats. In fact, right from the days of freedom struggle
the Indian women have been consistently
consis encouraged of to take part in the active
politics. 147
Table 4.30
Respondents Opinion with Regard to Women Participation in the PRIs
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 112 77.24 107 73.28 219 75.25
2 No 30 20.69 28 19.18 58 19.94
3 No Opinion 3 2.07 11 7.54 14 4.81
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
77.24 Mandi
80 73.28 Kangra
70
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
30 20.69 19.18
20
7.54
10 2.07
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.30: Respondents Opinion with Regard to Women Participation in the PRIs
146
Sarbjeet Singh and Pankaj Dodh (eds.), Gender Justice and Women Empowerment:
Empowerment An Integrated
Approach,, New Delhi: Regal Publications, 2013, pp. 322-323.
322
147
M.R. Biju, Panchayati Raj System in India, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2008, p.161.
285
were satisfied with their participation in the PRIs, which constitute 75.25 of the total
sample. Whereas 58 respondents were not satisfied with the participation of women in
the PRIs, which constitute 19.94 per cent. There were 14 respondents who expressed no
opinion on either side. The percentage of such respondents was 4.81 of the total
sample.
As far as in district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents, 112

respondents were satisfied with their participation in the PRIs, which constitute 77.24
of the total sample. Whereas 30 respondents were not satisfied with the participation of
women in the PRIs, which constitute 20.69 per cent of the sample. There were 3
respondents having no opinion, which constitute 2.07 per cent.

of the total sample. Whereas 28 respondents were not satisfied with the participation,
which constitutes 19.18 per cent of the sample. There were 11 respondents having no
opinion which constitute 7.54 per cent respectively.
The comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that majority of the elected
women representatives were satisfied with their participation in PRIs. The 73rd
constitutional amendment act facilitated women participation and involvement in the
PRIs.
Reservation for Women
The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act has introduced 33 per cent of

reservation for women in Panchayats and local governing bodies but the union cabinet
on August 27, 2009 approved proposal to increase the reservation from one third to
fifty percent in all tiers, through an Amendment of Article 243 (D) (3) of the
constitution. Article 243 (D) (3) enumerates that ‘Not less than one third (including the
number of seats reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every
panchayats shall be reserved for women and such seats may be allotted by rotation to
different constituencies in a panchayats’. Along with this, rotational reservation of at
least one third of the total number of offices of chairpersons at all levels of panchayats
was ensured through Article 243 (4). The amendment replaced this phrase of not less
286
than one third with the words not less than half.148 Political reservation for women in
legislative bodies has become one of the most contentious issues of political discourse
in contemporary India. This provision has opened up various avenues for women to
exercise their leadership role at the local level. Based on this provision various
women’s organizations have been fighting for 50 per cent reservation for women in the
legislative assemblies and the parliament. The Himachal Pradesh government by
introducing 50 per cent reservations has gone further and has foreground the issue of
women’s empowerment.149 In Bihar, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh,
the state governments have already reserved 50 per cent of Panchayat seats for women.
In Bihar the reservation was enhanced to one-half of the seats in 2006, in the elections
that followed 55 per cent of the elected panchayats members were women.150 This has
been the most effective formal step towards political empowerment of women.151
Empowerment is a multi-dimensional social process that helps people to gain control
over their own lives. It is a process that fosters power in people for use in their own
lives, their own communities and in their own society, by acting on issues that they
describe as important. Above all, empowerment is a result of participation in decision-
making. Therefore, women’s empowerment refers to the process by which women
acquire due recognition on par with men to participate in the development process of
the society through the political institutions as a partner with human dignity.152
Table 4.31
Respondents Opinion with Regard to Reservation for Women in PRIs
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 131 90.35 135 92.46 266 91.41
2 No 10 6.89 6 4.11 16 5.50
3 No Opinion 4 2.76 5 3.43 9 3.09
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
148
Atonu Chatterjee, “Women in Panchayats: A Review”, Yojana, Vol. 55, February 2011, p. 25.
149
Ajit Kumar Sinha, New Dimensions of Women Empowerment, New Delhi: Deep and Deep
150
Beyond Mere Gestures, “Enhancing Women’s Reservation in Panchayats is Good but it is not
Enough”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 44, No. 40, October 2009, p. 5.
151
Nupur Tiwari, “Women and Panchayati Raj”, Yojana, Vol. 56, June 2012, pp. 36-40.
152
C.V. Ramamohan, et al., Empowerment of Women Through Leadership and Entrepreneurship,
Mumbai: Himalaya Publishing House, 2012, p. 108.
287
92.46
90.35
100
90
80
70
Percentage
60
50 Mandi
40
Kangra
30
6.89
20
4.11
3.43
2.76
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.31: Respondents Opinion with Regard to Reservation for Women in PRIs
Table 4.31 shows that out

o of 291 respondents, 266 respondents were satisfied
with the 50 per cent reservation of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions,
Institutions
which constitute 90.41 per cent of the total sample. Whereas, 16 respondents were not
satisfied with 50 per cent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions,
Institutions which
sample There were 9 respondents who did not express
their opinion, which constitute 3.09 per cent of the total sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 131 respondents were satisfied with
the 50 per cent reservation of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions,
Institutions which
constitute 90.35
s Whereas 10 respondents were not satisfied
with 50 per cent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions,
Institutions which constitute
6.89 per cent of the sample. There were 4 respondents who did not express their
opinion, which constitute 2.76 per cent of the total sample.
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 135 respondents were

satisfied with the 50 per cent reservation of seats for women in Panchayati Raj
Institutions, which constitute 92.46
92. per cent of the total sample. Whereas 6 respondents
were not satisfied with 50 per cent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj
Institutions, which constitute 4.11 per cent of the sample. There were 5 respondents
who did not express their opinion,
s
288
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that majority of women
were satisfied with the reservation of seats for women. The 73rd Act has introduced
some innovative, progressive and bold provisions in matters of enhanced statutory
representation to women, SCs and STs. It was observed that reservation has inspired
and prompted them to contest elections.
This chapter were to ensure participation and involvement of the women in

politics. The majority of the population resides in the rural areas, their involvement in
political process was necessary. In the preceding study, it has found that majority of the
population in the rural areas engaged in agricultural professions. Similarly the
participation of women is relatively in the hands of middle aged generations. As far as
the involvement of women in the democratic process was concerned it has increased
considerably, partly due to 50 per cent reservations to the women and partly due to
awakening in female sex. Caste and political party also play some role in the election.
In Himachal Pradesh religion does not play any role in the election of representative’s
institutions. The study also reveals that SCs, STs and OBCs categories taking active
part in politics.
During study it was also found that the share of general category of the
(31.51%). Therefore Scheduled Caste share is concerned district Mandi has higher
(49.66%) to district Kangra (25.34%). As far as the OBCs share was concerned district
Kangra had higher share in comparison to district Mandi. The Scheduled Tribes have
very nominal existence in both districts. It appears that the share of STs was still very
low. It may be due to less population of their groups.
It is also found that the participation of women was literate. The percentage of
illiterate women was negligible. Similarly, the women participation mainly belongs to
middle class. Very few women were from high middle class, whose annual income was
above One Lakh annum. Since, most of the respondents were from agricultural
background.
During study, it was also found that the holdings of the respondents were not
very big. Most of the respondents were having land between to 10 bighas to 20 bighas.
In Himachal Pradesh the size of holdings is small. The study also found that majority of
the people is in agricultural profession and in petty business. Very few people are in
289
horticultural profession and apart from agriculture, horticulture business and some
other professions.
In the study it was also found that in Himachal Pradesh two political parties that
is Congress and Bhartiya Janta Party are dominating the political scene of the state. The
share of other political parties is very negligible. The majority of the respondents were
either with the congress ideology or with the BJP ideology.
As far as the awareness of the respondents was concerned during the study, it
was found that majority of the women used to read newspaper daily and were aware of
day-to-day happening. Similarly, majority of the respondents used to hear news in the
radio and television which means majority of the respondents was well informed with
the happening in society and state as well as world.
It was found that these organisation uplift women in all fields. There was a great
influence of family upon membership in voluntary organisations. Voluntary
organisations attracted rich people more than the poor. They solve their problems as
well as to serve the weaker sections of the society. It was observed that women to a
certain extent were aware of the functioning of Panchayati Raj Act. But most of the
women were unaware of the functioning of Panchayati Raj System.
The study found that majority of women was satisfied with the reservation of
seats for women. The 73rd Act has introduced some innovative, progressive and bold
provisions in matters of enhanced statutory representation to women, SCs and STs. It
was observed that reservation has inspired and prompted them to contest elections.
290
CHAPTER-V
HURDLES IN THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN
Women constitute almost half of the Indian nation and yet their representation
and participation in decision-making bodies has been, to say the least, abysmal. It was
envisioned that competitive politics and the universal adult franchise would gradually
provide the Indian womanhood an opportunity to assert their entitlements in the
emerging political system. However, more than years of competitive politics have
failed to give more than token representation to women in the highest political
decision-making bodies.1 Men and women form the wheel of the chariot on which the
human species runs. They form the very essence of our existence. If there is problem
with even one of the counterparts, the whole balance gets disturbed. So, one can very
well imagine the plight of that culture or society in which, one-half of the human
species-the womenfolk are facing diverse problems. This is especially so in the
patriarchal societies, as found in India, where women, comprising almost half of the
population, are facing multi-faceted problems.2
Women participation in decision making process of political parties and

pressure groups is considerably low. Yet the rigidity of traditional social structure,
economic poverty, political unawareness, cultural rigidity, family pressures,
educational backwardness etc. hampers their proper participation in the political
processes. Illiteracy is the one of the factors responsible for lack of women’s
participation. Being illiterate, women are not aware of their rights. They are financially
dependent on their families and this prevents them from acting independently in all
their activities. Though, they spend most of their time in doing the household chores,
their work is not justly evaluated, because they are not financially independent.
Moreover, the social structure and the responsibilities of a family leave very little time
for politics. From the beginning, society has given greater importance to boys as
compared to girls. It was believed that women were supposed to do work within the
boundary walls of the house only and that there was no place or work for them in the
world outside their homes.
1
Prem R. Bhardwaj (ed.), Gender Discrimination: Politics of Women Empowerment, New Delhi:
Anamika Publishers, 2005, p. 227.
2
Ibid.,
291
The vast amount of expenditure on elections also prevents women from taking
part in politics. Thus only women with a strong financial background are able to take
an active part in politics.3 The constitution of India grants universal suffrage to both
men and women with equal rights to participate in electoral competition, but the
existing societal value system, the private-public divide in terms of domain
identification and male preponderance in political institutions restrict women from
exercising their electoral rights and a fair participation in electoral competition. These
factors also act as key barriers and obstacles in women’s active participation in the
Indian electoral system and in the larger issue of women’s advancement as a whole.
The lack of critical and quality representation of women in key decision-making
positions results in women agenda not getting reflected and addressed in public policies
and programmes. The public agenda of Indian men and women elected as people’s
representatives are quite different and their priority of public works undertaken is also
not similar. While elected women representatives addressed issues of long term
benefits such as education, health, violence against women and basic amenities that
affect community, men concentrated on issues that needed immediate attention such as
roads, community and commercial centres, tanks, bridges etc.4
Thus, an exclusive men’s agenda of public work trends to neglect women’s

issues and is detrimental towards women advancement and progress in the larger
interest of the society. On the one hand, the absence of a critical mass of women
representatives reduces their bargaining and negotiating power during the allotment of
key cabinet berths in India, such as finance, home, defence and health, etc., which are
generally allotted to men and considered “heavy-weigh” ministries. On the other,
Indian women are mostly allotted ministries during cabinet formation, which are not
only termed as “feminine” ministries like women and children welfare, information and
culture, social welfare etc., but which are perceived as relatively less important.
To this extent, women in India seem to have failed in breaking the glass ceiling
and have been relegated to the brings in power sharing at the top level. Which in turn,
has an adverse impact on their overall political status in the country and has acted as
barriers and obstacles in higher electoral participation. The low proportion of women in
3
M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.), Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Swaraj Prakashan, 1999,
p.142.
4
Research, Vol. 37, No.1, 2017, p.73.
292
the inner political party structure of Indian further erodes women’s efforts to lobby and
garner resources and support for nurturing and building their political constituencies as
well as mobilizing financial and human resources required to meet the demands and
aspirations of their constituencies. This inevitably results in women being perceived as
weak representatives-generally unaccepted as political leaders by people in their
constituency. At times, their insignificant numbers may put them in vulnerable position
resulting in seeking alliances along caste, religion and regional identities rather than
along common gendered interests. Thus, Indian women in public life as people
representatives often become co-opted in the men-centric structure of development
agendas. At the grass-root levels of Panchayati Raj Institutions, there have been strong
roadblocks and obstacles to women’s entry into politics and a backlash of violence to
keep them away from electoral politics.5
The absence of affirmative action for 33 per cent reservation of seats for Indian
women at state legislature and parliament is having a negative impact on women’s
share in the institutions of representations. However, treating women as a blanket
category for the benefits of reservation would further complicate the issues of women’s
representation and participation in India’s electoral competition. For such benefits
would largely be appropriated by those women, who belong to the upper stratum of
society or to those already having political background. Hence, women from the lower
economic strata, backward castes and marginalized groups would get further excluded
from contesting elections and sharing political power. Thus, the disadvantage sections
among the women in India, who are already denied their political rights to participate in
elections as candidates arising out of their situational deficiencies and lack of political
connections would be further relegated.6
The absence of proportionate and qualitative representation of Indian women in

top legislative and decision-making bodies is leading to a lopsided working of
democracy in the country. For Indian democracy to become successful at ground level,
men and women should get a free and proportionate chance to enjoy and exercise their
political rights and participate in electoral competition. The inclusion of women in the
political structure and their proportionate electoral participation will not only correct
and existing gender gaps in the electoral arena and remove barriers and obstacles
5
and Political Weekly, Vol. 46, No, 3, January 2011, p. 54.
6
Praveen Rai, op.cit., 2017, p.74.
293
confronting them, but also bring gender issues to the forefront leading to women’s
empowerment and advancement in the society in long run. 7
Money and muscle power are used to threaten opponents and the voters; and
impose their decisions on the electorate and to raise the kinds of funds required to get
into and stay in power. Violating women’s dignity is an integral part of politics,
instilling fear in women, thereby restraining their entry into politics. In addition,
corruption is also institutionalized systematically. Criminalization and corruption are
not part of women’s value systems and therefore, they are kept away from politics in
general. Inadequate organizational support directly affects the political participation of
women. Elections in the country are fought on party lines. The poor representation of
women in political parties does not give them the strength to negotiate gender issues
and concerns that need to form a part of the party agenda. Fewer women in political
parties impedes women from seeking positions in decision-making arenas, which are
crucial in changing the profile of political parties and also effect the number of women
fielded for elections and being elected.8 Women traditionally burdened with domestic
work face difficulties in balancing the official work with their home.
Sometimes due to lack of security women members fail to visit remote areas in
odd hours or attend meetings in faraway places. Gradual, criminalization of politics is
also arresting their participation. Lack of information and knowledge about government
programmes, especially for women and child development poses problems. Again,
limited exposure to formal education breeds information gap and dependency on
second hand knowledge. Consequently, political lineage determines the distribution of
benefits of different schemes. Communication problem hinders performance as most of
the correspondences, rules and regulations are in English. Due to lack of exposure and
experience, women members face difficulty in asserting themselves. The fact, that
majority of women enters politics through reservation and kinship arrangement, only
accentuates this problem.9
Women suffer discrimination in treatment employment and education.

Discrimination takes place from domestic violence to premeditated killing. The
deference in sex ratio, female literacy rate, the life span, mortality and morbidity, speak
7
8
Rakesh K. Singh, “Elected Women Representatives in Panchayat Raj”, Social Action, Vol. 62,
January-March 2012, p. 58.
9
Atonu Chatterjee, “Women in Panchayats: A Review”, Yojana, Vol. 55, February 2011, pp. 25-26.
294
volumes about the gender bias that is practiced in the society.10 In order to view, the
problems of women in the national perspective and to develop an integral approach to
their development and progress, a national perspective plan for women was published
in 1988-2000. The plan emphasized gender equality as pre-requisite for effective
participation of women in strengthening the institutional structure of democracy.
Women have been marginalized because of several socio-economic constraints. The
plan acknowledged the fact that the number of women in leadership position at the
local, village, district and national levels is still not commensurate with their numbers
in society. 11
Social Justice also demands equal participation by women in the nation

building process and other activities. Undoubtedly, patriarchal system is the root cause
of this subjugation of women. Poverty, unemployment and societal attitudes have
played no less a role in worsening the plight of the women’s lot. The women of rural
India are far worse off as compared to urban. The several efforts have not changed to
the extent desired. There is need to increase awareness among women regarding
available opportunities, their rights and responsibilities through education from grass-
roots level in the areas.12 The constitutional 73rd amendment act 1993, marked historic
events in the advancement of Indian women, as it ensured one third of total seats for
women in all elected offices of local bodies. Women’s participation in politics, might
well be a decisive factor that will purify and save the deterioration of standards and
values, it is experiencing today.13
A.Thanikodi M. Sugirtha observed that socio economic and political obstacles

impede women participation in politics. The prevalence of the “Masculine Model” of
political life and of elected governmental bodies. The existence of the male dominated
model results in, either women rejecting politics altogether or rejecting male-style
politics. The lack of party supports, such as limited financial support for women
candidate, limited access to political networks. The lack of contact and co-operation
with other public organizations, such as trade unions and women’s groups. The absence
10
G. Palanithurai, et al. (ed), Major Issues in New Panchayati Raj System, New Delhi: Kanishka
Publishers, 1997, p. 56.
11
p. 71.
12
S. Mehartaj Begum, “Women Rights and Rural Employments”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 48, No. 7,
April
2000, pp. 60-64.
13
C. Jayanthi, “Empowering Women”, Yojana, Vol. 45, June 2001, p. 32.
295
of well-developed education and training systems for women’s leadership in general
and for orienting young women toward political life in particular is one of the obstacles
faced by women.
They pointed that the social-economic obstacles impacting on women’s

participation in politics, is poverty and unemployment, lack of adequate financial
resources, illiteracy and limited access to education and choice of professions and the
dual burden of domestic tasks and professions obligations. Besides, ideological and
psychological hindrances for women in entering politics, women perceive politics as a
“dirty” game. This has barred women’s confidence in their ability to control political
processes. Lack of confidence in them is one of the main reasons for women’s under
representation in formal political institutions.14 Therefore Sukhpal Kaur reveals that
women are still facing violation of their social, political and economic rights in the
family and community.15 Caste dynamics also pose more difficult barriers than gender
in electoral politics.16 Rashmi Shrivatava found that the main political parties of India
do not suppose that women candidates are capable and efficient winning candidates as
the men candidates. For political parties, women are good voters but not good
candidates. In the present political situation, this may be true because manipulation,
criminalization, use of black money, use of muscle power, immorality, have become
the means to win the election. Naturally, most of the women are becoming alienated
from politics. They think that politics is not worth for them. Very few women get
support, encouragement and help from their family for their political life. Women in
general don’t feel that politics is women’s domain. These factors have held many
educated but self-conscious women away from being an active part of the politics.17
Women continue to face hindrances to their political participation and are vastly under-
represented in local and national governing bodies in India.18
14
Science, Vol. 68, No. 3, July- September 2007, pp. 591-593.
15
Sukhpal Kaur, “Women’s Rights: A Historical Perspective”, The Indian Journal of Political
Science, Vol. 70, No. 1, January-March 2009, p. 128.
16
Rakesh K. Singh, op.cit., 2012, p. 58.
17
Rashmi Shrivatava, “Minority Representation of a Political Majority Group: Women in Indian
Democratic Process”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 72, No. 2, April-June 2011,
p. 411.
18
Satarupa Pal, “Politics of Women’s Reservation in India”, International Journal of Humanities and
Social Science Studies, Vol. 1, No. 3, November 2014, p. 118.
296
Table 5.1
Respondents Views Regarding Hurdles Come in the Way of Women’s
Participation

Sr. Mandi Kangra Total
Response
No
Non-Cooperation
Cooperation of
1 28 19.31 16 10.96 44 15.12
Husband/Family Members
Lack of Time due to Family
F
2 54 37.24 45 30.82 99 34.02
Responsibility
3 Lack of Interest in Politics 12 8.28 19 13.02 31 10.66
4 Lack of Political Awakening 34 23.45 51 34.93 85 29.21
5 Lack of Education 17 11.72 15 10.27 32 10.99
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
37.24
40 34.93
30.82
35 Mandi
23.45
30 Kangra
19.31
Percentage
25
13.02
20
11.72
10.96
10.27
15
8.28
10
5
0
Lack of Education
Lack of Political
Lack of Time due to
of Husband/Family
Lack of Interest in
Non-Cooperation
Awakening
Responsibility
Members
Politics
Family
Response
Fig. 5.1: Respondents Views Regarding Hurdles Come in the Way of Women’s
Participation
Table 5.1 shows that out of 291 respondents, 44 respondents believed that main
hurdles comes in the way of women participation in politics were non-cooperation
non of
husband/family members,
members which constitute 15.12 per cent of the total sample, whereas
297
99 respondents perceived lack of time due to family responsibilities as the major hurdle
comes in the way of women participation in politics, which constitute 34.02 per cent of
the sample. There were 31 respondents, the main hurdles lack of interest, which
constitute 10.66 per cent of the sample, while 85 respondents who believed that the
main hurdle comes in the way of women participation i.e. the lack of political
awakening, which constitute 29.21 per cent of the sample, and 32 respondents pointed
out lack of education as the main hurdles in the way of women participation in politics,
In district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents, 28 respondents

believed that main hurdles comes in the way of women participation in politics were
non-cooperation of husband/family members, which constitute 19.31 per cent of the
total sample, whereas 54 respondents perceived lack of time due to family
responsibilities as the major hurdle in political participation of women, which
constitute 37.24 per cent of the sample. There were 12 respondents, the main hurdles
lack of interest, which constitute 8.28 per cent of the sample, while 34 respondents who
believed that the main hurdle comes in the way of women participation i.e. the lack of
political awakening which constitute 23.45 per cent of the sample, and 17 respondents
pointed out lack of education as the main hurdles in the way of women participation in
politics, which constitute 11.72 per cent.

respondents believed that main hurdles comes in the way of women participation in
politics were non-cooperation of husband/family members, which constitute 10.96 per
cent of the total sample, whereas 45 respondents perceived lack of time due to family
constitute 30.82 per cent of the sample. There were 19 respondents the main hurdles
lack of interest, which constitute 13.02 per cent of the sample, while 51 respondents
who believed that the main hurdle comes in the way of women participation i.e. the
lack of political awakening, which constitute 34.93 per cent of the sample, and 15
respondents pointed out lack of education as the main hurdles in the way of women
participation in politics, which constitute 10.27 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of two districts reveals that the women face many
problems in the society that is social, economic and political. Lack of education also
plays hurdles in the way of women participation. Due to the traditional pattern of our
298
rural society there are a number of hurdles in the way of effective participation of
women.
Caste Dominance
Caste and politics influence each other. The electoral process, administration
and politics are greatly affected by caste. M.N. Srinivas introduced the concept of
dominant caste to examine the political process in India. Caste has its hold in the Indian
politics. According to him, voting preferences are made on caste line.19 Caste is an
important factor in Indian society and politics. Over a century of social reform
movement, India could hardly make any impression on the caste system. The number
of caste, instead of diminishing has been increasing. In fact, caste organisation and
caste consciousness are increasing in modern India.20
There is already a plenty of literature on the role of caste in Indian politics.

Caste profoundly influences the voting behaviour. Caste in interacting with democratic
process has itself undergone some change. It has been further argued that caste
associations have proved to be active agents of democratisation and secularisation.21
There is a widespread impression among educated Indians that caste is on its last legs
and that educated, urbanised and westernised members of the upper class have already
escaped its bond. These people may observe very dietetic restrictions, marry outside
caste and even religion, but this does not mean that they have escaped the bonds of
castes entirely. They show caste attitude in surprising context.22 Caste system was
recognised by the framers of the constitution, when they reserved seats for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the House of People and Legislative Assemblies of the
States.23 And made a provision for the appointment of a special officer for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes to investigate matters relating to the various safeguards
provided for them in the constitution.24 Subsequently, the constitution was amended in
1951 and a provision was also made for protective discrimination in favour of
19
20
S.S Chahar (ed.), Governance at Grassroots Level in India, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2005, p.
408.
21
B.B. Jena and J.K. Baral, Election Politics and Voting Behaviour in India, Delhi: Discovery
Publishing House, 1989, p. 51.
22
Niroj Sinha, Women in Indian Politics: Empowerment of Women Through Political Participation,
New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2006, pp. 95-96.
23
Article 332, Constitution of India.
24
299
scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens in services.25
Keeping in view, the social hierarchical caste based structure, which exploited
the weaker sections of society, there was and is a justification for such a provision in
the constitution for a short period.26 However, while doing so, efficiency of
administration should also not be blindly ignored.27 Otherwise, their condition would
become more miserable. It should be remembered that reservation can neither be made
on communal considerations, nor more than 50 per cent seats be reserved. While, caste
has been politicised in the process, it has provided the Indian politics with processes
and symbol of political articulation. Thus, within the new context of political
democracy, caste remains a central element of Indian society even, while adapting itself
to the values and methods of democratic politics.28
Caste continues to be a determinant of voting behaviours in India. It has deep

roots in the society and constitutes an important basis of social relations at all levels.
Despite of the adoption of several provisions, which prohibit action and discrimination
on its basis, caste continues to be a determinant of political behaviours. Politicisation of
caste in politics has been a well known reality of the Indian political system. The
political parties in India, without any exception, while formulating their policies,
programmes and election strategies always keep in mind, the caste factor.
Caste is a factor in the selection of candidates for contesting an election from a

constituency. Votes are demanded in the name of caste. Jat Ki Vot Jat Ko, Brahmin
votes vs. Jat votes or Jat votes vs Ahir votes etc., are commonly used “principles” for
planning an election strategy. The role of caste as a determinant of voting behaviour
has been analysed by several scholars and they have come out with the conclusion, as
Morris Jones writes, “Politics is more important to caste and caste is more important to
politics than before.” Caste is the main language of voters belonging to rural India.
Despite the adoption of democratic values, which conceive of a society free from
castes, caste continues to characterise politics in India. Indeed, it has become one of the
chief means by which the Indian masses have been attached to the process of
25
Clause (4) to Article 15 of the Indian Constitution.
26
N.M. Tripathi, Minority and Law, Delhi: Indian Law Institute, 1972, p.10.
27
28
Niroj Sinha, op.cit., 2006, p. 97.
300
democratic politics. The decision to implement Mandal Commission recommendation
for reservation of jobs
bs for other Backward Classes (Castes)
(Castes) and the reaction it
generated in politics testifies to the continued presence of caste as a determinant of
politics in India. However, it must be stated that the role of caste as determinant of the
voting behaviour
viour has been undergoing a change, at least in the urban areas. Issue based
political struggle is gradually taking its shape in the Indian polity. But the situation
continues to be paradoxical.29 Respondents views on caste dominance
ominance given below:
Table 5.2
Respondents Views on Caste Dominance
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 99 68.27 88 60.27 187 64.26
2 No 37 25.52 47 32.19 84 28.87
3 No Opinion 9 6.21 11 7.54 20 6.87
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
68.27
70
Mandi
60.27
60 Kangra
50
Percentage
40
32.19
30 25.52
20
6.21 7.54
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Caste Dominance
Fig. 5.2: Respondents Views on Caste Dominance
29
Biraj Hazarika, “Voting Behaviour in India and its Determinants,” Journal of Humanities and
Social Science,, Vol. 20, No. 10, October 2015, pp. 22-25.
301
Table 5.2 indicates that out of 291 respondents, 187 respondents who were
believed caste in politics, which constitute 64.26 per cent of the total sample, whereas
84 respondents did not believe caste in politics, which constitute 28.87 per cent of the
sample. There were 20 respondents who did not give their opinion, which constitute
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents 99 respondents who were believed

caste in politics, which constitute 68.27 per cent of the total sample, whereas 37
respondents did not believe caste in politics, which constitute 25.52 per cent of the
sample. There were 9 respondents who did not give their opinion, which constitute 6.21
In district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 88 respondents who were believed

believed that caste play an important role in politics. In district Mandi (68.27%) and
district Kangra (60.27%) of the respondents believed that caste plays important role in
politics and they affect voting behaviour. It was observed that majority of respondents,
who unite on the basis of caste and support candidate. We can see the influence of caste
in politics as voting agency.
Social System
Women were said to enjoy a high status in the society in the ancient times. They
were viewed as home makers and managers, assigned with the most important task of
bringing up a family. With the passage of time, they came to be relegated to an inferior
position considering them weak and at times incapable even of holding rights. This lead
to their exploitation at all levels and in all spheres, the woman who was the backbone
of the family enjoyed subordinate rights in family matters and at times no rights at all.30
Women constitute about 50 per cent of the total population of the nation, have
generally been considered as a weaker section. Discrimination against women has
30
Asha Bhandari and Rekha Mehta, Women, Justice and the Rule of Law, New Delhi: Serials
302
existed in all parts of the globe in some form or another. For all countries, the gender
Development Index (GDI) is lower than the Human Development Index indicating
gender inequality everywhere.31 The main cause for poor condition of women is rooted
in traditional structures like class, caste hierarchy and religious discriminations. The
impact of these cultural forces is that, firstly women have less direct independent
access than men to capital, property and extensive services. Secondly, women have
limited geographical mobility and economic independence or personal autonomy that
made them dependent on male kin.32 Gender inequality in our social institutions is
addressed. Many erroneously think that women are a homogenous group with identical
problems and priorities, yet Indian society is divided by caste, religion and class
differences. The majority of women live in rural areas and their problems and needs are
different from those of urban women. Access to nutritious food, clean drinking water
and primary healthcare may not be life’s priorities for an urban woman, because these
life-sustaining services are available to her. But for a rural woman who is struggling for
her livelihood, these are indeed priorities, meaningful change in their life situations can
only occur, when development efforts also address their issues.33
Therefore, 50 per cent reservation for women at all the tiers of Panchayats has
made a significant beginning in the democratic process. Over one million women have
come as decision-makers at the Panchayats levels, but experiences of women have been
disheartening. Most of the elected women had no idea, what being an elected member
meant and just did what the men (as brothers, fathers, father-in-law and husband) told
them to do. The community does not perceive the women as capable or worthy of
leadership. For a change in a mental attitude of women, their needs to be a drastic
change in social attitudes on the whole.34 In nutshell, positive social outlook towards
women would certainly help in active participation of women in the democratic
decentralization process.
31
Ajit Kumar Sinha, (ed.), New Dimensions of Women Empowerment, New Delhi: Deep and Deep
32
Asha Bhandari and Rekha Mehta, op.cit., 2009, p. 39.
33
Vidhyavati Chakki, “Socio-Economic Empowerment of Women in India”, Third Concept, Vol. 26,
No. 308, October 2012, p. 8.
34
Siva Subrahmanyam, “Empowerment of Women and Marginalized Groups in Panchayats”,
Kurukshetra, Vol. 50, No. 7, May 2002, p. 28.
303
Table 5.3
Respondents Opinion Regarding Social System
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 126 86.89 133 91.09 259 89.00
2 No 6 2.76 8 5.48 14 4.81
3 No Opinion 13 10.35 5 3.43 18 6.19
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
91.09
86.89
100
90
Mandi
80
70 Kangra
Percentage
60
50
40
30
10.35
5.48
20
3.43
2.76
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.3: Respondents Opinion Regarding Social System
It is clear from the table 5.3 that out of 291 respondents, 259 respondents
believe that social outlook towards women required major change,
change which constitute
89.00 per cent of the total. There were 14 respondents
respondents who disagree and 18 respondents
express no opinion. They constitute 4.81 and 6.19 per cent respectively.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents

respondents 126 respondents agree with this
notion. There were 6 respondents who disagree and 13 express no opinion. They
Th
constitute 2.76 and 10.35 per cent respectively.
304
As far as district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents 133
respondents believe that the social outlook towards women required major change.
There were 8 who disagree and 5 express no opinion. They constitute 5.48 and 3.43 per
cent of the total.
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that the number of
respondents who fully agree that social outlook towards women required major change.
It was found that the attitude of society towards women regarding their political
participation was not encouraging. It was also observed that due to the passing remarks
by the people many women candidate withdraw from the contest and sometimes from
active participation.
Family Problems
In the traditional society, women’s role was naturally limited to the family.
Since, she was bearer of children, fully occupied with her duties as a mother and home-
maker. Rural women are economically backward. Poverty, illiteracy and caste are the
factors affecting the economic development of women.35 Husbands, in-laws and close
relatives have become the main decision-makers relegating the actual women
representatives to the background. Moreover, role conflict among these representatives
has also increased while managing house responsibilities and political simultaneously.
Since, male dominating society is reluctant in accepting the women as decision-makers,
36
they are being muscle men. Hence participation of women in the field of political,
economical, social, educational, and cultural has been made to commit the issues to
recognize the equal position and status of women and men in decision making
accordance to the effective of women empowerment.37
Though the 73rd amendment has ensured adequate representation of women at

different levels of Panchayati Raj Institutions but there seems to be no end to their
problems. A large percentage of women elected to these bodies are influenced in their
decision-making either by their husbands or other male members of the family. The
35
M. Perumal, et al., “Empowering Rural Women Through Self- Help Groups”, in Asha Bhandari and
Rekha Mehta, Women, Justice and the Rule of Law, New Delhi: Serials Publications, 2009,
pp. 145-146.
36
Azam Khan and Tosib Alam, “Empowerment of Rural Women and Local Self-Governance”, in
37
305
decisions of these women are largely influenced by the spouses.38 It is alleged that
husbands of the elected women representatives
represent ives interfere in their decision making. It is
also complained that often male
ale members push through their decision and do not care
about the views of their women counterparts.39
Table 5.4
Respondents Opinion
Opini Regarding Family Problems
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 108 74.49 100 68.49 208 71.48
2 No 27 18.62 31 21.24 58 19.93
3 No Opinion 10 6.89 15 10.27 25 8.59
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
74.49
68.49
80
70 Mandi
60 Kangra
50
Percentage
40
21.24
18.62
30
10.27
20
6.89
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.4: Respondents Opinion Regarding Family Problems
38
Sakuntala Narasimhan, “Women’s Role in Gram Sabha”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 48, No.1,
1, October 1999,
p. 26.
39
S.S. Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p.78.
306
It is clear from the table 5.4 that out of total 291 respondents, 208 respondents
believed that they were facing many problems in the discharge of their duties due to
relatives and community, which constitutes 71.48 per cent of the sample. Whereas 58
respondents who believed that they faced no problems in discharge of their duties,
which constitute 19.93 per cent of the sample. There were 25 respondents who
expressed no opinion on the either side. The percentage of such respondents is 8.59 of
the sample.
In district Mandi, out of total 145 respondents, 108 respondents believed that
they were facing many problems in the discharge of their duties due to relatives and
community, which constitutes 74.49 per cent of the sample. Whereas 27 respondents
who believed that they faced no problems in discharge of their duties, which constitute
18.62 per cent of the sample. There were 10 respondents who expressed no opinion on
the either side. The percentage of such respondents, 6.89 of the sample.
In district Kangra, out of total 146 respondents, 100 respondents believed that
the either side, which constitute 10.27 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of two district reveals that the male counterparts not
only in the family but in the society dominated the elected women representatives too.
Even today, women lacks of independence of thought and action. Women still crave for
social recognition for their activities.
Education
Education is the key that opens the door in life which is essentially social in
character. An illiterate woman would not be able to understand all the rules and
regulations governing the institutions. Illiteracy restricts one’s capacity to give
thoughtful judgement on issues of importance. Education facilitates the development of
a progressive attitude in individuals towards social and economic problems. In the
present society, capacity to understand the issues and problems facing the community
and the ability to communicate one’s ideas to others are important qualities for a
member. Education for women is more important political institutions, education or
307
being literate will help them to understand the rules, regulations and fulfil the
objectives of the institutions and help them in carrying out their day-to-day functions.40
Education in a society is like a mirror, which reflects the attitude of the masses.
Women which constitute almost half of the population required equal measures to
education. The hither to deprived sections of the Indian society due to orthodox
thumping of the Indian male dominate society. Education plays an important role in
determining the social and political status of a person. It is education which shapes the
pattern of leadership. An educated leader can make good law for society. It is only
through education that a leader can remain in touch with national as well as
international developments.41
Education is the most important agent in the process of empowerment of

women. Education is the strategic instrument that has its impact on social and
economic status of women. Apart from providing facilities for education of women, it
is also important to train the women, so as enhance their skill, thinking ability, self-
confidence and participation in decision making process. Empowerment helps women
to access to the new world of knowledge, leading to making new information choices in
both their personal and public lives. Women’s empowerment process must evolve a
new undertaking of power and experiment with ways of power and experiment with
ways of democratizing and sharing power building, new mechanisms for collective
responsibility, decision making and accountability.42
Table 5.5
Respondents Opinion Regarding Educational Qualification
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 130 89.66 110 75.34 240 82.47
2 No 12 8.27 24 16.44 36 12.37
3 No Opinion 3 2.07 12 8.22 15 5.16
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
40
2007, p. 105.
41
A.K. Gupta, Emerging Pattern of Political Leadership: A Case Study of Punjab, New Delhi: Mittal
42
K. Thangamani, “Education for Women” , in Rameshwari Pandya, (ed.), Women Welfare and
Empowerment in India, New Delhi: New Century Publications, 2008, pp.196-197.
308
89.66
90
75.34
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage
50
40
30
16.44
20
8.27 8.22
10 2.07
0
Yes No No Opinion
Fig. 5.5: Respondents Opinion Regarding Educational Qualification
It is evident from the table 5.5 regarding respondent’s opinion about candidate’s
qualification. Out of 291 respondents, 240 respondents favoured the minimum
educational qualification for elected candidate in politics,
politics which constitute 82.47 per
cent of the sample, whereas 36 respondents were not in favour of minimum educational
qualification for elected candidate in politics,
sample. There were 15 respondents who expressed no opinion, which constitute 5.16
per cent the sample.
In district Mandi,
Mandi out of 145 respondents, 130 respondents favoured the
minimum educational qualification for elected candidate in politics,
politics which constitute
89.66 per cent of the sample, whereas 12 respondents were not in favour of minimum
educational qualification for elected candidate in politics which constitute 8.27 per cent
of the sample. There were 3 respondents who expressed no opinion,
opinion which constitute
2.07 per cent the sample.
In district Kangra,
Kangra out of 146 respondents, 110 respondents favoured the
cent of the sample. There were 12 respondents who expressed no opinion,
opinion which
309
respondents were in favour of minimum educational qualification for women in
politics. Therefore, illiterate women were not able to participate in politics. Without
proper education, they feel hard to understand the rules of politics. Thus, education is a
most vital channel to encourage women to participate in politics.
Economic Dependence
Economic empowerment is necessary for women to seek justice and equality,

without economic growth women cannot be able to exercise their rights. So, it is
important to ensure the participation of women as equal partners in all fields. Thus,
economic empowerment calls for supporting the existing livelihood, increasing their
choice and building their capacity to take benefit of new economic opportunity
available to them. Economic participation of women and their presence in work force is
important. It leads towards an important step to raise the household income, furthers
their access to and control over economic resources, gives them a greater role in
decision-making on important issues within their family.43
However, political leadership of women are also playing important leadership

roles in socio and economic spheres. These include leadership of women’s collectives
like Self-Help Groups (SHGs). The formation of SHGs has been promoted for
economic and social empowerment. It has been expected that SHGs will be a means to
promote income generation activities and micro credit, thereby making them
economically independent. It was also expected that economic independence would
also help women to be involved in the decision-making process at the household level
and community level.44
Economic empowerment of women was the key to achieve gender equality as

well as wealth and well-being of nation. The financial autonomy would enhance
women’s capacity of decision making in various arena of life. Economy of a nation can
be improved only, when the quality of life of the citizens of a nation can be effectively
improved. Although, women were the active agents for sustainable development and
their empowerment was very important for process of development, they had not
actively participated in their own emancipation mainly due to low economic
43
Mohd Muzaffar Banday and P. Ganesan, “Economic Empowerment of Rural Muslim Women in
Kashmir Valley”, Third Concept, Vol. 30, No. 356, October 2016, pp. 55-56.
44
310
independence.45 Empowerment is a multi-dimensional social process that helps people
gain control over their own lives communities and in their society. Empowerment
Emp
occurs within sociological,
sociological psychological, economic spheres and at various levels.
Women’s empowerment is the key to socio-economic
socio economic development of the community
that brings women into the mainstream of national development,
development has been a major
concern of government.46
Table 5.6
Respondents Opinion with Regard to Economic Dependence
ependence
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 110 75.86 106 72.60 216 74.23
2 No 28 19.31 31 21.24 59 20.28
3 No Opinion 7 4.83 9 6.16 16 5.49
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
75.86
72.6
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
50
Percentage
40
21.24
19.31
30
20
6.16
4.83
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.6: Respondents Opinion with Regard to Economic Dependence
45
Ritu Sapra and Divya Khatter, “Women Empowerment in India”, Third Concept, Vol. 28, No. 325
March 2014, p. 38.
46
Meenu Agrawal, (ed.), Women Empowerment and Globalization:
Globalization A Modern Perspective,
Perspective New Delhi:
Kanishka Publishers, 2009,
2009 p. 60.
311
The table 5.6 shows that out of 291 respondents, 216 respondents agreed that
economically independent women took actively participated in politics, which
constitute 74.23 per cent of total sample, whereas 59 respondents did not agree with
this view, which constitute 20.28 per cent of the sample. There were 16 respondents
who did not express opinion about this, which constitute 5.49 per cent of the sample.
As far as district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents, 110

respondents agreed that economically independent women took actively participated in
politics, which constitute 75.86 per cent of total sample, whereas 28 respondents did
not agree with this view, which constitute 19.31 per cent of the sample. There were 7
respondents who did not express opinion about this, which constitute 4.83 per cent of
the sample.
As far as district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents, 106

the sample.
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that economic

independence is essential for the participation of women. Majority of the respondents
were in the favour of economic independence. There was a little variation in the two
districts regarding women, who were economically independent and were taking more
interest in politics. Hence, it is necessary to improve the economic status of women in
the society to make them independent.
Women Cast their Votes on the Advice of Male Counterparts
India’s villages are bound by traditions. The position of women is very clear-a
traditional housewife. The upbringing of girls in the rural society is inevitably oriented
towards marriage. They could contribute an additional hand both at home and in the
fields. The rural social scene is now in the process of change. The most important
change is their entry as elected members of the PRIs.47 However, in a male dominated
Indian society women are often considered as the rubber stamp of men. It is generally
believed that women do not vote their own. Most women respect family traditions and
do not want to go against them. The decision in the family about whom to vote in an
election is generally taken by male members. When women vote, they vote in
conformity with their husband. Husband and other male family members influence
47
K. C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, pp. 161-162.
312
their voting choice.48 Therefore, status of women differs from society to society.
According
ording to cultural milieu, family structure, class, caste, property rights and morals,
morals
their status diverge.. In the past,
past no serious attempts had been made to study the women
question. Women were neglected
neg section of the society. The process of modernization
modernizati
during the 19th century laid the greater emphasis on the political, economic and social
modernization of women. The transformation of the society as well as women took
place and the new role of women in the new emerging society replaced the status of
men in traditional society.49 Thus, the area of power politics has practically been
women
conditioned as a male domain. Table shows the influence of father/husband/other male
family members on voting choice of the respondents.
Table 5.7
Influence of the Male Family
F Members on Voting Choice of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 98 67.59 108 73.97 206 70.79
2 No 41 28.27 34 23.29 75 25.77
3 No Opinion 6 4.14 4 2.74 10 3.44
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
73.97
67.59
80
70 Mandi
60
Percentage (%)
Kangra
50
28.27
23.29
40
30
20
4.14
2.74
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.7: Influence of the Male Family Members on Voting Choice of the Respondents
48
49
Prem R. Bhardwaj (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p. 235.
313
Table 5.7 indicates that out of 291 respondents 206 respondents agreed that
women casted their vote on the advice of male counterparts, which constitute 70.79 per
cent the total sample, whereas 75 respondents disagreed to it, which constitute 25.77
per cent of the sample, while 10 respondents who gave no opinion in this aspect, which
As far as in district Mandi, out of 145 respondents 98 respondents agreed that

As far as in district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 108 respondents agreed that
The comparative analysis of two district reveals that the dominance of male
over female in rural areas is still prevalent. Women at large scale agreed with the fact
that because of their lack of self confidence, they were dominated by male members
and their voting decisions were being influenced by them. It was observed that the most
of the rural women do not go for voting without prior consultation with their husband,
father, brother and any other male elite members. However, the electoral education,
awareness campaign and capacity programmes were the right steps to empower women
folk and strengthen their willingness towards, independent voting.
Bureaucracy
In the absence of local government bureaucracy becomes strong. The

bureaucrats are generally conservative in outlook and stereotypical in their mentality.
In India, for instance, since the second half of the sixties the rural government has
witnessed heavy bureaucratic centralizing tendencies. If we want to strengthen the local
government institutions, tendency towards bureaucratization of political issues will
have to be checked.50 Therefore, bureaucracy is the hub of the democratic system. It
50
Ali Ashraf, Government and Politics of Big Citizens, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company,
1977, p. 1.
314
plays an important role in the democratic process. It implements the policies and
programmes of elected representatives of Panchayati
Panchayati Raj Institutions. Their
involvement and commitment is necessary for the success of democratic process. In
fact, in a democratic system the elected representatives take policy decision but the
implementation exclusively depends upon the bureaucratic structure.
structure. The bureaucracy,
bureaucracy
which is attached with Panchayati Raj Institutions basically belongs to other
departments of the state governments.
Table 5.8
Respondents Opinion Regarding Bureaucratic Interference in Working of PRIs
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 105 72.41 95 65.07 200 68.73
2 No 38 26.21 45 30.82 83 28.52
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 6 4.11 8 2.75
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00

72.41
65.07
80
70
Mandi
60
Percentage (%)
Kangra
30.82
50
26.21
40
30
4.11
20
1.38
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.8: Respondents Opinion Regarding Bureaucratic Interference in Working of PRIs
Table 5.8 depicts that out of, 291 respondents, 200 respondents believed that
bureaucracy creates problems in the functioning of PRIs,
PRIs which constitute 68.73 per
315
cent of the sample. Therefore 83 respondents did not agree with this view, which
constitute 28.52 per cent and 8 respondents did not respond on either side, which
In district Mandi, 145 respondents out of 105 respondents believed that

bureaucracy creates problems in the functioning of PRIs, which constitute 72.41 per
cent. Therefore 38 respondents did not agree with this view, which constitute 26.21 per
cent and 2 respondents did not respond on either side, which constitute 1.38 per cent of
the sample.
Similarly, in district Kangra 146 respondents out of 95 respondents believed

that bureaucracy creates problems in the functioning of PRIs, which constitute 65.07
per cent of the sample. Therefore 45 respondents did not agree with this view, which
constitute 30.82 per cent and 6 respondents did not respond on either side which
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that bureaucratic

interference was much higher in the working of Panchayati Raj Institution in the both
district. They have created problems in proper functioning of Panchayati Raj
Institutions. The percentage of such respondents was higher in district Mandi in
comparison to district Kangra. It has been observed that majority of the respondents
were in the favour of their own independence from bureaucracy.
Corruption /Favouritism
Corruption is an important phenomenon in all the sections of the society and

inextricably, people in all walks of life covertly or overtly and knowingly or
unknowingly involving themselves to carry out their day to day activities. At present, it
is the talk of everybody. But nobody has the solution or at least has the courage to face
the crisis. 51 However, corruption can be called a problem of routine deviation from the
established norms set by public officials and parties. World Bank defines it as, the
misuse of public property for private gain. However, it can range from embezzlement
of public money to abuse of power i.e. asking for bribes. A study conducted by
Transparency International in 2005, said that in India, more than 62 per cent of Indians
have had a first-hand experience of paying bribes or influencing to get jobs done in
public offices successfully. Consequently, corruption is today a world-wide
51
G. Planithurai (ed.), New Panchayati Raj System: Status and Prospects, New Delhi: Kanishka
316
phenomenon. In our own country some people in high positions have been charged for
it. A corrupt person is termed immoral, dishonest and unscrupulous in his dealings. His
disregard for honesty, righteousness and truth results in his alienation from society.
Corruption is the most virulent, when crises everywhere threaten the very existence of
the society and the faith in life is shaken.52
Corruption is a cancer, which every Indian must strives to cure. Many new
leaders, when comes into power declare their determination to eradicate corruption but
soon they themselves become corrupt and start amassing huge wealth. Many people
become materialistic and money oriented, there is no importance of ethics and morals
in business dealings. Many people thinking that money coming to their pocket is good,
same way many thinking that money, which is going out of their pocket is bad, but they
don’t consider the way money is travelling. This is because such these kinds of people
have no moral accountability to anybody, and have full trust on money. They strongly
believe that money can hold a big role in their life, they believe that money can solve
their current and future problems and give them life without problems.53 During
election time corruption is at its peak level. Big industrialists funds politicians to meet
high cost of election and ultimately to seek personal favour. Bribery to politicians buys
influence, and bribery by politicians buys votes. In order to get elected, politicians
bribe poor illiterate people, who are slogging for two times meal. Vast size of
population coupled with widespread illiteracy and the poor economic infrastructure
lead to endemic corruption in public life. 54 Therefore women have played a role that is
subordinate to men. The world of politics in India is so much surrounded by an aura of
crime and corruption, which is synonymous with politics. The fact is that if we want to
bring about a change and cleanse the political system, we will have to give reservation
to women.55 Subsequently, women must be given a chance not because they are
necessarily any better than male politician but because they cannot do any worse. Male
leaders indulge in crime and corruption and concentrate their energy in fighting for
greater power and privileges. If women are voted to power, they will fight for a cleaner
and corruption free political system. 56
52
K. Geetamma, “Corruption in India: Causes and Remedies”, Third Concept, Vol. 30, No. 360,
February 2017, pp. 42-43.
53
Ibid.,
54
Ibid., p. 41.
55
D. Sundar Ram (ed.), op.cit., 2009, p. 11.
56
Ibid., p.12.
317
Table 5.9
Respondents view Regarding Corruption and Favouritism
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 100 68.96 110 75.34 210 72.17
2 No 30 20.68 11 7.53 41 14.08
3 No Opinion 15 10.34 25 17.13 40 13.75
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
75.34
68.96
80
70 Mandi
60
Percentage (%)
Kangra
50
40
20.68
17.13
30
10.34
7.53
20
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.9: Respondents

Respondent view Regarding Corruption and Favouritism
Table 5.9 shows that all 291 respondents were interviewed out of which 210
respondents admitted that there was favouritism in the identification of the beneficiaries
at the grassroots level, which constitute 72.17
72.1 per cent of the sample. Therefore, 41
respondents were not agreed with this opinion that there was no such favouritism in the
identification of beneficiaries,
beneficiaries which accounted 14.08 per cent of the sample.
However, 40 respondents did not express their opinion in either side.. The percentage of
such respondents was 13.75 per cent.
In district Mandi, 145 respondents were interviewed out of which 100

at the grassroots level, which constitute 68.96 per cent of the sample. Therefore, 30
318
identification of beneficiaries, which accounted 20.68 per cent of the sample, while 15
respondents did not express their opinion in either side. The percentage of such
respondents was 10.34 per cent.
As far as in district Kangra, 146 respondents were interviewed out of which

110 respondents admitted that there was favouritism in the identification of the
beneficiaries at the grassroots level, which constitute 75.34 per cent of the sample.
However 11 respondents were not agreed with this opinion that there was no such
favouritism in the identification of beneficiaries, which accounted 7.53 per cent of the
sample. Therefore, 25 respondents did not express their opinion in either side. The
percentage of such respondents was 17.13 per cent.
The comparative study of both district reveals that majority of the respondents
admitted that there was favouritism in the identification of the beneficiaries at the
grassroots levels. Therefore, the corruption was a form of dishonest or unethical
conduct by a person entrusted with position of authority, often to acquire personal
benefit.
Reservation for Women in State Politics
The 64th Constitutional Amendment bill as presented to parliament in 1989

stated that, “as nearly as may be” upto 30 per cent seats be reserved in favour of
women in the membership of Panchayats at all the three levels, including in the seats
reserved for SCs/STs and in the total seats. In the former, it mandated reservation of
one seats for women, if this reservation was of only two seats. It did not provide for
reservation among chairpersons, leaving such reservation permissible in favour of
SCs/STs, women if the state legislature wanted. After the 64th Amendment falls
through and before the 73rd Amendment was finally passed, a number of states initiated
changes in their panchayat laws to bring reservation for women. The Janta Dal
government headed by V.P. Singh, which succeeded Rajiv Gandhi’s congress
government after the 1989 elections introduced another Constitutional 74th Amendment
Bill in 1990 with a different phraseology. It provided for reservation of “not less than
one third” seats for women in Panchayats at all levels. These were to be allotted by
319
rotation to different constituency as was also stipulated in the earlier bill, but even in
this bill there was no reference to a possible reservation in chairpersons’ positions. The
bill was introduced in Parliament but did not come up for discussion. When the
congress party came back to power after the elections of 1991, a new Amendment bill
was introduced in the Parliament which finally became the 73rd amendment to the
constitution. This continued the provision relating to “not less than one third”
reservation in membership with the inclusion of chairperson’s posts. The Minister of
State for Rural Development, while introducing the bill for 73rd amendment in 1992
had stated that, making provision for reservation of one-third of the total seats could be
considered inadequate.57
The women’s reservation bill, which seeks to reserve one third of seats in the
Lok Sabha and the State Legislatures for women, is yet to become law despite being
passed by the Rajys Sabha in 2010 itself. Other pending reforms to the electoral system
includes the constitutional (110th Amendment) bill, for reserving half the seats in
Panchayats for women and the constitution (112th Amendment) bill, reserving one third
of elected seats in municipalities for women.58 Even in most advanced countries
women’s representation is very low in democratic bodies. But in India, women’s
reservation bill (i.e.108th Amendment of the Indian Constitution), is still pending that
proposes for thirty-three percent of seats reserved, in the parliament and the state
legislatures. The bill was first introduced in the Lok Sabha on 12th September 1996.
Though, the bill is passed in the Rajya Sabha in 2010, but is still pending in Lok Sabha.
So, it has been argued that women who constituting half of the population are lagging
behind from democratic setup in India.59 However the proper representation of women
in terms of numbers and quality is absolutely essential for their meaningful partnership
in the progress of the nation.60 There is a growing demand for the presence of women
in political decision-making, so as to facilitate their real empowerment.61 The
respondents opinion regarding reservation for women in state politics given below:
57
Nirmala Buch, “Panchayats and Women”, in George Mathew, Status of Panchayati Raj in the States
and Union Territories of India 2000, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000, pp. 37-38.
58
Lakshmi Iyer, “The Electoral Participation of Women’’, Yojana, Vol. 58, July 2014, p. 24.
59
Satarupa Pal, op.cit., 2014, pp.119-122.
60
D. Sundar Ram (ed.), op.cit., 2009, p.13.
61
Ibid., p. 83.
320
Table 5.10
Respondents Opinion
nion Regarding Reservation for Women
omen in State Politics
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 112 77.24 110 75.34 222 76.29
2 No 25 17.24 31 21.23 56 19.24
3 No Opinion 8 5.52 5 3.43 13 4.47
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
77.24 75.34
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
30
21.23
17.24
20
5.52
10 3.43
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.10: Respondents Opinion Regarding Reservation for Women in State Politics
The table 5.10 reveals that vast majority of the respondents in the sample were
demanding the reservation for women in state politics. Out of 291 respondents, 222
respondents were demanding reservation of seats for women in state and national level,
level
which constitute 76.29 per cent of the total sample, whereas 56 respondents were not
against reservation for women in politics,
politics which constitute 19.24
24 per cent of the
sample, while13 respondents did not express their opinion,
opinion which constitute 4.47 per
cent of the sample.
321
against reservation for women in politics, which constitute 17.24 per cent of the
sample, while 8 respondents did not express their opinion, which constitute 5.52 per
cent of the sample.

sample. There were 5 respondents who did not express their opinion, which constitute

respondents demanded reservation for women in state and national level. It was
observed that women participation increased at grassroots level after reservation. But
women participation in state level and national level is still very low.
Training to Elected Representatives
Women are still mostly employed in traditional and informal sectors, where
there has been a lower level of technological and information support. This further
compounds their educational handicaps. However, women with education have entered
many new areas of occupation, where their participation was virtually non-existent
before. This process of occupational diversification through education has been
accelerated during the decade in many developing countries. This enable women to
participate actively in all spheres of economic and social life, vocational and
professional training, must be further developed. In this respect, the training of trainers
is of primary importance, as is the introduction of management training for women.
Apart from the conventional types of training (seminars, workshops etc.,) the non-
conventional types are often also suitable.62
The statutory empowerment of women will become a reality and relevant only,
when they are given adequate training in performing their duties as well as in
understanding the whole system of democratic decentralization. Thus, training to
62
Usha Kiran, op.cit., 2016, p. 66.
322
leaders will make them politically conscious and expose them to constitutional and
legal rights, functions of Panchayati Raj Institutions and their role in formulating and
implementation of rural development schemes. The purpose of passing 73rd
mendment was to make PRIs more effective and representative.63 The
constitutional amendment
views of women representatives on training for effective functioning of PRIs are
summarized in the Table 5.11.
Table 5.11
Respondents Opinion Regarding Training to the Elected Women Representatives
No. of Respondents
Sr. Grand Total
Response Mandi Kangra
No.
No. %age No. %age No. %age
1. Yes 123 84.83 119 81.51 242 83.16
2. No 12 8.28 15 10.27 27 9.28
3. No Opinion 10 6.89 12 8.22 22 7.56
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
84.83
81.51
90
80 Mandi
70 Kangra
60
Percentage
50
40
30
10.27
8.28
8.22
6.89
20
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.11: Respondents Opinion Regarding Training to the Elected Women

Representatives
63
G. Palanthurai (ed.), op.cit., 1996, p.151.
323
It is evident from the table 5.11 that out of, 291 respondents were interviewed
out of which respondents 242 respondents believed that the elected women
representatives should be given training in rural development programmes, which
constitute 83.16 per cent of the sample. However 27 respondents disagreed with this
view, which constitutes 9.28 per cent of the total. There were 22 respondents expressed
no opinion. The percentage of such respondents was 7.56 of the total sample.
In district Mandi, 145 respondents were interviewed out of which respondents

123 respondents believed that the elected women representatives should be given
training in rural development programmes, which constitute 84.83 per cent of the
sample. However 12 respondents disagreed with this view, which constitutes 8.28 per
cent of the total. There were 10 respondents expressed no opinion. The percentage of
such respondents was 6.89 of the total sample.
As far as district Kangra, 146 respondents were interviewed out of which

respondents 119 respondents believed that the elected women representatives should be
given training in rural development programmes, which constitute 81.51 per cent of the
sample. However 15 respondents disagreed with this view which constitutes 10.27 per
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that most of the elected
women representatives engaged in the implementation of policies and programmes.
They were not aware of the policies and programmes of the Panchayati Raj Institutions
leading to their improper functioning. Thus proper training of the elected women
representatives attached to the Panchayati Raj Institutions is a must.
Women equality in power sharing and active participation in decision making,

including decision making in political process at all levels will ensure the achievement
of the goal of women empowerment. Government of India through 73rd and 74th
constitutional amendment acts reserved the one-third of seats in all level elected bodies
for women as a sign of political empowerment. Over a million women have actively
entered political life in India through the Panchayat Raj Institutions. There are many
elected women representatives at the village council level. The percentage of women in
324
various levels of political activities in India have risen considerable. However, women
are still under-represented in governance and decision-making process.64
Women members and other executive bodies must be trained and empowered to
exercise their authority. Both men and women members must be sensitive to women
issues. A massive conscientisation programmes for woman in general needs to be taken
up and modules designed for this purpose should adequately deal with social and
economic constraints, which restricts their participation, interpersonal communication
skills, amongst the trainees/ community leaders.65
S.M. Lipset observed that a society in which a large proportion of the

population is outside the political arena is potentially more explosive than, one in
which most citizens are regularly involved in activities, which gives them some sense
of participation in decision that affect their lives.66 The level of political awareness
among voters has far reaching consequences for the successful functioning of
democracy. If they are well informed about political issues and governmental affairs,
they are likely to participate more meaningfully in the political process and take
enlightened political decisions, indeed possession of political awareness by itself
amounts to a minimal degree of political involvement.67 Similarly, Barasha Kalita
founds that in the male dominated society, it is the patriarchy that dominates all matters
from the family to the political system. Women do not have the power of decision
making even in the family life. Women are only passive observer. The overall power
relations is heavily biased against women. The values, attitudes and behaviour
dominated by the patriarch, whose value system is fully masculine. Women are
generally placed in the private arena of home as mothers and wives and men in the
public sphere, this result in exclusion of women from politics. Moreover, another
reason of low representation of women in politics is domestic responsibility.68 Table
show that respondents views regarding women’s role in decision making process.
64
Political Science, Vol.72, No.1, January-March 2011, pp. 94-95.
65
J.L. Singh, Women and Panchayati Raj, Delhi: Sunrise Publications, 2005, p. 356.
66
S.S.Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p. 248.
67
D.S. Chaudhary, G.K. Kar, Elections and Electoral Behaviour in India, Delhi: Kanti Publications,
1992, p.51.
68
4, No.1, July 2014, pp. 6-7.
325
Table 5.12
Respondentss Opinion Regarding Women’s Role in Decision Making
Mak
Process
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 119 82.07 114 78.09 233 80.07
2 No 24 16.55 20 13.69 44 15.12
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 12 8.22 14 4.81
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
Mandi
90 82.07
78.09
Kangra
80
70
Percentage (%)
60
50
40
30
16.55
20 13.69
8.22
10 1.38
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response

Respondents Opinion Regarding Women’s Role in Decision Making
Process
It is evident from the table 5.12 that the total sample, 291 respondents were
interviewed, out of which 233 respondents had opinion that women took decisions on
their own in politics, which constitute 80.07 per cent of the sample, whereas 44
respondents were holding the opposite view that women were not capable of taking
decisions independently and they were being influenced by the male members in
politics, which constitute 15.12
.12 per cent of the sample, while 14 respondents had no
opinion, which constitute 4.81 per cent of the sample.
326
In district Mandi, 145 respondents 119 respondents had opinion that women
took decisions on their own in politics, which constitute 82.07 per cent of the sample,
whereas 24 respondents were holding the opposite view, that women were not capable
of taking decisions independently and they were being influenced by the male members
in politics, which constitute 16.55 per cent of the sample, while 2 respondents had no
In district Kangra, 146 respondents 114 respondents had opinion that women
whereas 20 respondents were holding the opposite view that women were not capable
The comparative analysis of the two district depicts that most of the women
take decisions independently. It was observed that some women were not able to
participate independently in the decision making process, especially in the case of
being a chairperson. They were dependent on the male counterparts. Lack of experience
was the one of the factors for male dominance over their sphere of the activities.
Democratic Process
Indian democracy is the biggest democracy in the world having large number of
electorates. Though, the constitution of India has provided right to live with respect to
all citizens of India.69 Participation is the very backbone of democracy. It is the key
concept of self-governance because in one democracy decision making process begins
and ends with the people.70 In fact, 73rd amendment has created a scope for
accomplishing development with social justice, which is mandate of the new
Panchayati Raj system. The new system brings all those, who are interested to have
voice in decision making through their participation in PRIs. The Panchayati Raj
system is basis for the “Social Justice” and “Empowerment” of weaker section on
which, the development initiative have to be built upon for achieving overall, human
welfare of the society.
69
Rajender B. Daddamani, “Indian Democracy: Reality or Myth?”, Third Concept, Vol. 22, No. 256,
June 2008, p. 11.
70
Jyoti Prakash Samantray, “Grassroots Level Democracy in India- An Overview”, Indian Journal of
Research, Vol. 4, No.7, July 2015, p. 434.
327
Therefore, democracy
emocracy is never complete without the active involvement and
participation of the people at all levels and the institutions. It has gained considerable
strength, since independence at the national
n and state levels.
evels. People’s participation has
become necessary for the success of Panchayati Raj.71 Table shows respondents
opinion regarding democratic process is the best platform for women participation.
Table 5.13
Respondentss Opinion about PRIs as the Best Platform of Democratic Process
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 137 94.48 127 86.99 264 90.72
2 No 6 4.14 13 8.90 19 6.53
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 6 4.11 8 2.75
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
94.48
86.99
Mandi
100
Kangra
90
80
70
Percentage (%)
60
50
40
30
8.9
4.14
4.11
20
1.38
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.13: Respondentss Opinion about PRIs as the Best Platform of Democratic Process
Table 5.13 shows that out of 291 respondents, 264 respondents agreed with
Panchayati Raj Institutions was the best platform
pla of the democratic process,
process which
71
S.T. Shirsath and Jitender Wasnik, “Democracy and Development
Development at Grassroots in India”,
International Journal of Research in Applied Nature and Social Sciences, Vol. 2, No.7,
No. July 2014,
p.169.
328
constitute 90.72 per cent of the total sample, whereas 19 respondents who did not agree
democratic process, which constitute 6.53 per cent of the sample, there were 8
respondents who gave no opinion about this context which constitute 2.75 per cent of
the sample.
In district Mandi was concerned, out of which 145 respondents, 137

respondents agreed with the Panchayati Raj Institutions was the best platform of the
democratic process, which constitute 94.48 per cent of the total sample, whereas 6
respondents who did not agree democratic process, which constitute 4.14 per cent of
the sample, there were 2 respondents who gave no opinion about this context, which
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 127 respondents agreed with
the Panchayati Raj Institution was the best platform of the democratic process, which
respondents who gave no opinion about this context. The percentage of such was 4.11
respectively.
Comparative analysis of two district reveals that the majority of the respondents
think that the Panchayati Raj Institution was the best platform of democratic process. It
was observed that democracy is never complete without the active involvement and
participation of the people at all levels and the institutions.
Enhance Women’s Participation
To increase women’s participation in politics various measures can be taken.

Firstly, our social structure should be changed so that women do not have to face
discrimination. Even today, many people think that the political arena is not a suitable
place for women. Women will have to understand that their participation in politics and
other activities of life is necessary for them to become a significant part of the society
and only this feeling can lead to their development. To arouse this awareness, education
is necessary for women. With the help of education women can become independent,
think freely and became capable of taking decisions. Education and financial
329
independence are necessary to be able to play an active part in the social and political
life. It is necessary to inspire women to be financially independent.72
Women should be provided leadership and communication training. The

Representation of People Act, 1951 should be amended to compel political parties to
provide for mandatory nomination of the women candidates for at least one–third of
seats to avoid de-recognition as a national party. The media both print as well as
electronic, can play an important role in creating awareness in the society. It can act as
an agent of political socialization for inculcating the values of gender equality and
gender justice.73 Ensuring identity empowerment can go a long way to ensure women
participation in the political field. It increase women’s knowledge base, increase the
understanding of their strength and weakness, increase in the level of their motivation
and an overall zeal to reverse the traditional pattern of their inequality.74
A. Thanikodi M. Sugirtha suggested that some of the strategies to increase

women’s capacity to participate in decision-making to provide leadership and self-
esteem training to assist women and girls, particularly those with special needs, women
with disabilities and women belonging to racial and ethnic minorities to strengthen
their self-esteem and to encourage them to take decision-making positions. There
should be a transparent criteria for decision-making positions and ensure, that the
selecting bodies have a gender-balanced composition and to develop mechanism and
training to encourage women to participate in the electoral process, political activities
and other leadership areas.75
According to Pooja Singh found that women issues were not taken up by parties
in a serious manner nor translated into programmes, policies and legislation nor were
they mandated specifically to address issues of women. The idea of 33% reservation for
women in parliament was actively endorsed by most of the major political parties and
this had raised expectation that many more women would be nominated to contest the
elections.76
72
M. P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.), op.cit., 1999, pp.142-145.
73
Anuradha Chadha, “Political Participation of Women: A Case Study in India”, International Journal
of Sustainable Development, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2014, p.105.
74
Barsha Kalita, op.cit., 2014, p. 6.
75
A. Thanikodi and M. Sugirtha, op.cit., 2007, p. 594.
76
2014, pp. 48-50.
330
Further, Sukhpal Kaur revealed that, great progress has been made in the arena
of women’s rights in theory and policy formation. Women’s rights and equality must
be looked with renewed vigour and vision. It should be an integral part of the
development and welfare policies of states and international organisations. Awareness
campaigns should be organised on women’s rights by civil society and dissemination of
knowledge of the various welfare measures, implemented by the state and international
organisation. The active involvement and association of the civil society in women’s
issues can accelerate the whole process, as it works at the grass-root level. The most
important thing for upliftment of women is to change the mind set of men folk as well
as women folk.77 It is in this regard P.V Krishna suggested that, women elected
representatives needs to be politically enlightened, not only about their rights and
duties, but also the nature of our constitution, democratic process and values, working
of democratic institutions, concept and relevance of local body administration, and
various poverty alleviation programmes and policies meant for women and weaker
sections.78 The table show that respondents views regarding increase women
participation in politics.
Table 5.14
Respondents Opinion With Regard to Increasing Women’s Participation in

Politics

Sr. Total
No
1 Self Confidence 86 59.31 71 48.63 157 53.95
2 Education 24 16.55 38 26.03 62 21.31
3 Awareness 21 14.48 28 19.18 49 16.83
4 Economic Independence 6 4.14 7 4.79 13 4.47
5 Others 8 5.52 2 1.37 10 3.44
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
77
Sukhpal Kaur, op.cit., 2009, p.128.
78
P.V. Krishna, “ Participation and Awareness of Elected Women Representatives in PRIs”, Voice
of Research, Vol. 2, No. 4, March 2014, p. 48.
331
59.31
60
Mandi
48.63 Kangra
50
40
Percentage (%)
30 26.03
19.18
20 16.55
14.48
10 5.52
4.14 4.79
1.37
0
Self Education Awareness Economic Others
Confidence Independence
Response
Fig. 5.14: Respondents Opinion with

ith Regard to Increasing Women’s Participation in
Politics
Table 5.14 shows that out of 291 respondents, 157 respondents suggested
increase their self confidence,
confidence which constitute 53.95 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 62 respondents suggested to increase educational level of women and girls,
girls
which constitute 21.31 per cent of the sample, while 49 respondents suggested to
increase awareness
ness which constitute 16.83 per cent of the sample. There were 13
respondents who provided economic independence of women,
women which constitute 4.47
per cent of the sample, while 10 respondents suggested other factors to increase women
s. The percentage of such respondents was 3.44 of the total
sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 86 respondents suggested increase

increas
their self confidence, which constitute 59.31 per cent of the total sample, whereas 24
respondents suggested increase
crease educational level of women and girls, which constitute
16.55 per cent of the sample, while 21 respondents suggested to increase awareness,
awareness
which constitute 14.48 per cent of the sample. There were 6 respondents who provided
economic independence of women,
women which constitute 4.14 per cent of the sample, while
332
8 respondents suggested other factors to increase women participation in politics. The
percentage of such respondents was 5.52 of the total sample.
Similarly in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 71 respondents suggested

increase their self confidence, which constitute 48.63 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 38 respondents suggested increase educational level of women and girls,
increase awareness, which constitute 19.18 per cent of the sample. There were 7
respondents who provided economic independence of women, which constitute 4.79
participation in politics. The percentage of such respondents was 1.37 of the total
sample.
The comparative analysis of two districts reveals that the respondents in both
districts suggested many ways and means to enhanced women’s participation in
politics. Majority of respondents suggested to increasing self confidence of women to
participate in politics. To provide political awareness, economic independence and
trainings for elected women representatives. Education brings confidence and develops
leadership qualities apart from enhancing knowledge and skills. It was observed that
after 73rd amendment more women participated in politics at grassroots levels.
Women Political Activist
Manakshi Sethy and Prabir Sethy observed that, the growth, equality,
democracy, social justice and an enlightened public policy could only be possible in a
political system, if the issue of development and political empowerment is taken up by
the political system in a meaningful way. Women’s representation in politics is regard
as the first step towards women’s empowerment. Even after more than seventy years of
India’s independence, women are still one of the most powerless and marginalized
section of the society. Women leaders tend to pay more attention to issues of health
care, education, and other social development issues than their male counterparts.
Women legislators should work for the empowerment of other women and for giving
them an equal chance in the governance of a state and a country. Though, the
participation in politics, women are making use of power and resources to bring about
necessary changes. Empowerment of women in all spheres, particularly in the political
sphere, is crucial for their advancement and establishment of a true gender equal
society.79 It is in this context Dhruba Hazarika reveals that women are also involving in
79
Manakshi Sethy and Prabir Sethy, “Politics of Representation through Reservation-II As An
Instrument of Women’s Empowerment”, Janta, 2011, p. 13.
333
human development issues of child rearing, education, health, and gender parity. Many
of them have gone into the making and marketing of a range of cottage products-
products
pickles, tailoring, embroidery etc.80
Table 5.15
Respondents Views as Women Political Activist what would be Your Priorities
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Sr. No Response Mandi Kangra
Improving Education and

1 61 42.07 56 38.35 117 40.21
Health Facilities
2 Gender Equality 40 27.58 32 21.92 72 24.74
3 To Remove Corruption 28 19.31 30 20.55 58 19.93
4 Others 16 11.04 28 19.18 44 15.12

Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
42.07
38.35
45 Mandi
40 Kangra
35
27.58
Percentage (%)
30
21.92
20.55
19.31
19.18
25
20
11.04
15
10
0
Improving Gender Equality To Remove Others
Education and Corruption
Health Facilities Response
Fig. 5.15: Respondents Views ass Women Political Activist what would be Your
Priorities
80
Dhruba Hazarika, “Women
Women Empowerment in India: A Brief Discussion”,
Discussion” International Journal of
Educational Planning and Administration, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2011, p. 201.
334
Table 5.15 shows that out of 291 respondents 117 respondents indicated that
their main priorities were improving education and health facilities, which constitute
40.21 per cent of the total sample, whereas 72 respondents worked for gender equality,
which constitute 24.74 per cent of the sample. While 58 respondents whose main
priority was to remove corruption, which constitute 19.93 per cent of the sample. There
were 44 respondents women political activists indicated that their main priority was to
solve other issues, which constitute 15.12 per cent of the sample.

indicated that their main priorities were improving education and health facilities,
which constitute 42.07 per cent of the total sample, whereas 40 respondents worked for
gender equality, which constitute 27.58 per cent of the sample. While 28 respondents
whose main priority was to remove corruption, which constitute 19.31 per cent of the
sample. There were 16 respondents women political activists indicated that their main
priority was to solve other issues, which constitute 11.04 per cent of the sample.

Thus, India which is known for the culture and traditions, has also given a place
of respect to women. In the arena of Panchayati Raj Institutions also the rural women,
who were forced to live within the four walls of the house, have come out to take part
in the political process. Though, they are not much educated and not exposed to the
political affairs. They largely depend on male members and officials for advice and
carry on the work. The study reveals that caste is still dominating the politics in both
the district. The study also reveals that, women in higher caste capture powers in
different moulds in comparison to lower caste of the society.
The current study reveals that, several factors impede the political participation
and hence discriminates women. Major among them are caste, illiteracy, family
problem, corruption, male dominance etc. It has also been observed that there is
335
favouritism and corruption both at the level of allotment of the schemes and the time of
extending the benefit to the deserving section of the society. The study also reveals
that, there is too much bureaucratic control over PRIs, so a few respondents demanded
independent bureaucratic structure for the PRIs.
It has been observed during the study that, most of the elected women
representatives engaged in the implementation of policies and programmes were not
aware of the policies and programmes of Panchayati Raj Institutions, which is
responsible for the improper functioning of this institution.
The study also reveals that, while contesting election the women face many
social, economic and political problems. Due to lack of literacy and political awareness,
it has been observed during the study, the major problems faced by women leadership
are; male dominance, caste dominance, lack of awareness and above all family and
social pressure. Majority of the respondents in both districts reveals and believe that
women participation will improve in the long run. It has been major finding of the
study, the female literacy and increased awareness would surely make an enhancement
of women participation in grassroots institutions.
It is found during the study that elected women representatives are engaged in
the implementation of policy and programmes but not aware of the policies and
programmes of PRIs. Thus training of the elected women representatives attached to
the Panchayati Raj Institutions needs proper training. NGOs are also involved in the
training and the capacity building of elected representatives.
respondents indicated that, women as a political activists, the priorities were improving
education and health facilities. It was observed that, they gave importance to other
issues like, to work on gender equality, to remove corruption and to solve the other
problems of women and weaker section of society and to make people aware of their
rights and duties and work for the development of the villages.
336
CHAPTER-VI
CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS
Political participation is the heart of democracy. Democracy is the form of

government, where majority of people possesses the right to share in the exercise of
sovereign power. In a democratic society, power is shared and the representatives of the
people make decision concerning the society. Norman D. Palmer define political
participation as the involvement of citizens in such political activities which directly or
indirectly influence the behaviour and actions of private citizens by which they seek to
influence or to support the government and politics.
Women play an important role in determining the destiny of a nation and are
integral parts of society. Their greater involvement in socio-economic and political
affair have becomes more important. However, history reveals that women have not
been given their actual status in the society. Socially, women are ignored a lot in the
equality is more in legal terms rather than in reality. Later, demand for political
equality of women started in eighteenth century. In Western Europe and North
America, where the idea of equality of the sexes first took roots, a change in status
preceded legislation and with the important exception of suffrage, was often not
dependent on law. New Zealand became the first country to enfranchise women in
1893. After independence, the Constitution of India has granted women equal rights of
participation in the political process of the country along with equal opportunity and
rights in education and employment. The Indian Constitution guarantees political
equality through the adult franchise.
The first world conference on women was held in 1975 in Mexico City. The
conference along with the United Nations Decade for women (1976-1985) launched a
worldwide dialogue on gender equality. The report of the committee on the status of
women, the observance of International Women’s Year in 1975, the formulation of a
National Plan of Action for Women, setting up of a national committee with the Prime
Minister as the head, proved the concern for women. Since then scholars and policy-
337
makers diverted their attention to the issues of women, which culminated in
establishing a National Commission for Women in 1992 and the National Perspective
Plan for Women (1988-2000).
The historic 73rd and 74th amendments to the constitution, interlaid,

the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every panchayats and urban
rural and urban areas. This opportunity of sharing of power on equal terms with men
improvements in the status of women. In Himachal Pradesh New Panchayati Raj Act,
1994 was introduced in the state, which came into force on April 1994. The act was
complete in nature and was in a position to improve the participation of women in
grassroots politics. That is why, the researcher made an effort to have a case study
focused on the participation of women in Himachal Pradesh state politics.
The first chapter deals with the problems of the study. Also the objectives and
reviews literature on women have been given, which shows that there were only a few
study on the participation of women in state politics: a case study of Himachal Pradesh.
In the present study, among twelve districts, the sample has been drawn from two
districts of Himachal Pradesh i.e. Mandi and Kangra district.
In the second chapter, the historical, social economic and political profile of
Himachal Pradesh has been discussed. Himachal Pradesh came into existence on 15th
April 1948 and achieved statehood on 25th January 1971 and became eighteenth state of
the Indian Union. It is a hilly and mountainous region, which extends over an area of
55, 673 sq. Kms. with a population of 68, 64, 609 persons as per 2011 census.
Himachal is known as Dev Bhumi (The Land of God). It is situated in the heart of the
Western Himalayas. According to the Puranas, Himachal is the Jalandhara Khand of
the Himalayas. The people of the state are considered to be innocent, honest, peace
loving and hardworking. Indian National Congress (INC) and Bhartiya Janta Party
(BJP) are the major political parties, including a few regional parties like Himachal
Vikas Congress (HVC), etc. Himachal Pradesh is predominantly a rural state.
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Agriculture is the major occupation of the people. Cash crops i.e. Apple, Potato, Peas
Tomato, Ginger, Rajmah, Kiwi Fruits, Citrus Fruits and Floriculture are becoming
popular day by day. Himachal Pradesh has made significant achievements in the field
of economy. Road transport is the main stay of economic activity of the Pradesh.
Himachal Pradesh is one of the most literate and progressive states of the country. The
state has a large potential for the generation of hydel power and tourism etc. during the
past few decades. It helped in linking the mountainous region of Himachal Pradesh to
the plains and there is an increase in the health facilities.
Attempts have been made to study the comparative profile of Mandi and
Kangra district in terms of its socio-economic and political background of women. The
comparative study could be possible only because these factors were taken into
consideration to analyze the participation of women in their respective districts. The
women’s participation could not be studied in isolation without taking into
consideration the society in which they were living, the economic status of family and
the political scenario prevailing in the state. As far as the geographical area of Mandi
district is concerned, i.e.3950 sq. kms. and Kangra district is concerned, it is 5739 sq.
kms. respectively. The population of both district was 9, 99,777 and 15,10,075 Lakhs
respectively as per the Census 2011. The sex ratio is 1007 females for 1000 males in
district Mandi and 1012 females for 1000 males in district Kangra. The literacy rate in
Mandi is 81.53 per cent, the male literacy rate is 89.56 and female literacy rate is 73.66
per cent. At the same time, literacy rate in Kangra is 85.67 per cent, male literacy rate is
91.49 per cent and female literacy rate is 80.02 per cent. As far as the economy of both
district is concerned, the majority of the populations have agrarian background.
The third chapter deals with the political participation of women in India-an
overview. In Rig Vedic, Indian women enjoyed a position of equality in the family and
society. They also participated in the political activities along with men. There was a
gradual decline in their position in the later Vedic and post-Vedic period due to certain
internal changes in the society. The position of women in the Buddhist period could not
have changed very much from that of the earlier days. Nevertheless, there was some
339
admitted that, in the monastic order the place accorded to the nuns was lower than that
of the monks.
During medieval period, the women were deprived of different social and
economic rights and were brought out under the overall control of their male family
members. It is witnessed by the prevalent practices of Purdh system, child marriage,
sati system, ban on widow remarriage, polygamy and devadasi etc. Therefore, there
were women rulers and many women excelled in the sphere of politics in the medieval
period e.g. Razia Sultana, Empress Noorjahan, Chand Bibi, Maharani Jija Bai, Rani
Padmini, Rani Laxmi Bai etc. At the advent of British rule in India, women’s position
was worst in the society. The British rule led to a number of socio-religious reforms in
the country. The socio-religious reforms of the nineteenth and twentieth century like
Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshav Chander Sen, Swami Dayanand Sarswati, Iswar
Chander Vidya Sagar, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Pandita Ramabai etc.
Mahatma Gandhi inspired women to participate in the national movement.

Gandhiji included most of women in his non-cooperation movement and satyagraha
campaigns, which enable women to a take part in public life. Since the early twentieth
century, women took initiative in organizing women to raise their demands and enter
into public life. Many, all Indian women’s organizations like, Women’s Indian
Association 1917 and All India Women Conference 1926, came into existence. These
organizations demanded for equal social and political rights for women. In 1917, under
the auspices of women’s Indian Association, women demanded right to vote at par with
men. In 1919 under the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms, about 10 lakh women obtained
the voting right. Till 1926, almost all the provinces ensured right to vote to women in
India. The mass participation of women was recognized during Civil Disobedience
Movement in 1930 and also during Quit India Movement of 1942, when thousands of
women courted arrest. During the freedom struggle through the efforts of Mahatma
Gandhi, women were brought into active participation and political leadership.
After Independence, Indian constitution provided equal socio-economic and

political right to women without any discrimination. Indian Constitution has guaranteed
equal political rights to men and women, but equal political participation is still, a
distant dream for women. Therefore, we have the privilege of having a first women
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Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi for about two decades and we have first ever women
President Pratibha Devi Singh Patil, women speaker of Lok Sabha, Meera Kumar and
Sumitra Mahajan, leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj and women
President of the largest political party Indian National Congress of the Country, Sonia
Gandhi, we also have several women occupying high positions like those of governors,
chief ministers and minister both at central and state levels but their number is dismal.
Many of them are wives, daughters, sister, and daughters in laws and relatives of
prominent political leaders. The 73rd and 74th Amendment to the Constitution was the
landmark step to empowering women to participate in grassroots democracy.
Subsequently, the study found that the most of the countries of the world have
failed to give due space and representation to women in political life. The participation
of women in the politics is not as good as provided in the constitution. The highest
representation of women in the lower house of national legislatures is found in the
countries like Rwanda, Sweden, Cuba, South Africa, Finland, Iceland, Netherland etc.
whereas in developed countries like USA, UK, Canada Australia, etc. women
representation is the national legislatures is quite low. The data reveals that the
participation of women in politics at national and state level is still marginal. No doubt,
women’s participation in parliament has increased with the passage of time which is
seen in previous Lok Sabha elections. In the first Lok Sabha election held in 1952, only
twenty two women were elected, whereas in the Lok Sabha election held in 2014 the
number of women, who got elected increased to sixty one (11.23%) which is the
highest number till date. Whereas, women’s representation in Rajya Sabha is little as
women’s representation in this house at present is 11.83 per cent. Therefore, this
number is too small in comparison to their voting strength. One of the reasons for low
representation of women in Parliament is that political parties do not give adequate
number of women candidates in the elections. In the past Lok Sabha elections, the
number of women contestants remained very less in comparison to men, despite the
fact, that their percentage of winnability is quite higher as compared to men. Women’s
representation in decision-making bodies is also marginal. Like parliament, women’s
representation at state level has also been noticed few, as the most important positions
such as governor, chief minister and Vidhan Sabha speaker is also still too marginal.
341
Women, who are taking active part in politics, they belong to the well established
political family background and relatives of prominent politicians.
their participation in state legislative Assembly, Parliament and other prominent
decision-making bodies is very low. Women participation in voting is almost equal to
their male counterparts and sometimes, it is even more than that of men. Like
parliamentary elections, in Himachal Pradesh also very few women have contested the
assembly elections. The highest number of women representatives in Himachal Pradesh
legislative Assembly was seven in the year 1998-2003. Like state assembly, women’s
representation in parliament also remained very low from Himachal Pradesh. Till date,
only three women have represented Lok Sabha and seven women remained in Rajya
Sabha from Himachal Pradesh.
At the grassroots level, women’s representation in Himachal Pradesh has

increased due to the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution and providing 33 per
cent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipalities. The latest
amendment to Panchayati Raj Act 2008, provided 50 per cent reservation of seats for
women in the Panchayats at village level and urban local bodies, which is a historical
step for political participation of women.
Therefore, it was observed that education and governmental efforts has helped
Himachal Pradesh women to reduce infant mortality considerably and improve the
health conditions of women. Thus, compared to the status of women belonging to
India, the women of Himachal Pradesh enjoy not only better educational and health
facilities but also better indices of standard of living. Death rate connected with
delivery has also come down considerably. As far as the security of women is
concerned, transport facilities and accommodations are of paramount importance.
Agriculture is the main occupation of the people of the state. About 69 per cent of the
main workers are engaged in agricultural pursuits. Agriculture is the best with the
disadvantage of small holdings. The villages in Himachal Pradesh are inter-linked with
transport facilities.
The fourth Chapter, deals with the socio-economic and political variables of the
study area of the respondents. The analysis of the socio-economic profile of the
respondents shows that majority of the respondents in the whole sample, as well as
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Mandi and Kangra district belong to the middle age group of 31-40 years, women take
more part in politics. During the study, it has been analysed that the younger strata of
the respondents is taking active part in the politics in both the district.
As far as the caste factor was concerned, the caste plays a very important role
in the election. The women, who belonged to higher castes, won the elections more
easily than those, who belonged to lower caste. They had to face many problems during
the elections. In district Mandi, most of the respondents belonged to SCs and general
category, whereas in district Kangra, most of the respondents belonged to OBCs and
general category taking active part in politics.
Further, the study found that the majority of the respondents were married,
which showed that younger married women took part in the politics more as compared
to the unmarried and widowed women.
The study reveals that more women belonged to joint family in both the district.
The analysis of the number of children of the respondents, who had two children
participated actively in politics.
From education point of view, the study found that mostly the women
participated in the elections were not highly educated. This indicates that women are
taking part in politics are educated but their educational level is not very high.
Therefore, comparative analysis of both the district reveals that the educational level of
respondents of Mandi was higher than that of Kangra.
Further, the occupation wise analysis reveals that majority of the respondents in
the whole sample, as well as in Mandi and Kangra district are engaged in agricultural
activities. The study reveals that income is also an important indicator of social status.
Income wise analysis shows that, the income of the respondents is comparatively better
in Mandi district than in Kangra district.
The study found that the size of the land holdings of the respondents in Kangra
district was slightly better than that of Mandi district. The landholding size of Himachal
Pradesh is very small.
The study also found that the number of respondents, who were in habit of
reading newspaper was higher in district Mandi than that of Kangra district. The study
reveals that majority of the respondents were aware in habit of hearing news in
343
television or in radio. Hence, it has been revealed that television and radio programmes
are very effective in mobilizing women to participate in politics.
The analysis of both district reveals that the vast majority of the respondents in
both district were interested in politics. The increasing interest of the respondents in
politics shows that the family responsibility. Women are also developing a positive
attitude towards politics.
The study reveals that majority of the respondent’s father and husband did not
participate in politics. It was observed that participation in voting is higher among the
respondents. Majority of the respondents in Kangra district was higher, who casted
their vote in past election as compared to Mandi district.
Regarding the factors kept in mind, while casting the votes. Majority of the
respondents give preference to the candidate’s merits, educational level of the
candidates and party affiliation, while casting their votes. On the other hand, it was
observed that respondents gave less importance to other factors like religion, and caste
etc.
In respect of campaigning activities, it is found that in both district, the

activities like door to door campaigning with in village/town and campaigning outside
the village/town and both activities are preferred more by the respondents than the
campaign activities like distributing pamphlets and preparing sticking posters, in order
to make the campaign more meaningful.
The study reveals that majority of the respondents contested election from the
village level. But state and national level participation is very dismal. It was observed
that village level participation of women were increased after reservation. The study
found that the number of respondents, who believed that they were motivated by their
family members.
The study found that, majority of the respondents in whole sample contested the
elections from the reserved seats for women. It was observed that women generally get
an opportunity to contest the elections only on those seats which were reserved for
women.
As regards parties’ affiliation, it is found that very vast majority of the

respondents in both the district were the membership of congress party. It was also
found that in Himachal Pradesh two political parties that is Congress and Bhartiya Janta
344
Party, are dominating the political scene of the state. The share of other political
parties is very negligible.
As regards the type of party membership, it is found that in both district

majority of the respondents were active members of political parties. It is also found
that a large number of the respondents in both the district do not make any financial
contribution to a party or a candidate. It was observed that the majority of the
respondents in the sample were not financially self-sufficient. The study reveals that the
majority of the respondents were the members of voluntary organization. These
organisations solve their problems as well as to serve the weaker sections of the
society.
The study depicts that majority of the respondents attended the

party/organization meeting regularly. In district Mandi, the member of respondents
attending party and organisation meeting was higher to Kangra district. With regard to
participation in public rallies and protest activities, the study reveals that majority of
the respondents in the whole sample, as well as both the district prefers more to attend
public rallies. The main sources of political information were television, newspaper,
radio and social media. It was observed that in both the district majority of the
respondents seek information from television and followed by family members, reading
newspaper, radio and other sources. It was observed that these sources gave political
information to the women and made them aware about their rights and gets information
about the state, national and international levels.
As far as the awareness and knowledge of the respondents regarding the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment Act and Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 is
concerned, it is found that only 40.21 per cent of the respondents know about these new
acts relating to PRIs. This reveals that majority of the respondents are not much aware
about these acts. However, it is found that on the whole, they are at least aware about
some of the basic provisions of these acts regarding PRIs. An analysis of the role of
PRIs in the empowerment of women reveals that, an overwhelming majority of the
respondents accepted that empowerment of women has taken place only after the
implementation of 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act that facilitated women
participation and involvement in PRIs. This act has played an important role in the
changing society. Majority of the respondents (75.25%) were the view that the
345
participation and representation of women in PRIs has empowered women to extent in
political as well as social and economic spheres.
The study also reveals that majority of the respondents have agreed that,
reservation to women in PRIs has empowered them politically, as it has enhanced their
participation in the democratic process of the grassroots level. Due to reservation, a
large number of women have entered in PRIs and their participation in decision making
process at grass-roots level has increased.
Chapter fifth deals with the hurdles in the participation of women. The women
representatives are also facing many problems, while participating in the political
process. The main problems, which women representatives generally face, while
participating effectively includes lack of knowledge, lack of time due to earning
livelihood, lack of time due to family responsibilities and caring of children and lack
of funds to under to undertake developmental activities. The other problems faced by
women representatives are non-cooperation of the family member’s, lack of political
awakening, lack of interest in politics and lack of education.
The study shows that majority of the respondent’s perceived lack of time due to
family responsibilities, as the major hurdles in political participation of women. It was
observed that the higher castes woman comes into power easily as compared to women,
who belongs to the lower strata of the society. This decreases to a certain extent the
overall participation of women in the rural areas.
The study depicts that, there is corruption in various rural development schemes
in both district, there was favouritism and corruption i.e. during allotment of the
schemes and during extending the benefits to the deserving section of the society. The
beneficiaries do not take full advantage of the scheme. There is corruption at different
levels, which are involved in the process.
It has been observed during the study that, male members played a dominant
role in decision making process and many elected representatives have no identity of
their own and act as mere mouthpieces of powerful men in politics. The study also
reveals that, while contesting elections women faced many problems from their family
members and from the society.
346
The study also finds that majority of the respondents were in favour of
minimum educational qualification for women in politics. Illiterate women were not
able to participate in politics. It is observed that without proper education, they feel
hard to understand the rules of politics.
The majority of the respondents demanded reservation for women in state and
national levels. It was observed that women participation increased at grassroots level
after reservation. But women participation in state and national level is still very low.
On the basis of the entire study following findings have been derived.
• The finding clearly shows that women have very poor knowledge about the
Panchayati Raj Institution and Constitutional provisions, development
programmes and duties of the government official in the local administration.
The main reasons for lack of knowledge are illiteracy, lack of experience and
lack of interest in politics and public life.
• Most of the respondents are of the younger age group. Women are not able to
play an effective role because of low profile, poor orientation, lack of
enthusiasm and lack of political background. Besides, these individual
approaches, social obstacles such as, conservative approach, family
responsibility, and lack of co-operation from family.
• Majority of the women respondents belong to joint family. Participation of

women is much influenced by the family. The inherited social position and the
reputation of the joint family plays an effective role in the leadership pattern.
• Majority of the respondents were not aware of the provisions and main
implications of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994. Even after
about twenty three years of the implementation of the Act, they have no idea
about the system. Because the reasons behind it are illiteracy, lack of awareness
and lack of interest.
• Socio-economic profile of women indicates that women after seventy years of

independence are suffering from poverty and social stigma, besides the equal
status for women by the constitution.
347
Suggestions
To make the political participation of women more visible and effective the
following suggestions are made:
• There should be spread education especially among women, so that the

educated women come forward and participate more effectively. Education and
training need to be provided among women representatives and they are made
aware of their rights and duties. It is important to educate women especially,
with the help of the national literacy mission.
• Education and financial independence are necessary to be able to play an active

part in the social and political life. It is necessary to inspire women to be
financially independent.
• It should make an intense drive for legal and political education for women.
Legal system aiming at elimination of all forms of discrimination against
women should be strengthened. In addition to that, awareness level about laws
should be raised among women.
• Syllabi in the school and higher education should be based on the practical
utility by which, the society should be sensitized. Male folk of the society
should realise the importance of female folk.
• Economic independence and access to resources is also essential to encourage

women’s participation and involvement in political process.
• Our social structure should be changed, so that women do not have to face
discrimination. Even today, many people think that the political area is not a
suitable place for women. Women will have to understand that their
participation in politics and other activities of life is necessary for them, to
become a significant part of the society and only this feeling can lead to their
development.
• There should be a positive familial and societal attitude towards women’s

participation in political process. The male family members should encourage
and co-operate women to take part in the politics.
• Women should be encouraged to be effective part of planning process at the

village level. Women folk better knows the local needs and they are most
effected section of the society.
348
• Women’s political participation will be possible by creating multi seat
constituencies with women representing a part of it.
• Women’s participation in decision-making must be at every level of social,

economic and political spheres and shall ensure regular and fair elections at
every level, without taking the patronage of politician.
• There has to be some electoral reforms, which would curb the role of muscle
and money power in politics.
• To enforce stringent measures to stop corruption, criminalization and

communalization of politics.
• To ensure that women are taken seriously in their elected post by allotting
important portfolios and limiting their functions to social welfare and women
and child development.
• The Representation of People Act, 1951 should be amended to compel political

parties to provide for mandatory nomination of the women candidates for at
least one-third of the seats to avoid de-recognition as a national party.
• Constitution should be amended to give reservation to the women in parliament

and state legislatures, so the women should have share in deciding the policy,
programmes, according to their own needs.
• All the women organizations should come on a common platform with single
target of passing of Reservation Bill or face anger of women voters in the next
general elections because a critical mass of women is pre-requisite for the
effective political participation of women.
• Women should strive to enter into important organisational positions in political

parties, action groups, trade unions and such other organisations.
• Self Help Groups, Non-Government Organisations, Mahila Mandals and Youth

Clubs are also contributing in their own way in women empowerment process.
They should try to improve their working style, so that people may get aware of
their plans and programmes.
• They can motivate women to contest election and to get a sense of economic
independence and self-confidence. Their participation in these organisations
should be ensured.
349
• There is also an urgent need of the co-operative and positive attitude of
bureaucracy/government officials towards women representatives of the PRIs.
The women development programmes should be linked with more effective
participation of women and also for establishing links between women
representatives and government functionaries at the grassroots level.
• Men interested in women’s political participation should be invited and

welcomed to involve themselves in women’s action groups and the like.
• Government should organize training programmes, workshops, seminars

orientation programmes etc. to educate the elected women representatives. This
will help these women to acquire knowledge and skill about the functioning and
they would be in a position to discharge their duties and role more effectively.
• Training should be provided to the newly elected women representatives to train

them about the functioning of the political system and in the art of decision
making.
• Agencies for better political communication should be established, from where

accurate political, economic and educational information can be given. Hence,
women should be provided leadership and communication training.
• There should be a provision to give honour to the women members. Special

financial rewards/incentives should be given to the Panchayats in which, there
are more women members elected unopposed.
• The media both print as well as electronic can play an important role in creating
awareness in the society. It can act as an agent of political socialization for
inculcating the values of gender equality and gender justice.
• Various programmes for welfare and development of women are to be

integrated by giving the women representatives and opportunity to improve the
economic condition in general, besides developing leadership qualities.
• Women participation is not an end in itself. It is the beginning of grassroots

democracy and requires constant improvements and work efficiency. The direct
involvement of women in decision-making bodies is a milestone in
development process. So, reservation has certainly created a silent revolution
among women.
350
In nutshell, it may be said that the spread of education, political awareness,
competence, willingness, self-confidence, motivation, encouragement and support from
the family, society and political parties will help in bringing women in the mainstream
of political arena.
To sum up, in politics we are still struggling to find a place for women. The
under-representation and absence of women in the positions of power and decision-
making process reinforces their exploitation and deprivation. Women’s greater political
participation and representation is needed to alter the male dominated structure of
political process. Women’s equal participation in political decision-making process is a
fundamental pre-requisite not only for gender equality, gender justice and genuine
democracy but also for the reconstruction of the society. More number of women
representatives means more women will be involved in policy and decision-making
processes and will contribute to stronger attention to women’s issues and will provide
an inspiration to women to work on the vision of a better, more humane and a more
equal society, and they will make meaningful contributions towards integrated national
development. However, more efforts are still required to bring about true equality of
women in political arena in letter and spirit. Women still have a long way to go to
attain political power and gender justice. They have to assert for their de facto political
rights. There is a need for qualitative positive change in the socio-economic and
political structure of the society.
351
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384
PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN STATE
POLITICS: A CASE STUDY OF
HIMACHAL PRADESH
A THESIS
SUBMITTED TO HIMACHAL PRADESH UNIVERSITY, SHIMLA

IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN
POLITICAL SCIENCE
2018
Supervised by: Submitted by:

Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta Jai Kiran
Assistant Professor

SUMMER HILL, SHIMLA-171005
SUMMER HILL, SHIMLA 171005
Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta

Assistant Professor
CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that Ms. Jai Kiran a research scholar, Department of Political
Science, Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla-5 has completed her Ph.D. thesis
entitled, “Participation of Women in State Politics: A Case Study of Himachal
Pradesh” under my supervision and guidance. To the best of my knowledge, it is an
original piece of research work and no part of it has not been submitted elsewhere for
any degree or diploma. In my opinion the thesis is worthy of consideration for award of
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in social sciences. The assistance and help received
during the course of this work and sources of literature have been duly acknowledged.
She has completed the following requirements as per the UGC-regulations,
2009 for the Ph. D. degree:
a) Course work as per the UGC/ University rules.
b) Residential requirements of the University.
c) Regularly submitted six-monthly progress report.
d) Presented her work in the departmental committee.
e) Published two research papers in the referred research journal and edited book.
I recommend the thesis for submission and evaluation.
Date: .......................... Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta

Place: ......................... (Supervisor)
DEDICATED
TO
Mata Sarswati
&
My
Loving Parents
PREFACE
The term ‘political participation’ has a very wide meaning. It is not only related
to ‘Right to Vote’, but simultaneously relates to participation in: decision making
process, political activism, political consciousness, etc. Women in India participate in
voting, run for public offices and political parties at lower levels more than men.
Political activism and voting are the strongest areas of women’s political participation.
To combat gender inequality in politics, the Indian government has instituted
reservations for seats in local governments. Women turnout during India’s 2014
parliamentary general elections was 65.7 per cent, compared to 67.1 per cent turnout
for men. Women have held the posts of president and prime minister in India, as well as
chief ministers of various states. Indian voters have elected women to numerous state
legislative assemblies and national parliament for many decades.
Women’s organizations in India first began to emerge in the early 19th century
and later in the 1970s after a period of limited activity from the 1950s to 1970s. One of
the earliest women’s organization, Bharat Stree Mahamandal, formed in 1910 and
focused on helping women escape oppression from men. Women’s associations had
traditionally began with the help of men giving few women access to work and
education, while limiting the expansion of traditional gender roles. In 1927, the All
India Women’s Conference (AIWC) was formed to advocate for women’s education
and was helpful in the passage of the Hindu Code of Bills between 1952 and 1960.
Women were also active in the freedom movement in protesting British colonial rule
over Indian holding protests and public meetings in support of independence. The new
wave of feminism in the 1970s was in response to gender inequality issues and stagnant
development in India. The Committee on the Status of Women in India released a
report in 1974, and had a significant influence in the re-emergence of activism towards
gender equality.
The present empirical study is a modest attempt to analyse the participation of

women in state politics of Himachal Pradesh. Today, the Himachal Pradesh is blessed
with extensive natural resources, splendid beauty and vast deposits of minerals. The
cement industry is flourishing in the state. The state has a huge potential in hydro-
power. The state also has a large cover of green forest, constituting the backbone of the
state economy besides agriculture and horticulture are the main professions of the
peoples of the state. The 73rd constitutional amendment was the landmark step of
constitutional history of India which laid the foundation stone on women participation
in politics to a great extent. As a consequence of the 73rd constitutional amendment of
Himachal Pradesh government passed Panchayati Raj Act 1994 which was a major
step toward women participation in the democratic process. Initially, under this act
women were given 33 per cent reservations in the grassroots institution. However,
subsequently this reservation was enhanced to 50 per cent at grassroots level, which
resulted in more and more participation in the grassroots democracy.
The present study has been divided into six chapters. The first chapter deals
with the introduction of the topic, problem formulation, objective of the study, universe
of the study, review of existing literature, research design and methodology used for the
undertaken study.
The second chapter deals with the socio-economic and political profile of
Himachal Pradesh. This study gives us little attention to the details of socio, cultural
and economic life of the people of the state.
The third chapter deals with the political participation of women-an overview.
This chapter gives us reflection on the historical background of women in India.
During ancient period women held a high place of respect in the society, as mentioned
in Rig-Veda and other scriptures. The Vedic era was the golden era so far as
equilibrium of status and freedom between men and women, with rights of knowledge
and freedom to marry is concerned. The Rig-Vedic women played significant role in
family, society and even in political life. The position of women especially registered as
gradual decline after the advent of Muslim rule in India. The study further deals with
the various initiatives undertaken after independence for bringing improvement in the
socio-economic status and empowerment of women.
The fourth chapter deals with the socio-economic and political variables in the
participation of the women. This chapter gives us the reflection on the historical
background and political participation of the women in Himachal Pradesh.
The fifth chapter deals with the hurdles in the participation of women in
politics. The lack of women’s participation in political process can be attributed to
various socio-economic constraints under our traditional social set-up.
The last chapter gives us the summary of the whole study, along with
conclusions and certain suggestions for the women participation in the political
process.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
It gives me immense pleasure to convey the intensity of my feeling of high

gratitude to all the people who are directly or indirectly contributed to the successful
completion of this dissertation. This intensive research project would remain
incomplete if the sentiment of those who contributed directly or indirectly are not
acknowledged. First and foremost, I bow my head in reverence of “Almighty God”
who blessed me with this opportunity of higher education and gave me the courage
and confidence to follow the right path.
It is indeed my great privilege to express deep sense of gratitude to my

distinguished and esteemed research supervisor Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta, Assistant
Professor, Department of Political Science, Himachal Pradesh University Regional
Centre Dharamshala for his unvarying supervision and guidance in nurturing this
study from conception to completion. His wide range of knowledge, critical
understanding and research expertise has been of invaluable help in my research work.
In this regard, from start to finish, I have received great inspiration, steady
encouragement and affectionate guidance from my respected supervisor.
It giving me immense pleasure to place on record my deep sense of gratitude to

Prof. Harish Thakur, Chairman, Department of Political Science, Prof. Ramesh K.
Chauhan, Prof. Kamal Manohar Sharma, Dr. Bhawana Jharta, Dr. Mridula Sharda
and all distinguished teachers of Department of Political Science, whose ever willing
cooperation and inspiration help to complete this work in right perspective. I also
thank non-teaching faculty members of this department for providing me all possible
help and co-operation during the course of this research work.
I want to express my deep gratitude towards all those respondents who have
been a source of information and without their kind cooperation; it was not possible
to carry out my research work.
I am also indebted to the librarian and staff members of various libraries,

particularly, Himachal Pradesh University Library Shimla, Panjab University
Library, Indian Institute of Advance Study Library Shimla, Indian Institute of
Social Science Library New Delhi, Indian Institute of Public Administration (IIPA)
Library Delhi, Himachal Institute of Public Administration (HIPA) Library Shimla,
District Library Shimla, Vidhan Sabha Library Shimla for providing me every help to
consult all relevant study material. I am also deeply indebted to all the authors whose
books and research papers I have read consulted and cited in the thesis.
I am highly indebted to my parents and family members who helped in
pursuing of my higher education by providing me all the moral and financial help but
also gave me liberty to do anything. Their patience and moral support helped me in
completion of my research work.
I express my sincere thanks to my brothers and my sisters,, who always
encouraged and co-operated in completions of my research work.
I am also thankful to my friends especially Dr. Dayak Ram, Dr. Virender
Kaushal, Dr. Sideshwari Yambur, Dr. Uma Sharma, Dr. Lata Devi, Dr. Jyoti, Prem
Lata, Sushila Negi, Jamna, Pooja Kapoor, Pooja Sharma, Aarti Rana, Sunita, Divya,
Ankush, Anisha, Kundan Lal, Pawan Kumar, Shrwan Kumar, Amandeep, Ajay
Kumar, Tek Singh Thakur, Sunil Kumar, Himanshu Sharma and D.D Thakur for
their kind help during my research work.
I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to my respected teacher Prof. O. C.
Sud. He has always been a great source of strength and emotional support for me and
without his help my dream could never have become true.
I am also thankful to Mr. Tilak Sharma for printing and binding this
manuscript meticulously.
Finally, I have done my best to make this work informative and readable but
some technicalities however, were unavoidable. For any shortcomings, the reader may
find, I claim full responsibility.
Dated:
Dated: .............
..................
............... (Jai Kiran)
Kiran)
Place: …..…
..….....….
.....….
CONTENTS
PAGE
CHAPTERS TITLE
NO.
I THE PROBLEM OF THE STUDY 1-74
• Review of Literature 22
• Significance of The Study 66
• Objectives of The Study 68
• Hypothesis 68
• Universe of The Study 69
• Sampling 70
• Methodology 73
• Limitation of The Study 74
• Scheme of Chapterisation 74
II PROFILE OF HIMACHAL PRADESH 75-140

III POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN–AN 141-204
OVERVIEW
IV SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL VARIABLES 205-290
IN THE PARTICIPATION OF THE WOMEN
V HURDLES IN THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN 291-336
VI CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS 337-352
BIBLIOGRAPHY 353-384
ANNEXURES i-vi
PUBLICATIONS
LIST OF TABLES
Table No. Title Page No.
2.1 Himachal at a Glance According to 2011 Census 79

2.2 Area, Density and Decennial Growth of Population in 80
Different Districts
2.4 Performance of Parties in H.P. Legislative Assembly 90
Election from 1952-1972
2.5 The Position of Political Parties Since (1977- 2012) in 95
Himachal Pradesh
2.8 Distribution of Land Holdings 108
2.9 Food Grains Area and Production 109
2.10 Area Brought Under High Yielding Varities 109
2.11 Distribution of Population into Main Workers, Marginal 110
Workers and Non-Workers -2011 Census
2.12 Literacy Rate in Himachal Pradesh 2011 126
3.2 Literacy Rate in India 164
3.3 State Wise Percentage of Female Literacy in India 166
3.5 Voting Turnout Lok Sabha 170
3.6 Women as Contestants during Various Lok Sabha 172
Elections
3.7 Seats Allotted to Women Contestants in General 174
Elections by National Parties
3.9 The Representation of Women in the Union Council of 176
Ministers
3.10 Women Voter’s Turnout in Different Assembly 178
Elections in Himachal Pradesh
3.11 Women’s Representation in Himachal Pradesh 180
Legislative Assembly 1972-2012
3.12 Women Members in Himachal Pradesh Legislative 181
Assembly Territorial Council (1952-2012)
3.13 Women’s Representation in Lok Sabha from Himachal 183
Pradesh
3.14 Women’s Representation in Rajya Sabha from 184
Himachal Pradesh
Year: 1995-2000 to 2000-2005
Year: 2005-2010 to 2010-2015
Year: 2015 to till Date
3.18 Life Expectancy at Birth, Himachal Pradesh and India 190
3.19 Birth Rates in Himachal Pradesh and India 191
3.20 Death Rates, Himachal Pradesh and India 192
3.21 Infant Mortality Rates, Himachal Pradesh and India 193
3.22 Violence against Women in Himachal Pradesh and India 194
4.2 Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of Caste 213
Marital Status
of Children
Income
4.18 Level of Political Participation of the Respondents 255
Election
4.20 Respondents Opinion With Regard Motivation Factors 259
the Seats
Party/Candidate
Meetings
Raj Act
Women in PRIs
Qualification
Dependence
Favouritism
Institutions
5.15 Respondents Views As Women Political Activist what 334
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure No. Title Page No.
1.1 Political Map of The Study Area 71

2.1 Growth Rate of Population 2001-2011 81
2.5 District Wise Literacy Percentage (2011 Census) 126
3.2 Literacy Rate in India 1901-2011 164
4.2 Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of Cast 213
Marital Status
of Children
Income
4.18 Level of Political Participation Respondents 256
Election
4.20 Respondents Opinion With Regard To Motivation 260
Factors
the Seats
Party/Candidate
Meetings
Raj Act
Women in PRIs
Qualification
Dependence
Favouritism
Institutions
5.15 Respondents Views as Women Political Activist what 334
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AMSL : Above Mean Sea Level

ASIDE : Assistant to the States for Development of Export
Infrastructure and Allied Activities.
B.C. : Before Christ
BDO : Block Development Officer
BJP : Bhartiya Janta Party
BJS : Bhartiya Jana Sangh
BPL : Below Poverty Line
BSP : Bahujan Samaj Party
CCA : Cultivable Command Area
CDP : Community Development Programme
CEDAW : Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women
CIPET : Central Institute of Plastic Engineering and Technology
CM : Chief Minister
CPI : Communist Party of India
CPI (M) : Communist Party of India (Marxist)
CSWI : Committee on the Status of Women in India
DC : Deputy Commissioner
DDUGKY : Deen Dayal Upadhaya Gramin Kaushal Yojna
DIPP : Department of Industrial Policy & Promotion
DPC : District Planning Committee
DRDA : District Rural Development Agency
DWACRA : Development of Women & Children in Rural Areas
EAS : Employment Assurance Schemes
EVM : Electronic Voting Machine
EWRs : Elected Women Representatives
FCA : Financial Conduct Authority
GP : Gram Panchayat
GS : Gram Sabha
GSDP : Gross State Domestic Product
GT : Grand Total
HIMFED : Himachal Milk Federation
HLM : Him Lok Tantric Morcha
HP : Himachal Pradesh
HPMC : Himachal Pradesh Marketing Corporation
HPPR : Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj
HPSEB : Himachal Pradesh State Electricity Board
HRTC : Himachal Road Transport Corporation
HVC : Himachal Vikas Congress
i.e. : that is
IAY : Indira Awas Yojana
IGMC : Indira Gandhi Medical College
IIM : Indian Institute of Management
IIIT : Indian Institute of Information Technology
IIT : Indian Institute of Technology
INC : Indian National Congress
IRDP : Integrated Rural Development Programmes
JD : Janta Dal
JD(S) : Janta Dal (Secular)
JD(U) : Janta Dal (United )
JP : Janta Party
JRY : Jawahar Rojgar Yojana
KMPP : Kisan Majdoor Praja Party
LD : Lok Dal
LJS : Lok Jan Shakti
LRP : Lok Raj Party
M.T. : Metric Ton
M.W. : Mega Watt
MC : Municipal Corporation
MLA : Member of Legislative Assembly
MLC : Members of Legislative Council
MGNREGS : Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee
Scheme
MPA : Mandi Planning Area
MP : Member of Parliament
MVSSP : Maharshi Valmiki Sampooran Swachhata Puruskar
NES : National Extension Service Programmes
NABARD : National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development
NGO : Non-Governmental Organization
NIFT : National Institute of Fashion Technology
NIRD : National Institute of Rural Development
NP : Nyaya Panchayat
NRLM : National Rural Livelihood Mission
OBCs : Other Backward Classes
PEPSU : Patiala and East Punjab States Union
Ph. D. : Doctor of Philosophy
PMEGP : Prime Minister’s Employment Generation Programme
PMJJBY : Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana
PMSBY : Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana
PNB : Punjab National Bank
PR : Panchayati Raj
PRIs : Panchayati Raj Institutions
PS : Panchayat Samiti
PSP : Praja Socialist Party
PURA : Providing Urban Facilities in Rural Areas
RBI : Reserve Bank of India
REEP : Research Education and Extension Project
RPGMC : Rajendra Prasad Government Medical College
RVTI : Regional Vocational Training Institute
SAGY : Saansad Adarsh Gram Yojana
SBI : State Bank of India
SC : Scheduled Caste
SDP : State Domestic Product
SEC : State Election Commission
SFC : State Finance Commission
SGRY : Sampoorna Gramin Rojgar Yojana
SGSY : Swaran Jayanti Gram Swarojgar Yojana
SHGs : Self Help Groups
SLBC : State Level Bankers Committee
SP : Samajwadi Party
Sq. Kms. : Square Kilometers
SP : Socialist Party
ST : Scheduled Tribe
TRYSEM : Training Rural Youth for Self Employment
UN : United Nations
UNCSW : United Nations Commission on the Status of Women
UNESCO : United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural
Organisation
UNICEF : United Nations International Children Emergency Fund
USA : United States of America
USAID : United States Agency for International Development
UT : Union Territory
Vol. : Volume
VP : Village Panchayat
WTO : World Trade Organization
ZP : Zila Parishad
CHAPTER-I
THE PROBLEM OF THE STUDY
The word ‘participation’ refers to those voluntary activities by which the

members of a society take part in decision-making in the different processes and
aspects of developmental activities at different levels of government. It implies also
that the people do so as matter of their role as sovereign in a democratic form of
government. There are many types of participation-political participation,
administrative participation and social participation. The concept of political
participation is crucial since the highest and the broadest fabric of society in the state. It
thrives on its political ideals which bear the spirit and the principles of that society
based on place; consent of the people and their institutional device of government
operative in nature and effective in administration. In a democratic form of
government, with a mixed economic structure and a determined hierarchy of values-
liberty, equality and progress arranged in priority of first, second and third respectively,
the political participation is the most important variable.
The sphere of administrative participation is the exclusive area of civil servants,

who participate under the conditions of their service and in contract with the
government as individuals. This formal participant must be either a member of the
government or must be deemed to be so, for a fixed tenure either as an expert
consultant or as a political associate, legitimately holding his position vested in the
structure of the law- the rule of the law manifested by constitution, statutes, rules and
regulations of the government.
The area of social participation is the widest in meaning and is entirely

dependent on the understanding, identification and sense of social responsibility of the
volunteering individual or volunteering group of individuals motivated by the values of
social justice and national objectives. In a simple language, political participation refers
to those voluntary activities by which the members of society take part in the selection
of rulers at different levels of the government, directly or indirectly associate
themselves in the process of formulating a public policy.1
1
Shashi Ranjan Tewari, “People’s Participation: A Theoretical Framework”, in Ramesh K. Arora, and
Meenakshi Hooja (eds.), Panchayati Raj, Participation and Decentralization, Jaipur: Rawat
Publications, 2009, pp. 23-24.
1
There could be three modes of participation- direct at the community or project
level, indirect or mobilisation from above. In case of direct participation the main types
include turn out in elections, contesting elections and getting elected, taking part in
election campaigns, contacting or trying to influence government policies, associational
membership. The forms of participation which engage people between elections are
important. There could be two kinds of participation namely institutional and non-
institutional. The institutional participation refers to participation in the formal
structures while non-institutional participation refers to participation in meetings,
processions, rallies etc.2
The participation in politics is a pre-requisite and minimal requirement for a

successful democratic political system. It is this feature that distinguishes a democracy
from any other form of government. A democratic society in principle is a participant
society in which power is shared and authoritative decisions concerning the society are
made by the representative of the citizens. The ordinary citizens are expected to take
part in the process of governing the country, irrespective of the sex, caste, class,
religion or any other consideration.3 Citizens’ active participation in political affairs in
a democracy is crucial and necessary because it assures the legitimacy of the system
and also strengthens the democratic system.4 Political participation is also a criteria for
political development. The principle political difference between traditional and
modern societies lies in the scope and intensity of political participation. The citizen’s
participation in political affairs is also important because a situation which results in
high participation by members of a group normally has higher potential for
democracy.5 There are various many definition of participation by different scholars
and institutions.
The participation is to develop human capabilities for development, decision-

making and action. It means a kind of local autonomy in which people discover the
possibilities of exercising choice and thereby, becoming capable of managing their own
development.6 Participation in political process has been subject of abiding interest in
2
Prabhat Dutta, Decentralisation, Participation and Governance, Delhi: Kalpaz Publications, 2006,
p.19.
3
J.L. Singh, Women and Panchayati Raj, New Delhi: Sunrise Publications, 2007, p.375.
4
Activists, New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications 1998, p.10.
5
Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man, Bombay: VFS, 1959, p. 82.
6
Hari Mohan Mathur, Administering Development in the Third World: Constraints and Choices, New
Delhi: Sage Publications, 1986, p.19.
2
political science since the days of Plato. The Aristotle defined citizen, as one who
shares in the administration of justice and in the holding of office. The declaration of
French Revolution of 1789 says that all citizens have the right to take part personally or
by their representatives in the formulation of law. The Marxists tradition also argued
about universal political participation as a means and end of the manifestation of
human freedom. The political participation generally requires two decisions. One must
decide to act or not to act, and one must also decide the direction of this action. The
participation of active citizens in the process of political decision making lies at the
core of any democratic system.7
The International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences refers political participation

to those voluntary activities by which members of a society share in the formation of
public policy. It excludes from the scope of political participation such involuntary
activities as paying taxes, serving in the armed forces and performing jury duty.8 The
United Nations International Children Emergency Fund (UNICEF) defines
participation as an active involvement in decision making at every stage starting with
the identification of problems to the study of feasibility, planning, implementation and
evaluation.9
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) defines

participation as the active engagement of people in sharing ideas, committing time and
resource, making decisions and taking action to bring about a desired development
objective.10 According to United Nations Human Development Report, participation
means that people are closely involved in the economic, social cultural and political
process that effect their lives.11 Further, participation as defined in a United Nations
Educational Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) document is “Collective
sustained activity for the purpose of achieving some common objectives, especially a
more equitable distribution of the benefits of development.”12
7
Kalpana Roy, Women and their Environment, Vol. I, Delhi: Rajat Publications, 1999, pp. 289-291.
8
Herbert Mcclosky, “Political Participation”, International Encyclopaedia of the Social Science, Vol.
12, New York: Macmillan, 1968, p. 253.
9
Report: Development Cooperation, The Role of Development Cooperation in Participatory
Development, Paris: DECD Publication, 1973, pp. 45-46.
10
Canadian International Development Authority (CIDA), Mainstreaming Participatory Development:
Experiences and Lessons of the Inter Agency Group on Participation”, Draft Working Paper, CIDA,
1997, p. XIII.
11
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report, New York: Oxford
University Press, 1993, p. 21.
12
D. Sundar Ram (ed.), Dynamics of Grass-roots Governance in India: Dreams and Realities, Vol.2,
New Delhi: Kanishika Publishers, 2007, p.46.
3
According to Norman D. Palmer, “Political participation as an involvement of
citizens in such political activities which directly or indirectly influence the behaviour
and actions of private citizens by which they seek to influence or to support the
government and politics.”13 Whereas, Huntington and Nelson define political
participation as, “Knowledge about politics, interest in politics, feeling of political
competence, and efficiency, perceptions of the relevance of political, all these may
often be closely related to political action, but at other times they are not. Their study
and measurement also require techniques that differ significantly from those needed to
study behaviour along.”14
Myron Weiner defines political participation as “any voluntary action,

successful or unsuccessful, organised or unorganised episodic or continuous,
employing legitimate or illegitimate methods intended to influence the choice of public
policies, the administration of public affairs, or the choices of political leaders at any
level of government, local or national.”15 Whereas D. R. Mathews and J. W. Protho
define political participation as, “All behaviour through which people directly express
their political opinions.”16 However, Nie and Verba included in political participation,
those legal activities by citizens, which are more or less directly aimed at influencing
the selection of government personal and the actions they take.17
Jan Leighley is of the view that “Participation in national problem- solving and
campaign activities enhances political conceptualisation (individual’s information
about politics); as individual’s are exposed to the conflict of ideas, through
participation they develop more abstract understanding of the political system.”18 Thus
13
Norman D. Palmer, Elections and Political Development: The South Asian Experience, New Delhi:
Vikas Publishing House, 1976, pp. 50-57.
14
Samuel P. Huntington and Joan M. Nelson, No Easy Choice: Political Participation in Developing
Countries, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976, pp. 4-5.
15
Myron Weiner, “Political Participation: Crisis of Political Process”; Quoted in Norman D. Palmer,
Elections and Political Development: The South Asian Experience, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing
House, 1976, p. 58.
16
The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 71, No. 1, January-March 2010, p. 285.
17
Norman H. Nie, and Sidney Verba, “Political Participation”, in Fred I. Greenstein and Nelson W. Polsby
(eds.), Handbook of Political Science, Vol. 4, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishing Company,
1975, p. 1.
18
53, No. 1, February 1991, p. 207.
4
political participation is the heart of democracy. Democracy is the form of government,
where majority of people possesses the right to share in the exercise of sovereign
power. In a democratic society, power is shared and the representatives of the people
make decision concerning the society.
Modes of Participation
Participation is a multi-dimensional phenomenon. The citizen can participate in

various ways to influence the government. Participation is more than an activity in the
electoral system. The Verba and Nie grouped the alternative activities by which citizens
can participate into four broad modes of participation i.e. voting, campaign activity, co-
operative activity and citizen- initiated contacts.19
Huntington and Nelson defined political participation as the activity to provide

citizens designed to influence governmental decision making. A wide spectrum of
political activities ranging from mere participation to public office-holding is available
to citizen, of the most countries. Generally speaking, the more demanding and time
consuming a political activity, the fewer people participate. There are a number of
factors that influence the degree of an individual’s voluntary political involvement.
The sources of these are personal factors related to the individual’s attitudes, beliefs,
and personality traits. Another set of factors influencing involvement related to the
political factors influencing involvement related to the political setting which include
the amount of exposure to political information accessible through the media or
personal contracts, the political party structure, the relative accessibility of other
organized political action groups, the relative importance of elections and the regimes
attitude towards participation.
Political participation denotes a series of voluntary activities which have a

bearing on political process. The activities mainly are: (i) voting at the polls (ii)
supporting possible pressure group by being a member of them (iii) personally
communicating with legislators (iv) participating in political party activities (v)
engaging in habitual dissemination of political opinion through word of mouth
communication to other citizens.
19
Equality, New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1972, p. 58.
5
Participation includes (i) the activities designed to influence the decisions of
government through pressure or persuasion to attain ends such as retaining or replacing
the existing decision makers on changing some aspects of the political system as a
whole and the rules of the political game (ii) electoral activities such as voting,
campaigning, lobbying, (iii) protests strikes, demonstrations, resort to violence.20
Lester W. Milbrath has ranked these activities in a hierarchal order. At the top
he has given those activities in which an individual participates most and goes down to
lesser degrees of participation, until at the bottom where the degree of participation is
the least. Gladiatorial Activities: (i) holding public or party office, (ii) being a candidate
for the office, (iii) soliciting political funds, (iv) attending a caucus or a strategy
meeting, (v) becoming an active member in a political party, (vi) contributing time in a
political campaign. Transitional Activities: (vii) attending a political meeting or rally,
(viii) making a monetary contribution to a party or candidate, (xi) contacting a public
official or a political leader. Spectator Activities: (x) wearing a button or putting a
sticker on a car, (xi) attempting to talk to another to voting in a certain way, (xii)
initiating a political discussion, (xiii) voting, (xiii) exposing one-self to political
stimuli.21
Schonfeld has mentioned, ten types of activities, which are often cited in the
literature on political participation these include: (i) running or holding public (or
party) office, (ii) belonging to a party or other political organization, (iii) working in an
election, (iv) attending political meeting or rallies (v) making financial contribution to a
party or a candidate,(vi) contacting a public official (vii) publicly expressing a political
opinion to convince others (viii) taking part in political discussion (ix) voting and (x)
exposing one-self to political stimuli.22
Huntington and Nelson identify and define the following common variables of
political participation; Class: Individuals of similar social status, income, and
occupation; Communal group: Individuals of similar race, religion, language, or
ethnicity; Neighbourhood: Individuals residing in geographical proximity to each other;
Party: Individuals who identify with the same formal organization attempting to win or
20
21
Lester W. Milbrath, Political Participation: How and Why do People Get Involved in Politics,
Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965, p.18.
22
William R. Schonfeld, “The Meaning of Democratic Participation”, World Politics, Vol. 28, No. 1,
1975, pp. 136-137.
6
maintain control of the executive and legislative branches of government, and Faction:
Individuals united by sustained or intense personal interaction with each other.23
The Centre for the Study of Developing Societies has considered the following
activities like, canvassing for candidates; getting out the voter; raising money;
organizing meeting’s and rallies; participation in procession and demonstrations;
distributing campaign literature; other types of campaign activities; involvement in
campaign through associations and groups; attending public meetings and rallies; being
member of a political party; contacting party leaders for help in solving problems;
contacting government officials for help in solving problems; and voting.24
The voting is considered as the simplest political activity which does not
require much information, initiative and motivation as do most other political activities.
Since vote determines who holds elective office, it exerts a great pressure upon the
leaders and is called the blunt instrument of control over the government. The
campaign activities require more initiative and are more difficult than the voting, but
these activities have more collective effective upon the decision-making process than
voting. The membership in political party or voluntary organisation is the co-operative
mode of political participation. However, this mode of participation requires much
initiative on the part of private citizens. Contesting election is the highest and most
serious form of political participation than the other modes of political participation.
Protest activities- marches, demonstrations and other such direct actions-which are also
called the unconventional political participation generally considered as unhealthy for
democracy.25
Variables
Political participation is a complex phenomenon and depends upon many

factors such as the psychological factor, socio-economic factor and political factor.
Psychological variable refers to the degree to which citizens are interested in and
concerned about politics and public affairs.26 These include individual’s knowledge,
values, attitudes and personality. As far as socio-economic variables, including age,
23
Samuel P. Huntington and Joan M. Nelson, op.cit, 1976, p.15.
24
S. Bhatnagar, Political Theory, New Delhi: Meenakshi Prakashan, 1984, p. 279.
25
26
Madan Lal Goel, Political Participation in a Developing Nation-India, Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1974, pp. 89-98.
7
education, occupation, income, religion, race, family background, residence, etc.,
greatly condition political participation.27 Participation tends to be higher among better
educated, members of the higher occupational and income groups, middle aged, the
residents, urban dwellers and members of voluntary organisations.28
According to S.M. Lipset, “the co-relation between level of education and

extent of participation is particularly noteworthy. The educated citizen is more likely to
engage in political process than the uneducated citizen.”29 Hazel D. Lima has also put
emphasis on social backgrounds. According to her, participation is directly influenced
by the individual’s own educational level and the educational status of the family. In
addition to this, in India caste, landholdings and the political influence of a family also
create the opportunity to participate.30
However, the correlation between participation and some of these socio-

economic variables may vary from culture to culture with different political context and
their effect on political participation may not be stable. As far as social environment is
important for understanding the character of political participation in the political
environment. In a state, where political map of country is too large, the machineries for
political communication do not function properly there, the governmental institutions
are enmeshed in highly rigid and complicated rules, people are likely to develop
somewhat a feeling of remoteness that seriously affects the rate of their political
participation. 31
The ideological, psychological, social and political factors affect the political
participation. Ideological factors as one of vital factors that patriarchy and gender
discrimination which still exists in society, shape women’s participation globally.
Patriarchy as a system of male domination shapes women’s relationship in politics. It
constructs the hierarchy of gender relations where men are privileged. Andrienne Rich
defines patriarchy, “A familial-social, ideological, political system in which men by
force, direct pressure or though ritual, tradition, law, and language, customs etiquette,
27
Ronald D. Hedlund, “The Electability of Women Candidates: The Effects of Sex Role Stereotypes”,
The Journal of Politics, Vol. 41, No. 2, 1979, pp. 515-516.
28
Bhawana Jharta, op.cit.,1998, p. 16.
29
Seymour Martin Lipset, op.cit., 1959, p. 82.
30
Publishing Company, 1983, pp. 160-161.
31
8
education, and the division of labour, determine what part women shall or shall not
play in which the female is everywhere subsumed under the male.”32
The psychological factors are also responsible for women to have low
participation in politics. Generally, men are more psychologically involved in politics
because they have more ‘sense of civic duty’, ‘feelings of efficacy’ and above all they
regard politics as their respective sphere, while women are generally unfortunate in
these matters. But voting is only marginally dependent upon psychological involvement
in politics: many individuals vote because of patriotic sentiments, traditional
commitments and group or party pressures rather than personal involvement. The
psychological variables have the most complex modes of political participation.33
According to Milbrath, it is a tradition in almost all societies that politics is mainly an
affair of men and that women should fall in line with them politically. The changes
brought by modern industrial societies are eroding this sex difference but the impact of
tradition is still visible. The men tend to be more psychologically involved in politics
than women.34
The social factors are also important which effect women’s participation in
public spheres. The women find it difficult to participate in politics due to limited time
available to them because of their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres.
With their primary roles as mothers and wives and competing domestic responsibilities
and care work, they are left with little time to participate in politics. In some of the
countries, particularly in South Asia, women also face cultural constraints on their
mobility.35 Nie and Verba consider protest participation outside the orbit of their study
because they consider it an illegal activity. On the other hand, Ali Ashraf and L.N.
Sharma view of the political participation refers to activity that is designed to affect
governmental decision making and actions.36
These general precepts in the social environment of the women undoubtedly

affect her political participation. The family in India is the most important social
32
Quoted in Farza Bari, “Women’s Political Participation; Issues and Challenges”, Paper Presented in
Expert Group Meeting, Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), Bangkok, Thailand, 8-11
November, 2005, pp.3-4.
33
Bhawana Jharta, op.cit., 1998, pp.15-16.
34
Lester W. Milbrath and M.L. Goel, op.cit., 1977, p. 48.
35
Farza Bari, op.cit., 2005, p. 5.
36
Ali Ashraf and L.N. Sharma, Political Sociology: A New Grammar of Politics, Hyderabad:
Universities Press, 1983, pp. 140-145.
9
influence on the life of women, who are confined (mentally, if not physically) to the
home mainly. Her identity and course of life are normally considered to be determined
by her father, brother or husband. The limited political training and socialization that
takes place for her takes place within the family and home. Practices such as female
seclusion and sex segregation, the relative rigidity of the division of labour and the
notion of the ‘naturalness’ of males and females’ work and many subtle aspects of
gender relations all contribute to the shaping of and are themselves shaped by the
ideology underlying their practices and behaviour patterns.37
Political atmosphere is also considered as one of the deterrents which create an

unfavourable condition for women’s participation in political processes. Political
processes have not only become complicated but many decisions are also made behind
the scenes. In the present political situation where corruption has become a
phenomenon in politics, money in some way or the other has played an important part.
Power games are controlled by monetary deals.38 In India, politics has been associated
with unhealthy competition, display of physical strength, greed struggle for the exercise
of authority in this perspective, women have been socialized to believe that politics in a
‘male domain’, ‘a dirty game’. Besides being a “dirty game” it is also regarded as a
coveted male domain. Politics is essentially an art of acquiring and co exercising
power-the power to effectively influence the decision-making processes and policies
and implementing desired changes. This involvement with power and decision-making
makes it a protected field. Decisions are meant to be taken by men and followed by
women. They themselves do not enter the “Power Zone” and are less politically
efficacious and less politically interested as compared to men.39
Thus, all these factors may condition participation differently in different

political and cultural contexts, and their effect on participation may not be stable. In
general, persons with higher education and higher socio-economic status have easier
access to politics than the uneducated and the persons of lower status. Further,
residents and urban dwellers tend to do better in the political sphere.40
37
Herbert McClosky, op.cit., 1968, p. 253.
38
Neera Desai and Usha Thakkar, Women in Indian Society, New Delhi: National Book Trust, 2001,
p. 112.
39
Manuka Khanna, “Political Participation of Women in India”, The Indian Journal of Political
Science, Vol. 70, No.1, January-March 2009, p. 57.
40
Ronald D. Hedlund, op.cit., 1979, pp. 515-516.
10
Feminism
The feminist movement emerged in around the late 19th century, with the
beginning of the first wave of feminism. Feminism, as a whole, came in three ‘wave’
dealing with different aspects of the same issue; the first wave is being the feminist
movement in the 19th and 20th century, which dealt mainly with the suffrage movement.
The second wave (1960-1980s) dealt with the inequality of laws as well as unofficial
inequalities. The third wave of feminism (1900-current) arose from the perceived
failures of the second wave. The word “feminism” appeared first in France in the
1880s, Great Britain in the 1890s, and the United states in 1910. The oxford English
Dictionary lists 1894 for “feminism” and 1895 for “feminist”. Prior to that time
“Women’s Rights” was probably the term used most commonly, hence Queen
Victoria’s description of this “mad wicked folly of women’s rights” is significant. In
the 17th century John Locke and Thomas Hobbes had observed that maternal child bond
was a primary relationship, compared to the child’s relationship to the father. The
French Utopian socialists of the 1830s and 1840s challenged the “natural order’ stating
that in the Romantic tradition, the only natural order was the mother-child bond,
paternity being a legal bond defined by civil law. Women’s voices are often difficult to
discern in the ancient world, but classical Greek Philosophers such as Aristotle and
Plato sometimes claimed to be feminist (a role that is debated). The most important
feminist writer of the time was Mary Wollstonecraft, often characterized as the first
feminist philosopher. 41
Wollstonecraft believed that both sexes contributed to the inequalities and took
it for granted that women had considerable power over men, but that both would
require education to ensure that necessary changes in social attitudes. Her legacy
remains the need for women to speak out and tell their stories. Her own achievements
speak to her own determination. The French Revolution focused people’s attention
everywhere on the cry for egalite and hence by extension but in a more limited way,
inequality in the treatment of women. In 1791, the Declaration of the Rights of Man
and of the citizen elicited an immediate response from the writer Olympe de Gouges,
the amended it as the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the female citizen,
arguing that if women were accountable to law, they must also be given equal
responsibility under the law. She also addressed marriage as a social contract between
41
Neeru Tandon, Feminism: A Paradigm Shift, New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers, 2008, pp. 1-4.
11
equals and attacked women’s reliance on beauty and charm, as a form of slavery.42
Therefore, Feminism is a social theory which is more associated these days with
political movement dealing primarily with the experience of women. There were
various feminist theories i.e. Liberal feminist theory, , Marxist school of feminism,
Radical feminist theory Psychoanalytic feminist theory, Existentialist feminist thought,
Cultural feminism, Lesbian feminism, Eco-feminism, Post-modern feminism, Post
feminism, Black feminism, French feministic theory.
The liberal feminism, also known as first wave feminism, strives to ensure a
more equitable and gender inclusive structural changes in the society. This school of
thought seeks women empowerment through various legal and administrative reforms.
Liberal feminism strives for the greater participation of women in the public realm.43
Liberal feminists, such as, Mary Wollstonecraft’s book, A Vindication of the Rights of
Women and J.S. Mill, The Subjection of Women, Harriet Taylor’s Enfranchisement of
Women44 focuses their study on the legal and political rights of women. This discipline
demonstrates the idea of equality before law and equal representation of women in
democratic institutions.
The liberal feminism has tried to explain and analyse the unjustified restrictions
imposed upon women in the male dominated socio-economic and political order the
society. The liberal feminism has inspired women to come out from private sphere to
public life, to ensure greater participation in order to secure more power in political
realm. Similarly, Margret Mend’s analysis focuses on the biological equality and
cultivated talent of each sex. Mend’s seeks an equal participation of women in the areas
of law and governance, religion, art and science. Her focus remains to ensure the
equitable and purposeful participation of women in the fields that were historically and
culturally supposed to be dominated by men. One of the important objectives of liberal
feminism remains to rescind the gender bias in the domain of art and aesthetics. A
number of liberal theorists are critical to the role of art in demonstrating and
perpetuating female inferiority. Women are generally considered an object of art rather
than a rational and creative being, to create and evaluate the aesthetical parameters.
42
Ibid.,
43
Pankaj Dodh, “Theorising Gender: A Way to Women Empowerment and Gender Justice”, in Sarbjeet
Singh and Pankaj Dodh (eds.), Gender Justice and Women Empowerment: An Integrated Approach,
New Delhi: Regal Publications, 2013, p. 23.
44
Neeru Tandon, op.cit., 2008, pp.1-4.
12
Therefore, it becomes imperative to demonstrate that the liberal feminist scholarship
dared to strike its earliest assault against the exploitation of women in both private and
public sphere. The movement initiated a very fervent criticism against the persistent
inequality and discrimination in the society. Consequently, public institutions were
reformed and made more inclusive, democratic and egalitarian in both structural as well
as functional level.
The Marxist and socialist feminism focuses primarily on the economic aspects
of women exploitation. Marx and Engels tried to understand women operation and
exploitations in terms of the nature of material production and the concept of
alienation. The Marxist thinking about women exploitation is essentially analogous to
the alienation of the working class in a capitalistic mode of production. The powerful
capitalist exploitative culture not only prevails in the economic sphere, but is equally
implied to the exploitation of women in the narrow confine of household affairs. Engels
vividly painted the picture of women subjugation in parallel to the emergence of the
private property over an extending period of history. Due to the expansion of
civilization and material possessions, male succeeded to assert greater control over the
exchange values of produced goods. This was further fortified with the emergence of
the family, a primary unit of the society. The exclusive controls of the male over the
domestic affairs as an owner of private property further worsened the condition of
women. Women were complexly marginalized in socio-economic and political life.
Therefore, Engels suggested for the complete demolition of private domestic labour
and supported the spread public industry for the liberation of women. One of the central
themes of the Marxist feminism is that, it tries to integrate women’s emancipation in
the wider context of a class struggle against the capitalistic society. 45
Whereas, Radical feminism emerged particularly in North America in the late

1960s and the early 1970s. The Radical feminist argued that women are oppressed by
men and this operation of male power cannot be reduced to other forms of power, such
as the power of capital over labour.46 The radical feminism tries to bridge the difference
between public sphere and private sphere. The radical feminists, most notably;
Patterson and Okin hold that, the public sphere continue remains to be controlled and
regulated by the male. Similarly, in private sphere the family is equally controlled by
45
46
Linda McDowell and Joanne P. Sharp (eds.), A Feminist Glossary of Human Geography, New York:
Oxford Press, 1999, p. 228.
13
the male through patriarchal customs and the male dominated rules and regulations in
the family affairs. The theory is chiefly concerned with the issues arising out of
‘pornography, prostitution, sexual harassment, rape and woman battering. In order to
be liberated from sexual oppression, radical feminists prescribe a strategy to create an
exclusively female sexuality through celibacy, autoeroticism, or lesbianism; they are
against heterosexuality and traditional roles of women as faithful housewives and child-
bearing machines.47 It seeks to eventually deconstruct the patriarchal power prevalence
in both public and private spaces. Radical feminism makes a clear distinction between
gender and sex. The sex stands for biological difference; while, gender is a historically
and socially constructed idea. The sublime virtues of care, affection, nurture and
motherliness were deliberately overshadowed by the patriarchal rationality and power.
The artificially allotted ‘submission’ to women; and men desire to exert exclusive
control over the nature, has led to the construction of a patriarchal culture, value system
and an economic and political structure as a historical process. The radical feminist
thinkers want to destroy the socially constructed parameters of gender differences.48
To sum up with an optimism that a new era of peace, progress, equality, justice
and respect for human rights would prevail in the foreseeable future where women
would enjoy equal socio-economic and political rights as compared to men.
Women Participation
Women play an important role in determining the destiny of a nation and they
are an integral part of society. Their greater involvement in socio-economic and
political affair becomes more important. However, history reveals that women have not
been given their actual status in the society. Socially, women are an ignored a lot in the
equality is more in legal terms rather than in reality. Women are virtually excluded
from political power all over the world. There contribution to the social and economic
development of societies is also more than half as compared to that of men by virtue of
their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres. Yet, their participation in
formal political structures and processes, where decisions regarding the use of societal
47
Neeru Tandon, op.cit., 2008, p. 44.
48
14
resources generated by both men and women are made, remains insignificant.
Presently, women’s representation in legislatures around the world is 15 per cent.49
Participation is a sensitive issue and women participation is more sensitive. The

issue is made complication of the term ‘participation’ irrespective of the contexts.
Hence, there are plenty of words analogous to the term participation, viz., involvement,
support, empowerment, mobilisation, joining-in, co-operation etc. The exact meaning
of the term can be correctly conceived only, if the objectives, values and the contexts in
which it is used are explicitly expressed. Hence, any systematic study of the problem of
participation warrants an in depth insight into the matters such as scientific definition of
the term, rationale of the issue, means/ methods involved and inter-relations among the
various variables influencing the problem. Women participation and related variables
highlight gender dimensions of the issue. It brings to one’s notice the polemics, status
of women, gender bias in development, sexual discrimination etc.50
Political participation of women means not only using the right to vote but also
power sharing, co-decision-making and co-policy-making at all levels. The active
participation of women in political sphere is integral to empowerment of women and
helps to build a gender-equal society as well as to speed up the process of national
development. Women’s political empowerment is premised on three fundamental and
non-negotiable principles: the equality between women and men; women’s right to the
full development of their potentials; and women’s right to self-representation and self-
determination.51
Women’s participation is considerably high in formal political activities like

demonstrations, mobilizations and other similar activities. Their participation in such
atmosphere is much encouraged and considered as important part of every political
party in the country.52 Later, demand for political equality of women started in
eighteenth century.53 New Zealand became the first country to enfranchise women in
49
R.Vijaya Kumari and K. Gangadhara Rao, “Women’s Political Participation in India”, Global
Journal for Research Analysis, Vol. 3, No. 8, August 2014, p. 1.
50
1997, pp. 53-54.
51
Kanishka Publishers, 2009, p.178.
52
Vol. 3, No. 2, February 2014, p. 196.
53
K.C. Vidya, Political Empowerment of Women at the Grassroots, 2nd edition, New Delhi: Kanishka
Publishers, 2007, pp. 2-3.
15
1893.54 Subsequently, Finland became the first country to enfranchise women in 1906.
55
Australia and Canada provided the voting right to their women counterpart in 1908
and Norway in 1913. 56 After a continuous struggle for equal political rights, women
achieved voting right in 1920 in USA and 1928 in UK. In Germany, women were
enfranchised by the Weimer Constitution of 1919. Gradually, women got universal
suffrage in all the countries of Asia, Africa, Europe America, and Latin America.
However, in the Middle-East countries women are yet to gain equal suffrage.57 Japan in
1945, France in 1947, Pakistan in 1947, China in 1949, India in 1950, Argentina in
1952 and Iran in 1963.58 In Switzerland, women are provided with the full and equal
voting rights in federal and most cantonal elections by 1971 and in 1973 same rights
were granted to women in Syria in 197359 and Iraq in 1980. In most of the countries of
the world, the right to vote to women became a reality in the 20th century. The
developed nations of the world have granted right to vote to women in the first half of
the 20th century, whereas the newly independent third world countries have given the
right to vote to women after 1945 and with their freedom from the colonial rules.60
Therefore, various International Organizations, Government Organization and

Non-Governmental Organizations took initiatives to promote women’s status in
society. For instance, the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women
(UNCSW) was setup as a permanent body of the Economic and Social Council.61 In
1952, the General Assembly of United Nations adopted the Convention on the Political
Rights of Women in which it was stated that, “Women shall be entitled to hold public
office established by national law on equal terms with men without any
discrimination.62 In 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was adopted by the General Assembly of
54
Anjana Maitra Sinha, Women in a Changing Society, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1993, p. 57.
55
pp. 68-69.
56
Anuradha Chadda, “Political Participation of Women: A Case Study in India”, International Journal
of Sustainable Development, Vol.7, No. 2, 2014, p. 93.
57
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, pp. 2-3.
58
Dimensions of Gender Inequality in Society, Chandigarh: Shree Ram Law House, 2016, p. 80.
59
60
61
United Nations Commission on The Status of Women, http://en.wikipedea.org/wiki/, Accessed on
09-07-2017.
62
Convention on the Political Rights of Women, 193 U.N.T.S.135, enforced on July 7, 1954, Article 3.
16
United Nations consisting of a preamble and 30 articles, aimed at to as constitute
discrimination against women and to setup an agenda to end such discrimination. It
also highlighted the participation of women in politics.63
The first world conference on women was held in 1975 in Mexico City. 64 The
conference, along with the United Nations Decade for Women (1976-1985) launched a
worldwide dialogue on gender equality.65 The conference recommended the
governments to formulate national strategies and identify targets and priorities in their
efforts to promote the equal participation of women in political space.66 It was followed
by a second world conference on women at Copenhagen in 1980 and a third in Nairobi
in 1985. In the UN Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janiero
(1992), world leaders accepted women’s vital role in achieving sustainable
development. The World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna (1993), governments
acknowledged that women’s rights are human and headed the evidence of widespread
violence against women. Further, in the International Conference on Population and
Development in Cairo (1994), women’s empowerment was recognised as a cornerstone
for effective population policies. At the World Conference for Social Development in
Copenhagen (1995), gender equality was recognised as a prerequisite for the
achievement of productive employment, social integration and poverty eradication.67
The Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995, took actions
empowering women to take part in politics and decision making process.68 From each
of these global conference emerged, a more powerful recognition of the crucial role of
women in sustainable development and protecting the environment: of the human
rights; of violence against women as an intolerable violation of these rights; of health,
maternal care and family planning facilities, and of access to education and
information, as essential to the exercise by women of their fundamental rights. 69 These
rights were not easy to achieve because women had to fight and vociferously advocate
63
G.A.res.34/80. 3U.N.GAOR. supp.,(No.6) at 193 UN Doc. A/34/46, entered into force September 3,
1981.
64
Kuldeep Fadia, “Women’s Empowerment through Political Participation in India”, Indian
Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 60, No. 3, July-September 2014, pp. 537-539.
65
Anuradha Chadda, op.cit., 2014, pp. 95-96.
66
Farza Bari, op.cit., 2005, p.1.
67
68
69
17
their rights at various forms. When the UN Charter was being discussed for adoption,
the draft neither contained the phrase “the equal rights of men and women” nor the
paragraph prohibiting discrimination on the basis of sex. Women participants fought
very hard against such discrimination and demanded that the rights for all human
beings irrespective of their gender should be included. The ardour and initiative of
women delegates to bring to light such exclusion of women and their demand that the
UN Charter reflect gender equality resulted in incorporation of the idea of equality of
men and women in the UN Charter. It is said that, the UN Charter became the first ever
international document in the history of making to have underlined the rights of all
human beings irrespective of gender. In a similar way, references such as “All men are
brothers” in the Universal Declaration of human Rights were changed to reflect the
equal rights of men and women.
However, in India even after 70 years of the working of the constitution, we

find that women are still fighting for their empowerment; for gaining equality of status
and securing a role for themselves in the decision-making bodies. The situation which
obtains in India is hardly any different from what it is in other parts of the world.
Except for countries like Seychelles, Finland, Norway, Sweden and Denmark, the
percentage of women parliamentarians to the total membership in parliament is quite
low.70 The status of women in India has been progressing subject to the changes in the
legislature over the past few years from ancient times to present, the promotions of
equality for the women by many reformers has been eventful in India and is also
believed that women enjoyed equal status with men in all walks of life.71 The seventies
changed the scenario and brought women to the forefront of development concerns.
The launching of the UN Decade for women in 1975 provides very important impetus.
During the International Women’s Decade in India, there was an unprecedented effort
from various sectors to reassess the role of women and direct policies and programmes
towards women’s needs. The first half of the decade was a issues visible to planners.
As the decade advanced, new issues came to be identified making women’s equality a
complex goal. The government appointed a Committee on the Status of Women in
India (CSWI) in 1977 to undertake a, “comprehensive examination of all the questions
relating to the rights and status of women.” It had commented on the failure of an
70
Yogendra Narain, et al., op.cit., 2014, pp. 68-69.
71
S.P. Mathiraj and P.S. Nagarajan, “Empowerment of India: Then and Now”, Third Concept, Vol. 24,
No. 280, June 2010, p. 37.
18
earlier policy to induct women into local government bodies through reservation of a
few seats, as a form of tokenism, and recommended the establishment of statutory
women’s Panchayats at the village level to ensure greater participation in the political
process. The Report of the Committee on the Status of Women, the observance of
International Women’s Year in 1975, the formulation of a National Plan of Action for
Women, setting up of a National Committee with the Prime Minister as the head
proved the concern for women. Since then, scholars and policy-makers diverted their
attention to the issues of women, which culminated in establishing a National
Commission for Women in 1992 and the National Perspective Plan for Women (1988-
2000).72
Further, the historical 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution have
enhanced women’s participation and representation in the decision-making process at
the grassroots level and also have reduced the disparity in male and female
participation in the political processes at the local levels. These amendment Acts have
provided at least 33 per cent reservation of seats for women in the Panchayati Raj
Institutions and Municipalities and have also laid down a strong foundation towards
equal access and more participation of women in the political power structure. Today,
through the Panchayati Raj Institutions, over a million women have entered political
life in India. The states like Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Uttrakhand, Himachal Pradesh,
Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Kerala, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Orissa,
Rajasthan and Tripura have even implemented 50 per cent reservation for women in
PRIs. The majority of members/candidates in these Panchayats are women. The
currently, 100 per cent of elected members in Kodassery, Panchayat in Kerala are
women.73
Therefore, political participation means taking part in political activities. The

common man cannot participate directly in the affairs of his state, as the citizens of the
ancient city states of Greece used to do. However, there are still numerous avenues
open to the citizens of modern democracies to indirectly influence decision-making at
the societal level. The elective character and the accountability of the ruling elites to the
general public prepare the ground for such participation. This indirect type of
72
Ratna Ghosh and Alok Kumar Pramanik, Panchayat System in India: Historical, Constitutional and
Financial Analysis, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2007, p.171.
73
19
participation, through a wide and varied spectrum of activities, forms the central core of
the concept of political participation.74
Political participation refers to the equitable representation of women in

decision-making structures, both formal and informal, and their voice in the
formulation of policies affecting their societies. It is perhaps for the first time in Indian
history that women are covering a wide spectrum of activity and entering almost every
field of life. They are now challenging male science and knowledge; they are
interpreting religion, rewriting history, breaking the age old silence, opposing injustice,
inequality and the oppression against them. Political participation of women is a part of
the overall empowerment process.75
Women’s participation in mainstream political activity has important

implications for the broader arena of governance in any country. This limited nature of
women participation and representation in national decision making institutions has
important consequences for women and for the legitimacy for the institutions. Where
women constitute half of the population in a political system which supports equality
participation should be equal to that man. Hence, representation is not only a means of
ensuring individual participation, it is also the responsibility of the representatives to
act on behalf of the constituents, including women, who elected them and reflect their
ideas and aspirations. Women disproportionate absence from the political process
would mean that the concerns of half of the population cannot be sufficiently attended
to or acted upon as it denies their viewpoints sufficient opportunity to be integrated in
the political system. While the Indian democratic state is committed to the protection of
individual rights within the context of citizenship, a closer look at how it operates for
the women, reveals that these rights are not accessible in the public and private spheres
in their full potential to all the women in India. There are historical, social and cultural
factors that have limited women’s capacity and chances to exercise their freedom to
participate in the political process. The evolution of Indian democracy through the
sixteen General Elections held so far has reflected a low representation of women in
Parliament, State Legislatures, in political parties and other decision making bodies.
The under representation of women in the political sphere is inextricably linked with
74
S. Bhatnagar, op.cit., 1984, p. 266.
75
Meenu Agrawal (ed.), op.cit., 2009, p.163.
20
the low and inferior status of women in society in India especially in the context of the
declining sex ratio, increasing violence and crimes against women and their
marginalized status in employment education and health sectors.
In Himachal Pradesh, women are not getting adequate representation in the

Parliament, State Legislature and other decision-making bodies. Like India, gender bias
always been there in the politics of the state. The politics is dominated by men and they
want to retain their monopoly on it. Here, we will make an attempt to analyse the
nature and extent of women’s participation in politics in the state of Himachal Pradesh
and to know the main factors which are responsible for relegating them to the
secondary position in politics. There are many factors which are responsible for the low
participation of women in the politics of the state. As a matter of fact, the various
socio-cultural, economic and political factors obstruct women from taking part in
politics. Himachali women have to encounter many obstacles because of traditions,
prejudices and social conditions of the hilly society. Social traditions look women as a
part of the household, not as a part of the public life. The political parties in the past
were also reluctant to field the women candidates in the elections because of their
perception that women have less prospects of winning the seats. The various other
reasons which discourage the women from participating in politics, mainly include- the
criminalization of politics, lack of safety and security, lack of incentives, illiteracy,
ignorance, lack of political awareness and lack of self- confidence, lack of time and
resources at the disposal of the women. One more reason that low participation of
women in politics is, it’s being full time job which is harder for women due to their
other responsibilities.
21
Review of Literature
Madan Lal Goel (1974) in his book, “Political Participation in Developing

Nation”, the author revealed that as compared to men, women are less involved in
Indian politics. They take less interest in politics, political discussions, attend less
public meetings and influence less decision as compared to men. Their voting
percentage is about 12 per cent less than that of men. According to sex difference
voting turnout is sharp among the illiterates, among those who reside in rural area,
among Muslims and among the backward regions. He pointed out that difference in
male-female involvement are the highest among all other variables of political
participation. Only a few educated women feel confident about affecting government
policies. 76
S. Bhatnagar (1974) in his book, “Panchayati Raj in Kangra District of

Himachal Pradesh”, has tried to examine the evolution of Panchayati Raj in India in
general and particularly in district Kangra of Himachal Pradesh. He has divided the
whole book into ten chapters. He described the Panchayati Raj Institutions under a case
study, covered the period before the reorganization of Punjab in November 1966, when
Kangra was merged with Himachal Pradesh. The study deals with the elected
leadership of the three-tier institutional complex of Panchayati Raj. The author has
analysed the social background of the new leadership, people’s attitudes towards their
role and understanding of the problem and the challenges. Similarly, the nature and role
of new rural bureaucracy that manages these institutions have also been examined at
length. He suggests more intensive education and training to be given to the leaders. He
also supports the intervention of the political parties, which are already doing so
covertly. The author has suggested the reorientation of Panchayati Raj bureaucracy,
even its administrative capability and impartiality as well as commitment to rural
development has to be augmented further there is a great scope for it. According to
him, formation of state wise cadres of rural civil servants, improvement in terms of
their employment and promotional avenues and training, and greater mobility within
the state administration and such other steps would improve the skill and motivation of
the rural bureaucracy. He also suggests that Panchayati Raj Legislation as well as the
76
Madan Lal Goel, Political Participation in Developing Nation, Bombay: Asia Publishing House,
1974.
22
attitudes of the higher authorities must change in order to be viable agencies of
development. 77
A.R. Gupta (1976) in his book, “Women in Hindu Society”, the author deals
with the political status of women in a nation is reflected in extent of freedom granted
to women in regard to their participation in the political activity. With the advent of
independence, Indian women were granted the right to all political activities with men
and their participation in the political activities of the country has also increased
whereas, it has failed to make any profound impact on women’s participation in the
actual decision making process. However, the author sum up by saying that there is a
difference in the standard of values and norms of behaviour and the objective of new
social order proclaimed by the constitution of India.78
Neera Desai (1977) in her book, “Women in Modern India”, discussed the
political status of women in India. It emphasised on the study of women’s status in
different ages in history and attempted to find out the root causes affecting the status of
women. It is a comprehensive and multi-dimensional study of women dealing with the
changing status of women in the Indian society in the past. The contemporary women
are self-responsible and they can cope-up with the changing situations by leaving aside
the burden of religion, values, customs and superstitions.79
Ranbir Sharma (1977) in his study, “Party Politics in the Himalayan States”,
he studied the various political party of Himachal Pradesh to examine the potential role
of political parties in initiating, directing and managing social, economic and political
changes in Himachal Pradesh. He has observed the growth of political consciousness
amongst the hilly state of Himachal Pradesh. He analysed that the Praja Mandal
Movement in the hilly states stimulated the growth of political states, stimulated the
growth of political awakening, even though the areas are very economically backward.
During the course of struggle being launched, a simultaneous process of their
integration had also begun. This study is helpful to know that the integration of various
tribal and non-tribal communities of Himachal Pradesh has been begun from the period
of Praja Mandal Movement and national movement to achieve the common interest.80
77
S. Bhatnagar, Panchayati Raj in Kangra District of Himachal Pradesh, New Delhi: Orient
Longman,1974.
78
A.R. Gupta, Women in Hindu Society, Delhi: Songita Printers, 1976.
79
Neera Desai, Women in Modern India, Bombay: Vora Publishing House, 1977.
80
Ranbir Sharma, Party Politics in the Himalayan State, New Delhi: National Publishing House, 1977.
23
Inderjeet Kaur (1978) in this book, “Status of Hindu Women in India”, the
author discussed that a new concept of womanhood is gradually emerging in India,
which is at odds with the traditional concept of Hindu women as a devoted wife
confined to the home. The study indicated that participation of women in politics can
be seen in parliament, in the state legislative assemblies, in other policy and decision
making bodies due to higher education, self awareness and national consciousness of
women as they are now claiming equal status with men inside and outside the family.
They are passing through a transitional stage, in which they are neither wholly
traditional nor fully modern. The cultural inheritance and traditional values did not
wholly vanish from the attitude and behaviour of Hindu women. The result of study
indicated a positive change in behaviour and outlook of middle class Hindu women.81
Jana Matson Everett (1979) in her book, “Women and Social Change in
India”, the author discussed the historical development of the women’s movements in
India from the late 19th to the mid 20th century. The author examined two campaigns of
the Indian women’s movement. The campaign for political representation provoked
none of the hostility experienced by the British and American movements. However,
the Indian campaign was more complex than is usually realized. A weakness
characterising women’s movements in both India and the west was their inability to
mobilize large numbers of people. The Indian women enjoyed greater access to the
political elite relative to the American and British movements. However, in certain
circumstances, the politics of mass mobilization was crucial for success, and the
women’s movement was not able to adapt.82
Jana Matson Everett and B.R. Chawla (1981) in this book, “Women and
Social Change in India”, the authors deals with the problems of women in India and
stated that there is a great discrepancy between the idealized concept of women and the
real life situation in which women find themselves. All over the world, women are
denied equal access with men, in opportunities for personal growth and social
development in education, employment, marriage and family, professional and political
life. In India, as in other developing countries, women are less likely than men to
continue their education to higher levels and are more likely to find themselves
81
Inderjeet Kaur, Status of Hindu Women in India, Allahabad: Chugh Publication, 1983.
82
Jana Matson Everett, Women and Social Change in India, New Delhi: B.R. Chawala Heritage
Publishers, 1979.
24
constricted in female occupations like nursing, social work, typing and stenography all
of which have low status and low remuneration.83
Hazel D. Lima (1983) in her study, “Women in Local Government: A Study of

Maharashtra”, has examined the various aspects related to the women representatives
in the rural local government. She has analysed the social political outlook of the
women representatives, their social background and their role as the women
representatives. In the end, she concluded by saying that most of women belonged to
higher castes and better economical class, male members of their family were involved
in the political activities.84
Sachidananda and Ramesh P. Sinha (1984) in this book, “Women Rights:

Myth and Realty”, has emphasized on the legal status of women. Therefore, consider
desirable to study the awareness of women in rural and urban area about their rights.
The authors analysed and inferred that the social and political outlook of people
regarding women representatives is main obstacles in political participation of rural
women. The women belonging to the higher castes and better economic status is more
concerned towards politics with the male members.85
Maithreyi Krishna Raj (1986) in his book on, “Women Studies in India: Some
Perspective”, has described about the aspects of equality and empowerment of women.
He says that the progress for women can be facilitated by government but will only
spread further, when there is change at the level of the family that inclusion of women
in development, that is not only a issue of equality, but also of necessity. The study
describes the reservation for women in legislatures as positive step for empowerment of
the women.86
Pam Rajput and Hem Lata Swarup (1994) in this book, “Women and
Globalisation: Reflections, Options and Strategies”, it is a selection of papers
presented at the Round Table forms part of this volume. It is encompassing experience
of four continents, some of the papers conceptualise the globalisation phenomenon;
83
Jana Matson Everett and B.R. Chawla, Women and Social Change in India, New Delhi: Macmillan,
1981.
84
85
Sachidananda and Ramesh P. Shina, Women Rights: Myth and Reality, Jaipur: Printwell Publishers,
1984.
86
Maithreyi Krishna Raj, Women’s Studies in India: Some Perspective, Bombay: Popular Prakashan,
1986.
25
ponder over the genesis of the debt-trap; the indiscriminately applied road-roller blue
print of IMF/WB conditionality’s. Other recount actual adverse impact of wiping away
of gains of more than a century of social and labour legislation; phenomenon of
‘jobless growth’ in developed countries and spectre of unemployment in the developing
countries; the mirage of promised long term gains and inevitability of short term
misery; feminisation of work force participation and its marginalisation, casualisation
and contractualisation. Some others expound the political dimensions of exaggerated
emphasis on expansion of markets and advocacy of rolling back of the nation state and
undermining its sovereignty, in a planned conspiracy of giving the cake to the elite and
crumbs to the poor and next to nothing to women and children. Almost all papers deal
with long term alternative strategies on global, national and grassroots levels for both
transformation of the systemic mal-development and disorder and redressal of
immediate miseries. However, further research has been suggested to probe and
analyse this phenomena in depth for advocacy and lobbying.87
Kiran Devendra (1994) in this book, “Changing Status of Women in India”,

examines the effectiveness of the legal reforms, which were enacted from 1829 to
1892. The education has made it possible for women to adopt a career and the law has
given her protection. The women are still facing the various odds and contradictions in
their life. This book deals with the condition of the women till 1947 and the role of
women in framing national constitution. The Hindu Code Bill and Nehru’s policy
towards women, as reflected into the provision of the Hindu Code Bill and the public
reaction to it and the final shape of legislation effecting women have been discussed.
The author discussed that how law helped in the redefining of womenhood in the
country. The book also deals with the various laws passed by the government till 1992
and gives an overview of the women’s movement during the women decade. He
concludes by saying that to bring an improvement in the women status, the change in
the attitude of family members and society at large towards women folk is the urgent
need of the hour to get more effective result.88
Uma Shankar Jha and Prem Lata Pujari (1996) in this book, “Indian
Women: Tradition, Modernity and Challenge”, has done a comprehensive study of
87
Pam Rajput and Hem Lata Swarup (eds.), Women and Globalisation: Reflections, Options and
Strategies, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1994.
88
Kiran Devendra, Changing Status of Women in India, New Delhi: Vikas Publications, 1994.
26
Indian women in this volumes. The first volume contains the history of women
struggle, role of women in national movement, politics and women franchise. The
second volume deals with the evil practice of widow burning. This sacrifice was
prevalent in India since 4th century B.C., although widow burning was legally
prohibited in 1829 but was not completely abolished and this customs was again
revived in late twentieth century in Rajasthan. The third volume analyses women’s
participation in all professions dominated by men. Resurgence of feminism in India and
their organizational development encouraged women to come out their houses for equal
rights and opportunities. Women now are keen to shoulder the responsibilities as
professional in all concerned sphere.89
Molly Joseph (1997) in his study, “Women Participation and Development

Strategies”, has pointed out the actual level of women participation in the development
programmes of government and non-government organisations. Both the government
and non-governmental organisations are fully convinced about the urgency of women
participation in their development programmes, not only to ensure better results but to
promote gender equality as well. The study covers theoretical, methodological and
empirical dimensions of women participation in development.90
K.C. Vidya (1997) in her book, “Political Empowerment of Women at the

Grassroots”, describes the role of women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and political
life. The main focus was on women’s representation in these institutions in India
especially in Karnataka. Since, the rural women for the first time were given an
opportunity to enter the local political institutions through the intervention of the
reservation policy introduced by the state of Karnataka that was later followed by other
states such as Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa. She has meticulously described the
emerging pattern of women leadership, their effective participation in the decision
making process, their inference in these institutions and impact on the overall
development of women especially in the rural areas. She suggested that the political
will for grassroots institutions building and their sustainable growth and development
has to be sufficiently generated and ensured by the present regime in the state.91
89
Uma Shankar Jha and Prem Lata Pujari (eds.), Indian Women: Tradition, Modernity and Challenge,
Vol. 3, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 1996.
90
1997.
91
1997.
27
Bhawana Jharta (1998) in her book, “Women and Politics in India: Impact of
Family and Education on Women Political Activists”, has analysed the role and impact
of family and of education on women’s participation in politics. According to the
author, family and education are the two major determinants in the political
participation of women. These two variables act as both booster as well as hindrances
in their participation in politics. The author explored how and to what extent these
variables affect the nature and scope of women’s participation in politics and
determined the variation in their participatory level. She found that a political
motivation would provide an impetus to women’s initiation into politics. Women in
themselves should develop a favourable attitude towards politics. They should spare
time and should come out of their homes to take part in political activities. It is also up
to women to prepare themselves for participating in all the processes that they have
been demanding representation. Family members should also cooperate with women by
sharing their family responsibilities and encouraging them to take part in political
activities. She suggests that there is a need to replace the traditional value system,
which is based upon inequality of sexes, and in which women play a subordinate role.92
M.R. Biju (1998) in his study, “Dynamics of New Panchayati Raj System:
Reflection and Retrospection”, has tried to examine the problems of grass root
democracy in general and Panchayati Raj administration in particular. This book was
written at the time when the Kerala Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 and the launching of the
people campaign for the decentralized planning were started by the state government.
This was a unique model for the rest of the nation. The book is divided into ten
chapters, the first chapter is an introductory one. Second chapter depicts the historical
growth of Panchayati Raj Institution in India right from its inception to the present day
as briefly as possible. The third chapter intends to focus attention to the position of
Panchayati Raj in Kerala. This chapter is divided into two parts-first half is devoted to
analyze the growth of Panchayati Raj in Kerala during the pre-integration period and
the second half is for the post integration period (1956-1997). The fourth chapter is
devoted to analyze the structure powers, functions and authorities of the Panchayati Raj
Bodies in Kerala. The focus attention of Panchayati Raj system both of the revenue and
expenditure is given in the sixth chapter. The seventh chapter is devoted to analyze the
92
Activists, New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1998.
28
role of people and their participation in Panchayati Raj Institution in Kerala. The
chapter ninth deals with the significance of rural development and work section in
Panchayati Raj Institutions is in chapter nine. The last concluding chapter presents
briefly the major finding on the relevance of the study and also throws light on the
present problems of Panchayati Raj in Kerala with the suggestions to solve them.93
Uma Shankar Jha, Aarti Mehta and Latika Menon (1998) in this study,
“Status of Indian Women, Crisis and Conflict in Gender Issues”, analyses of the role
played by women in most of the society all over the world. In most of the society,
women role is confined to perform the household job, child bearing and care of entire
family. Due to the developments in education, communication, change in family life,
women participation in the outside job in the urban areas has gained momentum. The
study consists of volume, the first volume deals with discrimination based on gender
and with economic issues. Second volume gives an analysis of women participation in
politics and politicization of women issues. In the third volume social theories of
womanhood in India has been critically discussed.94
M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (1999) in this book, “Social Justice and Women in
India”, have pointed out that women are always defined in relation to men who are
taken as the norm. Women are said to be naturally caring and subservient suited to their
role as home makers. They have been seen as more governed by emotions than men, a
less developed form of the species and closer to nature. After independence, many laws
have been passed to raise the status of women but despite these laws the mass of
women remain ignorant of their rights. The book is an outcome of a seminar held at
Nainital. The authors argued that there is a moreover social pressure to confirm the
traditional ways of behaving that is another factors contributes to the low progress of
women.95
Kalpana Roy (1999) in her study, “Women in Indian Politics”, deals with the
problems which women faced in their fight for representation. Firstly, no women
93
M.R. Biju, Dynamics of New Panchayati Raj System: Reflection and Retrospection, New Delhi:
Kanishka Publishers,1998.
94
Uma Shankar Jha, et al., (eds.), Status of Indian Women, Crisis and Conflict in Gender Issues, Vol. 3,
95
M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.), Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Ajay Mishra Publishers,
1999.
29
organisation focus on getting women elected at the national level and most women
have not had the economic freedom to choose their life and career. The material
circumstances and the family made inhibitions in the participation of women, many
unattached young women may be politically active, but once married, they disappear
from the political scene. In spite of the progress since independence, lack of awareness
and education and absence of knowledge about the intricacies of party politics among
many non-elite women have limited their participation in the formal political arena.
The role of money, the corruption of politics and growing violence against women has
also constrained many potential activists. Above all, if women movement is to be as
violable, recognized and important political actor, it must not isolate itself either from
the diversity of, from the myriad and other social and political movements within the
country.96
Savita Thakur Joshi (1999) in her book, “Women and Development: The
Changing Scenario”, in her studies includes two areas of Himachal Pradesh in the
district of Mandi. The areas of Nagwain and Maloh in the same district have been
selected. The study determines, the status of women in both areas, the impact of
demographic and health indicators, socio-economic and political indicators that have
been empirically established. Which will provide right to the planners, policy makers
and researchers about the grass-roots realities prevailing in the rural economy of our
country, even after five decades of independence and planned development for growth
with social justice. She concluded by saying that economic development of a region
does not help in the elevation of the status of women, which is enshrined in the social
and cultural values. For the removal of inequality based on sex and discriminatory
practices against the women, we have to shift our focus on the properties of the society
and culture instead of depending upon the economic growth model. The status of
women can be elevated only, when they are made free from economic, social and
psychological dependency.97
George Mathew (2001) in this study, “Panchayati Raj in India: An overview

Status of Panchayati Raj in the States and Union Territories of India”, is a
96
Kalpana Roy, Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Rajat Publications, 1999.
97
Publications, 1999.
30
comprehensive study on Panchayati Raj. In the first phase of the book, there are three
special articles on Panchayati Raj (i) Panchayati Raj in India-a review by the editor
himself (ii) Panchayats in Scheduled Areas by S. K. Singh, and (iii) Panchayats and
Women by Nirmala Buch. Afterwards, there is a detailed discussion on the Panchayati
Raj Acts of 25 States and 7 Union Territories of India by different scholars, i.e. on
Himachal Pradesh by R. D. Sharma and on Haryana by Ranbir Singh. However, the
chapter on Himachal Pradesh is more relevant as far as our study is concerned. He has
made an attempt to review the socio-economic profile, traditional structure of the
Panchayati Raj in India, especially the post 73rd Amendment developments. The book
is an attempt to cover the status of PRIs of the states and Union Territories of India.
This study is devoted to the detailed discussion on socio-economic profile, structure of
PRIs, inclusion of maps of the concerned state. So, this is a very relevant and useful
study as far as the study of the PRIs is concerned.98
G. Palanithurai (2001) in his book, “Capacity Building for Local Body

Leaders”, has explained the capacity of leaders to be enhanced through training
programmes. After the enactment of the 73rd Amendment, several steps have been
taken to put the institution in proper from to get the maximum output from the grass
root level institutions. Yet the institutions are struggling, as conflicting perceptions are
persisting among the functionaries and leaders about the role of new Panchayati Raj in
society. Therefore, it is imperative that capacity building exercise is offered to all
section from top level bureaucracy to the bottom level leaders. Further, it was argued
that the new system can function effectively only, when the basic objectives of the
amendment are known to all concerned. Thus, in Tamil Nadu, the Rajeev Gandhi Chair
has conducted the training programmes for women leaders of Gram Panchayats also.
There are many agencies to support this kind of activities apart from the government.
The training programmes are being conducted at different levels. This kind of exercises
would build the capacity of the leaders to meet the challenges of the century and to
improve further the methods and material training.99
Mastan Vali (2002) in his study, “Women and Politics”, deals with women
participation in politics. In India women’s role has been marginal in the society,
although they constitute half of the country’s population. Their involvement in politics
98
George Mathew (ed.), Panchayati Raj in India: An Overview- Status of Panchayati Raj in the States
and Union Territories of India, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2001.
99
G. Palanithurai, Capacity Building for Local Body Leaders, New Delhi: Concept Publishing
Company, 2001.
31
has been negligible all along. Their number in the legislatures including parliament has
always remained at a very low, as it never exceed 10 per cent of the total membership
of these bodies at any point of time. Nevertheless, several women played an active role
in the National Movement and also in the recent past, there is wide spread realization
that they should be emancipated and all types of discrimination against them be
avoided to enable them to play a legitimate role in the society. He also emphasized that
the emancipation of women could be possible only through the social, economic and
political empowerment by taking necessary steps in this direction. The most important
among them are the 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments, which provided
reservations in the local bodies. A Women Reservation Bill was also introduced in the
parliament and state legislative assemblies. Today, women are making ways into every
sectors of society, with the gradual improvement in their position in different fields. He
makes a detailed survey of the extent of women participation in representative bodies at
various levels, at different points of time. He also highlights the role played by the
women in the nationalist movement and suggested that political training of women
should begin at the school stage and to be spread on the local, provincial, national and
international levels. Lastly, he argued by saying that women’s political participation
will be possible by creating multi-seat constituencies with women representing a part of
it.100
Zenab Banu (2004) in her book, “Disempowerment of Tribal Women:

Perspectives on 73rd Constitutional Amendment”, have studied the concept of women
empowerment among the tribal’s. She argues that the tribal social structure is different
from hierarchical Hindu caste structure. In fact, there are multiple ethnic groups in the
country, such as caste, tribe, linguistic and religious sects and each structural unit has
its own identity and therefore autonomy. It is within this perspective that the present
study examines the 73rd constitutional amendment act that gives political
decentralization to the tribal women and their power situation in the institution of
Panchayati Raj.101
Shakuntla Gupta (2005) in this study, “Women Development in India: A

Comparative Study”, revels that women constitute about half of the Indian population
and play a significant role both as housewife and as workers. Thus, the involvement of
100
Mastan Vali, Women and Politics, New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 2002.
101
Zenab Banu, Disempowerment of Tribal Women: Perspectives on 73rd Constitutional Amendment,
32
women in the economic and social development process in the country, which has
remained comparatively neglected area attracted the attention of the planners and
economists in a big way. Since, the UN declaration of women’s Decade (1974-85), the
basic aim was to end the existing discrimination towards women, practiced in varying
degrees throughout the world. The government of India has continuously been
formulating strategies and initiating processes to bring women into the mainstreams,
there have been various shifts in policy approaches during the last 50 years from the
concept of welfare. Since its inception, development of women and children has been
implementing special programmes to improve the socio-economic status of women.
The Bureau of women’s development and micro credit development in the department
play a major role in this national endeavour for the advancement and empowerment of
women.
The present volume is attempted to assess the overall development of women in

India. It measures the relative levels of social and economic well being of women with
the help of relativity index. Author founds that there is a dismal position of women in
India in almost all the states except Kerala. Indeed, women are the largest
disadvantaged section of the society. It seems that India shining has failed to spread its
warm glow to ordinary middle class families and women who are still struggling in the
dark ages of economic bondage. With all this, women’s development in emerging India
poses special challenges. No doubt, the existing structures policies and programmes
need to be reviewed and modified.
Finally, she suggested that efforts at all levels should be made to improve health
and education status of women and work participation of women in all the spheres. To
remove the existing traditional bias that women are good only in feminine jobs and
encourage women to equip themselves with necessary professional skills and compete
with men to make an entry into new areas. Hence, a positive solution for improving
social and economic well beings of women lies in social empowerment, economic
empowerment, gender justice and legal protection. So, need of hour is to plan and
design such strategies, which may enhance the capability of women and empower them
to cope with the negative and social impacts of the globalization process. 102
102
Shakuntla Gupta, Women Development in India: A Comparative Study, New Delhi: Anmol
Publications, 2005.
33
Manas Chakravarti and Vidyawati Agrwala (2006) in their book, “Women
and Politics in India”, have stated that the women’s participation of politics has been
gradual process with great variations in time. During the period of freedom struggle,
there are numerous instances, where women not only participated but also became
conscious of their rights and opposed the dowry system, sati system, etc. A delegation
of the women under the stewardship of Smt. Sarojini Naidu demanded equal political
rights from the British parliament. In the post-independence phase women also made
their presence felt in the parliament and the legislative assemblies. The authors have
given comprehensive account of the bills introduced in the parliament from time to
time and argues that the role of the women parliamentarians are in no way less
significant than their male counterparts. The significance of the study lies in the fact
that, it provides information with regard to role of women in parliamentary laws.103
Lalit Upadhaya (2007) in his book, “Women in Indian Politics”, have stated
about the women participation in politics in India. As India is the largest democracy in
the world and is represented by women as well, though not in good numbers. In India
women have always shown their presence in all walks of life and politics is no
exception. Since the freedom struggle movement, contribution of women has been
phenomenal, not only this, they have made a good mark for themselves in politics as
well. The evolutionary women of the 21st century begin her personal campaign to
change the world by strongly infiltrating feminine heart and feminine opinion into her
daily field of endeavour.104
Bhola Nath Ghosh (2008), “Women in Governance in Tripura”, this book is

commendable effort by the author to assess women’s participation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions in Tripura, as it has come a long way from its traditional to the present day
structure. Women were denied the right to participate in village councils. The book
examines the role of women members of Gram Panchayats in Tripura, when their
representation in Panchayats increased since 1993, due to reservation of seats, as a
result of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment. The author further analyses socio-
economic and political background, as well as their level of awareness about socio-
103
Manas Chakravarti and Vidyawati Agrwala, Women and Politics in India, Ambala Cantt: The
Associated Publishers, 2006.
104
Lalit Upadhyaya, Women in Indian Politics, Panchkula: Better Books, 2007.
34
political situation. It also investigates, whether election to Panchayat bodies has made
any significant change in the status of women in rural areas.105
Rameshwari Pandya (2008) in his study, “Women Welfare and Empowerment

in India”, deals with the issues related to welfare, development and empowerment of
women in worldwide. In India, policies and programmes of the government at different
levels covers various dimensions and strategies of gender development. Over the years,
efforts have been made to empower women socially, economically and politically.
However, due to lack of synergy and coordination, the achievements are not
satisfactory, it is imperative that an integrated approach is required to address, social,
economic and political issues related to women, along with the requisite programmes
and schemes. The vastness of the country, the scattered nature of women workers, their
lack of education and legal literacy, the indifferent attitude of government bureaucracy
have all contributed to the continuing vulnerability of women. This is true not only of
rural unorganized women but also of urban women workers. Although the
constitutional commitments to women find reflections in the policies and programmes
of the central and the state government, yet the current socio-economic status of
women is unsatisfactory in terms of almost all important indicators of human
development.
In the last, she suggested that improving the economic status of poor women
working in the informal sector of the economy, we have to devise concrete strategies
which can help to enhance the ownership of and control over productive assets by these
women. Perhaps, it will be the single most important intervention towards their
empowerment and economic well-being. Some of the assets that women can be given
are plots of land, houses, tree pattas, livestock licenses, bank accounts, membership of
organizations and identity cards. By improving the social and economic conditions of
women the author calls for fundamental changes in the laws regarding the rights of
widows to property. Though belatedly, the Indian society has awakened to the need to
make women equal partners in the socio-economic development of the country by
creating protective legislations for women, however the enactments have not been easy
to implement. 106
105
Bhola Nath Ghosh, Women in Governance in Tripura, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company,
2008.
106
Publications, 2008.
35
D. Sundar Ram (2009) in his study, “Women Empowerment in Political
Institutions: An Indian Perspective”, deals with the issue of women political
empowerment of women in India is very complex one and highly debatable, since the
introduction of the Women’s Reservation Bill in Lok Sabha. Although women
constitute half of the India’s Population, their participation in political life has been
negligible all along. It’s often noticed that the suitable representation of women in
legislatures remains a distant dream, excluding their representation in the local self-
government institutions.
Since independence, the position of women in politics has always been

marginal in India. Since 1952, women’s participation in the Lok Sabha has not come
up to even 10 per cent, although we had conducted fourteenth general elections. Similar
situation is visible even in Rajya Sabha, where money power and muscle power matters
the most. The reservations of seats for women in the parliamentary institutions have
raised many doubts and apprehensions in the male dominated Indian society. Even after
six decades of Independence, the status and position of women in political participation
and their representation in parliament and state legislative bodies is a myth and still a
distant dream. The reservation of seats and due representation for women in
parliamentary institutions is the need of the hour not only to improve the self-respect of
women but also to ensure the political empowerment of women in India. The author
reveals that the practical policy dimension is reconciling of two valid policy
perspectives: firstly, the need to boost the political representation of women at all levels
from Gram Sabha to Lok Sabha and secondly the need for 50 per cent women
reservations across all levels of institutions in India. This study suggests that women
empowerment in political institutions, by emphasising the role of women in Indian
society, for good governance.107
Mirdula Sharda (2010) in her study “Evolution of Panchayati Raj in India:

From Traditional to Constitutionalize Panchayats”, deals with the important aspect of
Panchayati Raj in India. Since the Vedic era, the author has not only traced the genesis
of the panchayats but also examined their decay in the pre-colonial and the post-
colonial period.
107
36
The author explains that after the independence to revive the PRIs, government
made some efforts at union and state level but outcome was not effective. The author
argues by saying that till 1993, the participation at the local level was negligible in
most of the parts of the country. Finally, the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is a
landmark development in constitutional history of independent India. The Amendment
made mandatory provisions to facilitate the process at democratic decentralization. But
the implementation of the Amendment by the state governments according to their
convenience resulted into ineffective working of PRIS. The other major cause was the
social and cultural system, which is not prepared to adopt the democratic
decentralization in real manner. At the same time, the author examines the Panchayats
extension to the Schedule Area, (PSEA) Act. The author observes or analyses that in
spite of these provisions there are lack of functions, functionaries and funds. She has
suggested a concrete strategy for strengthening grassroots democracy in India. The
study is a valuable addition to the literature on grassroots democracy in India.108
Nirmala Buch (2010) in her book, “From Oppression to Assertion: Women

and Panchayats in India”, the author explores the experiences, impact and responses of
women in village panchayats in India after a constitutional amendment in 1992, made it
mandatory to reserve one-third positions for women. In this work, the author find the
empowering impact on women’s self, the attitudes and perceptions of the family and
response of other social institutions. It explores the myth of women’s disinterest in
politics, the entry of only affluent women and relatives of influential politicians and
particularly of these women as proxy for their male kin. The recent policy
announcements reserving more seats for women in panchayats (from one-third to one-
half) makes this book topical and especially interesting to the reservation of seats for
women in state legislatures and parliament.109
S. Lal (2010) in this book, “Women in Indian Politics”, deals with the role of
women in Indian politics. This book divided into nine chapters. First chapter deals with
the introduction, in today’s era of modernization, women have made their presence felt
in almost every field and politics is no exception, although India is known for its male
chauvinist societies since ages, the ice is now gradually breaking. Indian politics is
108
Mridula Sharda, Evolution of Panchayati Raj in India: From Traditional to Constitutionalize
Panchayats, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2010.
109
Nirmala Buch, From Oppression to Assertion: Women and Panchayats in India, New Delhi:
Routledge, 2010.
37
now defined and governed by women politicians. In most parties, the women member’s
are by and large thin on the ground, if not invisible in the actual decision-making
bodies and rarely influence the more significant party policies. The majority of women
in the Indian parliament are from the elite class, while their public role challenges some
stereotypes; their class position often allows them a far greater range of options than
are available to poorer women. The author finds that caste has been an important
feature of Indian society and political life. It is important to guard against making an
easy correlation between caste and political representation. The influence of individual
national leaders is also an important factor that militates against the “male
equivalence”. The position of women has improved down the ages and there is hardly
any field without a women’s touch and politics is now exception.110
Sarbjeet Singh and Pankaj Dodh (2013) in this book, “Gender Justice and
Women Empowerment: An Integrated Approach”, provide an integrated analysis of the
dynamics of gender justice and women empowerment. The authors analyses various
dimensions of gender justice, gender equality and women empowerment by applying a
multi-disciplinary perspective. The main thrust remains on transforming the status of
women through enhancing socio-economic security supported by effective statutory
and political enforcement. The aim of the study is to ensure greater participation of
women in decision making process based on the universal values of equality, justice
and honour.111
Nandita Dutta and Sumitra Jha (2014) in this study, “Women and Politics”,
author discussed women’s participation in politics. In a major political movement of
this century, in all movements of social change, women have played an extremely
important role. But despite participation and mobilization of women in politics, in the
broad sense of the term, we have not seen a commensurate increase in the number of
women in different level of decision making. Women’s participation in mainstream
political activity has major implications for the broader arena of governance in any
country. Women’s participation in politics is very low. Finally, the authors say where
women constitute half of the population in political system, which supports equality
110
S. Lal, Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Kunal Books, 2010.
111
Approach, New Delhi: Regal Publications, 2013.
38
participation should be equal to that of men.112
Omita Goyal (2015) in his study, “Interrogating Women’s Leadership and

Empowerment”, shows an interesting spectrum of views on women empowerment. He
pointed out that politically women played a major role in the freedom movement under
Gandhiji and have also adorned the highest positions in the land from time to time. This
fact has to be appreciated because, it proves that our constitution and electoral system
give ample scope for women to rise to the top at the centre and in the states. The
authors in this volume presented an impressive array of intellectual insights into the
various aspects of women’s empowerment. In the 21st century, we still talk about the
need to empower half the population of this country, is paradoxical. On the one hand,
some of the earliest initiatives to educate women date back to the late eighteenth
century. Some historical texts see the origins of the women’s movements in India in the
social reforms of the nineteenth century, when the first women’s organisations were set
up by both women and male social reformers. The Indian constitution is not stagnant
and unlike in many parts of the world, has made several amendments including within
it laws relating to women’s rights. On the other hand, they are still battling an adverse
sex ratio, a high dropout rate and an inherently patriarchal society. This volume
reflects, women leaders play a more development-oriented soft power role than a
political one. It is important to note that they are no longer powerless proxies for the
men. They found that the number of women in the corporate sector is still less than
desirable, gradually women are entering into non-traditional fields like banking and
bio-technology.113
Mamta Mokta (2016) in this book, “Dimensions of Gender Inequality in

Society”, deals with various dimensions of gender inequality. She explains that the
meaning of gender sensitivity is acknowledging that women are subordinate in most of
societies and this subordination is harmful not only for women but also for men and the
entire society. It means being aware of, men and women behave differently and
understanding to their needs and concerns. It also means understanding the implication
and impact of different policies and programmes on women and men. In planning,
112
Nandita Dutta and Sumitra Jha, Women and Politics, Delhi: Pacific Books International, 2014.
113
Omita Goyal (ed.), Interrogating Women’s Leadership and Empowerment, New Delhi: Sage
Publications, 2015.
39
gender sensitivity implies making plans which will not ignore and further marginalize
women, but will take care of women’s special needs and make efforts to involve and
empower women.
The author further points out that gender sensitization is necessary at all levels
in all organisations. Gender sensitivity also means acknowledging that all issue
economic, cultural, social or political are women’s issues because women represent
half the human race. Keeping this aspect of gender sensitivity in mind, the volume of
the study helped us to understand various dimensions of gender inequality and give
insight into various challenges relating to gender inequality.114
Usha Kiran (2016) in this book, “Participation of Women in Indian Politics:

Gender Justice and Political Challenge”, the author examined the gender equality and
empowerment of women. The political participation of Indian women though in a
miniature form started with the freedom movement. The term political participation
has a very wide meaning, it is not only related to ‘Right to Vote’, but simultaneously
relates to participation in: decision making process, political activism, political
consciousness, etc. The political activism and voting are the strongest areas of women’s
political participation. Indian voters have elected women to numerous state legislative
assemblies and national parliament for many decades. The author found that women
turnout during India’s 2014 parliamentary general elections was 65.63 per cent,
compared to 67.09 per cent turnout for men. The women have held the posts of
president and prime minister in India, as well as chief ministers of various states. The
women in India participate in voting, run for public offices and political parties at lower
levels more than men. In this book the author discussed the problems related to
women’s political participation in the Indian context. The author gave some suggestion
gender equality and to women empowerment in India. Education plays an important
role to empower the women.115
Articles
Annapurna Devi and N.M. Pati (1981) in this study, “Women in State Politics
(Orissa)”, deals with the women in states politics. Both the authors found that the most
114
Mamta Mokta (ed.), Dimensions of Gender Inequality in Society, Chandigarh: Shree Ram Law
House, 2016.
115
Delhi: Globus Press, 2016.
40
of the able, educated women, especially those from the middle class background do not
wish to get themselves involved in political activities for many reasons. Lack of
training in political organizations and the poor political socialization process makes
women dependent and develop attitude of indifference towards politics. The social
traditions engulfed with various taboos continue to look down upon women as a part of
the households, not as a part of the public life. The attitude of men is the most
important factor, which retards women’s political involvement. Their political choice is
controlled, regulated and maintained by male members of the society. Finally, women
are kept out of all kinds of major decision-making processes and are therefore not given
any chance to improve the quality of leadership.116
Avijit Pathak (1998) in his article, “Looking beyond Reservation: Need for the
Feminisation of Politics”, has discussed the issue of reservation for women in
legislative bodies. According to the author, reservation has got the symbolic sense and
can inspire women to participate more actively and assertively in the process of nation
building. However, the reservation has been reported to lose its original purpose, it is
politically hijacked and used for immediate and temporal gains. Also in the name of
reservation, the collectivities are used and invented for political mobilization. He has
emphasised the need to think beyond the reservation and to feminize the culture to have
a long-term perspective. It has been advised to initiate a mass movement by women
activists.117
Neeta Bora and Munni Padalia (1999) in this article, “Involvement of women
in India’s Political Process”, deals with the brief description of the participation of
women candidates in elections. The authors observe, that a very insignificant number
of women members have been representing at the national and state levels. They
suggests to increase women’s participation, education, financial independence, role of
political parties and a liberal social view as an essential at all levels. A change in the
social outlook will not only provide a just position to women in society but would also
increase their participation in politics at all levels. Then there would be no need for
reservation to them.118
116
Annapurna Devi and N.M. Pati, “Women in State Politics (Orissa)”, Political Science Review, Vol.
20, 1981.
117
Avijit Pathak, “Looking beyond Reservation: Need for the Feminization of Politics”, Mainstream,
Vol. 36, No. 36, August 1998.
118
Neeta Bora and Munni Padalia, “Involvement of Women in India’s Political Process”, in M.P. Dube
and Neeta Bora (eds.), Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Swaraj Prakashan, 1999.
41
S. Shukla (1999) in this articles, “Reservation for Women and Multi-member
Constituencies”, the author discussed about male members for fearing the loss of
power on one side, do not prefer reservation for women and on the other, political
career is not based on meritocratic considerations but it is attributed by agitation,
organizational and even physical muscle capabilities. Thus, the author apprehended
capabilities and capacities of women activists in politics, in lives of their domestic and
social responsibilities and delivering goods in competition with male leaders. The
author discussed that reservation may help distribution and development of power but
the issue of giving representation to disadvantaged groups to be given a special
attention. Therefore, the author suggested multiple or double member constituencies in
order to give representation to male and females, besides on other socio-economic
variable considerations.119
S.K. Chaturvedi (1999) in his study, “Women Participation in Political

Process”, deals with political participation of women in developed and developing
countries. He found that the rigidity of traditional social structure, economic poverty,
political unawareness, cultural rigidity, family pressures, educational backwardness etc.
hampers their proper participation in the political processes. In the above perspective,
some immediate steps need to be taken for minimising these drawbacks and ensuring
their adequate participation. At the very outset, reforms in the electoral process may be
initiated either by reserving one-third constituencies for the women or making them bi-
member, ensuring one man and one women representative from each constituency.
Such measures will not only compel political parties to keep women on their board of
management but initiate competition among women contestants and also to increase
political awareness among them. The measures needs to be taken at social, economic
and professional levels, so that democracy may prove to be right and useful for the
women and their participation in political process may become real and viable.120
Usha Narayanan (1999) in her article, “Women’s Political Empowerment:

Imperatives and Challenges”, the author explained that there were many revolutions in
order to liberate our society from colonial rule but we never had a revolution for
119
S. Shukla, “Reservation for Women and Multi-member Constituencies”, Mainstream, Vol. 35, No.
27, June 1999.
120
S.K. Chaturvedi, “Women Participation in Political Process”, in M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.),
Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Swaraj Prakashan, 1999.
42
empowerment of women. However, now women are struggling for their legitimate
place in society. Political participation of the women constitutes the foremost step in
this direction. Even in the developing countries right to vote was given to women very
late. The study reveals that even today women’s political participation is less at the
world level as well as in India. She reported that we had Indira Gandhi, the longest
serving women Prime Minister of the world but there are not adequate seats for women
in parliament. It also signifies the emerging recognition of women factor in politics and
above all their role in overall development in an economy. But illiteracy, low economic
status, criminalization and violence in politics are the main hindrances. So, it is
necessary to impart education and promote women’s economic status. The author
suggested that there should be legal reform to make the lives of women safe, secure and
dignified.121
Manu Bhaskar (2000) in this study, “Women and Grass-root Politics:

Theoretical Issues and Social Concern of Kerala”, the author deals with political status
of women in Kerala at grassroots politics. Women have not been regarded as the part of
political process because of women’s incapability to participate in politics due to
several obstacles like family employment, marriage, education and societal attitude.
Participation of women in politics is limited by traditional factor such as caste, class,
religion and family status etc. No doubt, participation of women in PRIs has given
women a representation in grass-root level but it does not brought any change in the
participation of women.122
S. Mehartaj Begum (2000) in her article, “Women Rights and Rural

Employment”, is related to the study about the status of rural women. The women with
varied social, economic, political, regional, linguistic backgrounds and milieu
constitute the nation. Women, who comprise half of the country’s populations, need to
be viewed as productive members of society, sharing equal authority and
responsibilities of being citizens. The social justice also demands equal participation
by women in a nation-building process and other activities. Undoubtedly, women
condition is worsening day by day and the cause of worry is poverty, unemployment
and social attitudes. The conditions of women in rural areas are far worse, as compared
121
Usha Narayanan, “Women’s Political Empowerment: Imperatives and Challenges”, Mainstream,
Vol. 37, No.16, April 1999.
122
Manu Bhaskar, “Women and Grass-root Politics: Theoretical Issues and Social Concern of Kerala
Women”, South Asia Journal of Socio-Political Studies, Vol. 1, No.1, January-June 2000.
43
to the urban India. Thus several efforts have been made to improve the economic status
of rural women by providing them employment opportunities. The author points out
that, it is necessary to increase awareness among the women regarding available
opportunities, their rights and responsibilities through education from grass-roots level
in rural areas.123
Nirmla Buch (2001) in this article, “Panchayats and Women”, she has
discussed about the development and the status of women in Panchayati Raj
Institutions. After a great length of discussion, she observes that despite the women’s
mass participation, role of women in the mainstream activity has remained marginal.
The author took the pragmatic side after the 73rd constitutional amendment. According
to her a number of myths became current about women’s entry. In a study conducted in
the northern state led to four myths about their entry and likely performance; their
passivity and disinterest in the political institutions; only the well to do, upper strata
women will come through reservation; women’s political connectivity, only kinds of
powerful politicians will enter Panchayats to keep the seats for them and lastly and
most importantly; women’s are only proxy name sake members and they don’t
participate in the Panchayats activities. The field data collected in the study explores
these myths without discounting existence and behaviour of some women, who would
fit into this patriarchal, oriented from but the conclusion derived by the author is that it
is only transitory position of women members. Further, they would themselves learn by
their experience about the organization and working of the system.124
C. Jayanti (2001) in this article, “Empowering Women”, deals with the women
empowerment. This article is based on the speech of President K. R. Narayanan at the
Convention on Liberal Values in New Delhi on 5th January 1996. It would be seen that,
in the evolution of human civilization, economic, cultural, social, civil and political
aspects have some together to produce, what are now called human rights. The fact
that, women rights need to be safeguarded in every parts of the world cannot be
overemphasized. The government of India has made special efforts to increase its
support for social sectors and started a number of schemes aimed at the poor,
particularly weaker section among women and the informal sectors. Thus, the 73rd and
123
S. Mehartaj Begum, “Women Rights and Rural Employment”, Kurukshetra, Vol.48, No.7, April
2000.
124
Nirmala Buch, “Panchayats and Women”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 49, No. 7, April 2001.
44
74th constitutional amendment act of 1994, marks historical events in the advancement
of women, as it ensure the one third of total seats for women in all elected offices of
local bodies in rural and urban areas. Women’s empowerment in political right will be
a decisive factor that will fortify and save the democratic politics in India from the
deterioration of standards and values, as it is experiencing today.125
Rajinder Sachar (2003) in his study, “Need for a Mass Social Movement”, he
discussed that reservation of women is not a bounty but an honest recognition of their
contribution to social development. The author has advised the political parties to
involve women seriously so that the women’s Reservation Bill becomes a law. Further,
he has laid down the role that women have to play in making the bill a reality. He
suggested that women’s organizations irrespective of political affiliations should form a
common platform with single agenda. A need for the mass social movement has been
brought forward so that women representation in parliament and assemblies could be
achieved in order to achieve gender equality.126
Birendra Prasad Mishra (2003) in this article, “Women Representation: Some

Reflection”, deals with the women’s representation in local bodies, state and national
level politics. The author discuss about the role of women, that cannot be overlooked,
as she has to discharge her duties as a daughter, as a wife, as a mother, as a sister and so
on. The author argues, our society is patriarchal but it emerged from matriarchal pattern
of society. It is said that, where a women is worshipped Gods visit there. The author
points out that both in Nepal and India women have got representation, to some extent
at lower level but not at the higher level. Whereas, 73rd and 74th amendment to the
constitution have ensured reservation for women in local self-governance. Lastly, the
author critically examines that both in India and Nepal, the constitution guarantees
equality for men and women. However, women are considered equal in the eyes of law
but they do not have equal right in reality, especially in the sphere of politics.127
Rajeshwari Deshpande (2004) in this article, “How Gendered was Women’s

Participation in Election 2004?”, emphasise that gender situation in India is more
complex. The general elections in 2004 did not have many women contestants. The
political parties remained the main obstacles in women’s political recruitment. In this
125
C. Jayanti, “Empowering Women”, Yojana, Vol. 45, June 2001.
126
Rajinder Sachar, “Need for a Mass Social Movement,” Mainstream, Vol. 41, No. 29, July 2003.
127
Birendra Prasad Mishra, “Women’s Representation: Some Reflection”, South Asia Politics, Vol. 2,
No.5, September 2003.
45
election only 44 women (exactly 8 percent of the strength of Lok Sabha) have been
elected. The author argues, the pattern of voting by women in this election, clearly
establishes the fact that a large portion of women take voting decision at their own.
Women’s overwhelming supports for the issues relating to their public and political
participation can be definitely regarded as positive pointer towards strengthening of
women politics in future. The author further points out that, women acts as a single
unit in certain respects and do not act in certain others. Hence gender reality appears to
be a layered reality.128
Ramesh K. Chauhan and S. N. Ghosh (2004) in this study, “Himachal

Pradesh: Bipolar Contest” the authors stated that the two party system appears to be
getting entrenched in the electoral politics of the highly literate state of Himachal
Pradesh with both the Congress and the BJP having a stable support base, a marginal
swing in votes decides the outcome of elections. The article analyses the effective
leadership election campaign and handling of party dissidents can decides the final
outcome. Secondly, Himachal being highly literate state though economically
backward, are quite aware of and take a keen interest in the political affairs of their
concerned areas and evaluate the performance of the government objectively. The BJP
and the Congress being voted alternatively to power can be attributed to this fact. The
electoral verdict of the state elections in 2004, indicates that the people have voted for
the party, which they believed would perform better than the previous regime in the
state. The electoral battle was confined to the issues affecting the interest of the state.129
Gail Omvedt (2005) in his article, “Women in Governance in South Asia”, the
author has discussed the women empowerment. Although, South Asia claims to be
some of the most powerful women leaders of the world, however in over all political
participation of women remain dismal. The obstacles to women’s equal participation in
governance in these countries are embedded in socio-cultural patterns of living and the
intensely competitive nature of politics. This article examines various women
empowerment initiatives, like community management, local governance and
reservation. It also analyses the representation of women in parliament of these
countries and suggests that, what is needed is not a retreat from demanding quotas but a
128
Rajeshwari Deshpende, “How Gendered was Women’s Participation in Election 2004?”, Economic
and Political Weekly, Vol. 34, No. 51, December 2004.
129
Ramesh K. Chauhan and S.N. Ghosh, “Himachal Pradesh: Bipolar Contest”, Economic and Political
Weekly, Vol. 39, No. 51, December 2004.
46
consideration of the most useful forms of such reservations. Along with this, author
sense the women’s representation in the bureaucracy and the structures of the political
parties also has to be increased.130
A. Thanikodi and M. Sugirtha (2007) in this article, “Status of Women in

Politics”, the authors has given a panoramic view of international politics and female
empowerment in politics. It gives data of female representation in various government
of South Asia, which reveals that the magical figure of 33 per cent representation has
been touched by very few countries. The study has taken the data of neighbouring
states of India on cabinet level and sub-ministerial level. Finally, this article analyses
the obstacles of political, socio-economic and psychological level in political
participation of female.131
Girija Vyas (2008) in her study, “Women Empowerment: Remedy for Social
Elevation”, the author has discussed that empowerment is a continuous process for
realising the ideals of equality, human liberation and freedom for all. The need for
women’s empowerment was felt in India a long back. The state concern in
safeguarding the rights and privileges of women found its best expression in the
constitution. The important policies that have vital implications for women are
‘National Policy for Empowerment of Women’, 2001. The enactment of the 73rd and
the 74th amendment, is a landmark in women’s empowerment and leadership, needs to
be implemented effectively. The author puts her views forth, that a woman needs to be
oriented towards political goals. Therefore, empowerment lies in a strong willpower
and a gender just reform in the whole system, covering the major interrelated issues. It
requires involvement of every segment of society, women as well as men, government,
laws, judiciary, political parties, as well as social reformers, religious leaders, journalist
and media.132
Kamini B. Dashora (2008), “Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj”, in

this article, the author has introduced the meaning of women empowerment.
Empowerment is just a word but it signifies myriad processes of creation of agency,
130
Gail Omvedt, “Women in Governance in South Asia”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 40, No.
44-45, October-November 2005.
131
Science, Vol. 68, No.3, July-September 2007.
132
Girija Vyas, “Women Empowerment: Remedy for Social Elevation”, Yojana, Vol. 52, September
2008.
47
organization and social consciousness. Empowering of women pre-supposes a drastic,
dynamic and democratic change in the perception and expectation from women in our
society, to have a sustainable development. She described that the constitution of the
India, has explicitly conferred on women as well as political, social, educational and
empowerment opportunities equivalent with men. However, due to oppressive
traditions, superstitions, exploitation and corruptions, a great majority of Indian women
are not allowed to enjoy the rights and opportunities bestowed upon them. National
Policy for women empowerment 2001 has also been discussed.
The author found that women have been subjected to exploitation for ages and
cannot break the shackles of illiteracy, poverty and tradition over night. Even today
most of the women are uneducated, having little or no property and are live forced to
traditional bounds of society. So there is a little scope for them to participate in the
process of the reformation of society. Although in some cases women have initiated to
join the political power as a means of reformer, and participation in PRIs is one of
them. However, the problem with regard to women participation in the PRIs is that
many of them especially in the rural areas are not willing to come forward to contest
the elections. Even the leader of political parties and the official are opined that women
are not reluctant to participate in politics. In most cases the reservation merely
strengthened the grip of the rural elite. The funds meant for women welfare are not
used for the right purposes. They have been accepted as equals in local bodies by men.
She suggests that periodical training, orientation and sensitization make the women
leaders perform the assigned role in a better way. So, for a woman her real
empowerment begins, when she is able to raise her consciousness of herself, shape her
own worldview and form an association with other people whose consciousness is also
being awakened. 133
Dasarathi Bhuyan (2008) in his article, “Participation in Panchayati Raj”,

deals with participation of women in Panchayati Raj. Women constitute about 50 per
cent of the country’s population. But they are the largest excluded category in almost
all aspects. They have denied their rights and liberty by the male dominated Indian
society for which their social, economic and political status has remained relatively
low. For centuries, they have been discriminated in all walks of life and treated as
133
December 2008.
48
“second class citizens”. However the 73rd constitutional amendment act, 1993 opened a
new chapter in the history of democratic decentralization in India by developing power
to the people and gives opportunities to women folk to express their voice in the
decision making process. He explained that there are so many factors upsetting the
process of participation and level of performance of women in the Panchayati Raj
Institutions. Broadly, these factors may be categorized as internal and external factor.
He point out that introduction of women’s organization and the consequent emergence
of women leadership at the grass root level have brought about social changes in the
rural women’s life, in general and village communities in particular. Reservation has
resulted in bringing a novel group of women representative in to Panchayati Raj
Institutions.
Further, the author suggested that in order to make their participation effective,
efficient and successful, there is a need of vital change in traditional, social attitude and
patriarchal values of society. There is also need for positive attitudinal change and
mental make-up of the male folk in favour of women’s participation. They should be
given appropriate training to improve their knowledge base and capacity level relating
to their rights responsibilities and duties in the functioning of Panchayats bodies. They
should be made acquainted with the procedures of Panchayati Raj rules, regulations and
financial management. There is also need for launching more and more awareness
campaigning in favour of women’s empowerment.134
Ashutosh Kumar and Jagroop Singh Sekhon (2009) in this study, “Punjab:
Resurgence of the Congress” the authors studied the electoral politics in Punjab, where
congress improved significantly on its electoral performance in Punjab as compared to
the previous Lok Sabha elections. The slender lead in terms of votes polled enabled the
congress to march ahead of Shiromani Akali Dal- Bharatiya Janta Party combine in
terms of the number of seats won. The number was much greater, if seen in terms of
assembly constituency segments, where the Congress took lead (65) as against 44
constituencies, which were being represented by the party legislators. As for the other
parties in the fray the Bahujan Samaj Party’s (BSP) poor electoral performance
continued despite a significant presence of the dalits, which constitute more than 23 per
cent of the state’s population as against the national average of 16 per cent. The article
further argues that presence of dalits is most visible in Ferozepur and Hoshiarpur
134
Dasarathi Bhuyan, “Participation in Panchayati Raj”, Yojana, Vol. 52, October 2008.
49
constituencies. The inability of the Bahujan Samaj Party to mobilise the dalit vote also
helped the Congress, which has had a relatively good support base amongst the dalits in
different religions. The Congress also benefited from the gradual slide of the left
parties, its erstwhile electoral allies.135
Sandip Kumar Ghatak (2010) in his article, “Political Participation of

Women of West Bengal: Its Nature and Extent”, he analyzes the nature of political
participation among its people. He found that no sincere effort is made by the political
parties, so that a significant number of women can enter into the party organization and
decision making process. The role of women’s organization is of crucial importance in
this regard. Equally important is the role of the family and social obligations. But
family and social obligations prove to be a major hindrance for women. The role of the
family in this regard is not encouraging. The author suggests that, with a view to
improve the position of the women in the lawmaking body, the first active role should
be taken by the family and then by the political parties. The status and position of
women should be improved from the family level to the political organisations and
make a inclusive role of women in decision making bodies.136
V. Deepa Nair (2010) in her article, “Status of Women in Andhra Pradesh: A

Paradigm Shift”, analyses the status of women in politics. Women constitute nearly
half the total population in the state and their status has evolved over the years from a
purely “welfare-oriented” approach to their “empowerment”, in recent times. A
paradigm shift occurred in the 1990s, where “empowerment” of women was
recognized and accepted as a distinct strategy. The women’s movement has created a
political space for itself, generated political consciousness and an understanding of
political processes among women.
In this article author analyses specifically the status of women in Andhra

Pradesh with respect to social, economic and human development and also reviews
various welfare policies and programmes for women and their impact on development.
She finds that the main impediments to women’s empowerment have been the low
level of educational attainment, as well as poverty among women. Taking into account
of the fact, the government of Andhra Pradesh framed various policies, and
135
Ashutosh Kumar and Jagroop Singh Sekhon, “Punjab: Resurgence of the Congress”, Economic and
Political Weekly, Vol. 44, No. 39, September 2009.
136
The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 71, No. 1, January-March 2010.
50
implemented several programmes to eradicate poverty and provided education to the
vulnerable sections of society. In the end, the author point out that women’s
empowerment is the hallmark of the government’s approach in its development
initiatives, especially in terms of social, political and economic.137
Arpita Sharma (2011) in her article, “Women Empowerment: Milestone and

Challenges”, discussed empowerment as a multi-faceted, multi-dimensional and multi-
layered concept. She explained that women’s empowerment is a process in which
women gain greater share of control over resources-material, human, intellectual,
financial resources and control over decision-making at home, as well as within the
society. The author highlights a number of approaches having different effects on
women. Among them, equity was the original approach of women in development and
was utilized during the decade for women 1975-85, where women were seen as active
participants in the development process. Finally author reveals that, main aim is to
break the old prejudices and to bring gender equality by making systematic changes in
policy goals that will improve the lives of women everywhere.138
Praveen Rai (2011) in this article, “Electoral Participation of Women in India:

Key Determinants and Barriers”, deals with the women’s participation in formal
politics in India. The author argues that there has been marked increase in their voting
turnout and election campaigning, but women still continues to be under-represented in
legislative bodies. However, women’s movement and gender politics in India is
currently divided over the issue of affirmative action for women in the parliament and
the state legislatures. There are basically two main issues, firstly, the issue of
overlapping quotas for women in general and women of the lower castes and, secondly,
the issue of elitism. There is no doubt it would go a long way in removing these
obstacles. The key barriers, that need to be addressed on a priority basis, apart from
affirmative action, are more representation of women in political parties, including
them in the decision-making bodies and providing them key cabinet berths in the
government. The author suggests that, women should be promoted and encouraged by
the concerted effort of government, in partnership with civil society, for enhanced and
quality participation in formal politics. An increased political participation by women
137
V. Deepa Nair, “Status of Women in Andhra Pradesh: A Paradigm Shift”, Man and Development,
Vol. 32, No. 1, March 2010.
138
Arpita Sharma, “Women Empowerment: Milestone and Challenges”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 59, No.11,
September 2011.
51
in all spheres of political life and electoral competition in particular, will not only
ensure political parity and equality with men, but would also serve the larger interest
that is empowerment of women.139
A. Prema (2012) in her study, “Women Status in India”, explains the

development of women movement in India and the status of women during the Vedic
period and British period. She also tries to explain the position of women on the basis
of socio-economic and political empowerment. She concludes her study by saying, that
a historical study of women becomes important in order to generate knowledge about
women. These may be useful in refining the development strategies followed in the
past. Women were considered equal to men during the Vedic period. During the British
period eminent person like Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar laid
emphasis on women’s education in India.140
Rakesh K. Singh (2012) in his article, “Elected Women Representatives in

Panchayat Raj,” positively discussed the importance of Panchayati Raj for the
upliftment of women in India. However, Panchayati Raj is not a recent phenomenon
in India, its description in history goes back to more than a thousand years. It has its
roots in ancient time, medieval and modern period. Even after independence having a
constitutional provision, which embodies lofty ideals like equity and equality, social
justice, women’s participation in politics remains quite insignificant in India.
It was only in the aftermath of the 73rd constitutional amendment that has
created a space for women in political participation and decision-making at the
grassroots level by reserving one-third of the seats for women all over the country. The
article also expresses deep concern on the illiteracy, economic insecurity and male
interference in the functioning of women at grassroots politics. Above all, it has been
observed in the article, that the participation of women in PRIs has changed, the male
dominance at the grassroots politics. Today, women are taking interests in politics and
are becoming aware and conscious about their rights and duties. The participation of
women in panchayats is certainly one mechanism through such a change can take
place, and the strategic gender interest of women is getting advanced.141
139
and Political Weekly, Vol. 46, No. 3, January 2011.
140
A. Prema, “Women Status in India”, Indian Streams Research Journal, Vol. 2, No. 1, February 2012.
141
Rakesh K. Singh, “Elected Women Representatives in Panchayat Raj,” Social Action, Vol. 62,
January-March 2012.
52
Saroj Choudhary (2012) in her article, “Political Participation and
Representation of Women in Indian Politics”, reveals that participation of women in
Indian politics is based on the principles of equality to all its citizens. The constitution
of India not only guarantees fundamental rights and freedom, but also prohibits
discrimination on the basis of religion, race, caste, sex, and place of birth. However,
these rights have remained de jure and have not been translated into de facto rights.
Lack of space for participation in political bodies has not resulted in their say in
decision making bodies but also neglected their concerned and experiences in policy
making. Women’s disproportionate absence from the political process would mean that
the concerns of the women cannot be sufficiently attended to or acted.
In the article, the author further examine that reservation would only help
women of the elitist groups to gain seats, therefore causing further discrimination and
under-representation to the poor and backward classes among women. The most of
members argue that, it is better to create reservation of women in political parties rather
than in parliament. Simultaneously, the provision of rotation of reserved seats is also
debated. It can reduce the incentive of the elected MPs to spend energy because he or
she may not be able to re-seek the mandate from the same constituency. The Bill has to
go through elaborative procedures, as it had been already passed by the Rajya Sabha
but the real impact will be only, when it passes through the Lok Sabha.142
Y. Sivaramaiah (2012) in his article, “Women’s Empowerment and Indian

Elections” explores the issue of women’s empowerment and Indian elections. The
author says that, Indian women were given their political right along with the
independence in USA, however, women in India got right to vote only in 1920, after a
decades of struggle. Simultaneously, the national movement and the leadership of
Mahatma Gandhi were the two major catalysts, which relentlessly worked for the
emancipation of women. The article says, participation of women in politics has to be
viewed at the levels of acquisition and exercise of power and rights.
Though, it is premature at this stage to pronounce a categorical verdict of the

success or otherwise of the 73rd and 74th amendment acts. But at the same time, It
cannot be denied that the active involvement of women in the working of these bodies
had a salutary effect on public life and brought a more women into nation building
142
Saroj Choudhary, “Political Participation and Representation of Women in Indian Politics”,
International Journal of Behavioral Social and Movement Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 4, October 2012.
53
activity at the grass-roots level at least. The present national level indicators are also
not encouraging for the future of political empowerment of women, provided that
women’s reservation bill get passed in the parliament.143
Manpreet Kaur Brar (2013) in her article, “Political Participation and

Representation of Women in State Assemblies” deals with the issue of women’s
representation in legislation has emerged, as one of the key issue to determine the level
and extent of their empowerment. Women have played a significant role in the growth
and development of parliamentary democracy in India. Since the attainment of our
independence, India is one of the few countries to hold parliamentary election
regularly. Soon after independence with a promulgation of the constitution women
were brought at par with men by giving equal rights to participate in the political
process.
Further in this article, her study of five legislative state assemblies i.e. Goa,
Manipur, Punjab, Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh reveals that women have been
accepted as voters but not as policy formulators. Gender discrimination rules the scene
even in the state legislature, where women constitute a very small percentage vis-a-vis
men. The number of women candidates contesting for the state’s legislative assemblies
has been extremely discouraging. It is unfortunate that in India even after six decades
of independence, the status and position of women in political participation and their
representation, is a myth and still a distant dream. Lastly, the author argues for the
reservation of seats and due representation for women in national and state legislatures,
not only to improve the self respect of Indian women but also to ensure the political
empowerment of women in our society.144
Shreedhar Barki (2013) in his study, “Issues of Women Representation and

Women in Indian Parliament”, he explores that since independence the number of
women members in parliament has remained low in more than six decades. Whereas,
Indian women in politics have many global records to their credit, but the country lags
far behind the rest of the world, when it comes to the participation of women in
politics, they are held back because of social norms deeply entrenched in patriarchal
143
Y. Sivaramaiah, “Women’s Empowerment and Indian Elections”, Indian Journal of Research, Vol.
1, No. 12, December 2012.
144
Manpreet Kaur Brar, “Political Participation and Representation of Women in State Assemblies”,
International Journal of Behavioural Social and Movement Sciences, Vol. 2, No. 4, November 2013.
54
mindsets. Finally, he suggests that women need a safe political environment, which
provides a level playing field for their participation.145
Thapai Ananda, M. Chinnaswamy Naidu and M. Krishnaveni (2013) in this

study, “Political Participation of Women in India-An Overview”, finds that women
occupy an important place in the socio-economic fabric of the society. They have
become keenly aware of their rights and are spearheading movements across the
country against all sorts of social evils. The most significant land mark in this direction
is the historic 73rd and 74th constitutional amendment acts. Due to this thousands of
women have entered into public life in rural as well as in urban areas this not only
brought a sense of involvement but also commitment among women on the issues
concerning to them despite of the facts, they still lacks presentation in the parliament
and state legislature. Most of the political party have failed to give ticket to them during
the elections. Due to these women participation in decision-making has been very low.
The authors further points out by examining the multi-dimensional facets of the
participation of women in politics. But conclude by saying that there is a dire need to
carry forward an extension of the reform at grass-roots democracy by reserving the
seats for women in parliament and state legislatures.146
Achla Sharma (2014) in her article, “Status of Women: A Socio-Historical

Analysis in Different Ages of Indian Society”, the author examine the status of women
in different phases of society. She discussed the women’s position in different sphere
as, social, economic, political, legal, education and religious terms. The study reveals
the status of women through in the course of history. In this article, she points out that
women are not treated as equally as men in India. There is no denying of the fact that,
they are legally or constitutionally equal to the male counterpart. But there are social
barriers, which still discriminates women. The author keeps arguing that women in
India are equal to men in social, political and economic for that women needs to have
better education and self-reliant. This will not only develop courage, empower women
and will not entertain any forms of discrimination. Further, this will definitely have the
lasting impact on their status and socio-economic conditions in the years to come.147
145
Shreedhar Barki, “Issues of Women Representation and Women in Indian Parliament”, Global
Research Analysis, Vol. 2, No.10, October 2013.
146
Thapai Ananda, et al., “Political Participation of Women in India-An Overview”, International
Journal of Advanced Research, Vol.1, No.10, 2013.
147
Research Journal of Language, Literature and Humanities, Vol. 1, No.1, January 2014.
55
Barsha Kalita (2014) in her article, “Political Status of Women in Assam: An
Analysis”, argues that women’s participation in politics makes the democratic system
more efficient and viable. Women have been marginalised politically in our country
and have to confine within the four wall of their household. She find that, democracy
can never function in the real sense of the term, if there is no proper involvement of
women in the decision making process in the sphere of governance. The issues
concerning women always remained neglected area, without their proper representation
at all levels. However, only by enacting legislations will also not help. In this article
the author suggested an immediate change in the social attitude and mindset of people
and civil society. The proper education, economic and financial independence has been
of immense concern to bring women out of the shackles of social evils in our society.
They need to be properly represented in the decision and policy making bodies
otherwise, will always remain unrepresented and neglected. Finally not only this the
women also need to overcome from the social taboos, evil customs and traditional
myths, if proper representation is to be ensured, this will not only empowers women
but the society as a whole.148
Durga Prasad Chhetri (2014) in this study, “Women in Public Sphere: An

Enquiry into Women’s Representation and Participation in Politics”, explains that the
formal politics based on social constructs of proper gender roles and separate spheres,
marginalized women from participating in activities within the public sector. However,
with the framing of affirmative action measures, such as quotas, seats reservation by
different countries, women have increasingly become visible actors in the formal
political arena. The legislation on gender quotas and reservation policies has secure
women’s inclusion in public sphere.
In this article author studied, the presence of women and their participation in
public sphere and decision-making process in India has been very low both at the
national and state levels. They are not adequately represented in the parliament and in
the state legislatures. This shows that women do not enjoy the same privileges and
opportunities, as men. Although, the country has legislation that guarantees equality
before the law. For instance, while everyone has the right to seek public office, very
few women file certificates of candidacy because they lack access to the substantial
148
4, No.1, July 2014.
56
resources needed for a political campaign. Besides, there are many barriers in public
and private space that hinder women participation in politics. Majority of women in our
country are still struggling to deal with the burden of responsibility and handle the
various obstacles that are coming their way from their traditional cultures.
Consequently, women have never been visible in great number in the political life of
the nation.
Furthermore the article seeks to examine, the under-representation of women in

formal politics remains particularly pronounced for marginalised groups of women. On
the whole, women remain absent from the upper echelons of power within formal
politics at both national and state levels. This clearly indicates that the existence of
legislation, policies are not sufficient to ensure women’s increased access to decision-
making positions. A stronger political will on the part of government, political parties
and other organizations is needed to address the barriers (i.e. economic, cultural,
religious etc.), which constrain women’s political involvement and create an
environment conducive to women’s participation in public space both formal and
informal.149
E. Sridharan (2014) in this study, “Class Voting in the 2014 Lok Sabha
Elections: The Growing Size and Importance of the Middle Classes”, analyses the
middle class and other classes voted in the 2014 elections. He focused on the voting for
the Bharatiya Janta Party and Indian National Congress, voter preferences along the
caste/community and age groups within classes, to the extent relevant, and economic
policy, particularly as concerns economic liberalization. Author found that in 2014 the
class-wise gradation of pro-BJP responses, with pro-BJP sentiment rising as we go up
the class hierarchy, as well as the caste hierarchy, indicate support for the emergence of
a loose, not compact, “new social bloc” of class and caste privilege. This supports the
Iversen Soskice (2006) finding that majoritarian electoral systems tend towards a top-
middle alliance in the absence of a corporatist economic structure. However, on
economic policy issues, particularly about liberalization and the role of the state, the
responses are much more mixed.
149
Durga Prasad Chhetri, “Women in Public Sphere: An Enquiry into Women’s Representation and
Participation in Politics”, American International Journal of Research in Humanities, Arts and Social
Sciences, Vol. 6, No.1, March-May 2014.
57
He argued earlier the Indian middle classes attitudes towards liberalization are
complex and contradictory because a large fraction of the middle class, though
declining gradually over time with the growth of the private sector and also as we go up
the class hierarchy are public employees broadly defined. Thus, an estimated 58 per
cent to 75 per cent of the broadest middle class of 26 per cent of the population as of
the turn of the century were either public employees or rich peasants and even of the
elite middle class of 6 per cent as of 2005-06 as many as 30 per cent belonged to these
segments. Even those of the middle classes who are self-employed persons or private
employees are like public employees or rich peasants, the beneficiaries of a range of
state subsidies including water, electricity fertilizer credit fuel higher education, public
transport and even food. Hence, one can accept the middle classes political alignments
to be complexly determined by competition for patronage interwoven with identity
politics, party loyalties and ideology. Besides, the poorer classes and lower castes have
also voted more for BJP than Congress or any other party in this election, a factor that
needs explanation, and one that cannot be explained in terms of redistributive
programmes or patronage politics except perhaps in the limited number of BJP-ruled
states. Class is therefore only one of several axes of polarization in India in 2014 and
class politics in the sense of developed democracies, particularly in Europe, or left-right
axis on economic policy as in the those countries, is still not the norm in India. Overall,
given the extremely regionally skewed nature of the BJP victory, with 244 seats of its
282 coming from the Hindi-belt states and western India, accounting for only 61 per
cent of the population, we need to have regionally disagreeable survey data to be able
to fully comprehend the voting trends by class, caste/community and age groups within
each region, as well as the attitudes towards minorities and majoritarianism and
towards economic policy. Author reveals that it is too early to be able to confidently
project the trends in this election into future, he suggest that we will need to observe a
couple of more elections to see whether these trends hold.150
Manav Aggarwal (2014) in this article, “A Study on Challenge for Women

Empowerment”, examines that education among women is the most powerful tool of
attaining power in the society. It helps in reducing inequalities and functions, as a
means for improving their status within the family. Education is must for everyone but
150
E. Sridharan, “Class Voting in the 2014 Lok Sabha Elections the Growing Size and Importance of
the Middle Classes”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 49, No. 39, September 2014.
58
unfortunately in this male dominating society, the education of women has been
neglected for a long time. Empowering women is an important end in itself and will
acquire the same status with men in terms of social, economic and legal sense, their
human well-being will be enhanced. The present study, explores the role of education
in women empowerment and the status of women education in India and suggested
that, education is most important part in the life of every woman.151
Mamta Mokta (2014) in her article, “Empowerment of Women in India: A

Critical Analysis”, the author deals with the empowerment of women in India. In this
article, she discussed about various initiatives taken by government of India for
empowering women by analysing the position of India, in gender inequality index and
global gender gap index of UN. Further, she argued that in the years coming ahead,
women empowerment is going to play an important role in the integration of the
society. Therefore, due recognition to them in the society and their greater involvement
in socio- economic and political affairs, becomes all the more important. Every person
should come forward to ensure equal status for women in all spheres of life.152
Kalidash Brahma (2014), in his article, “Political Participation of Women in

India: A Post Independence Scenario”, discuss the political participation of women in
India. It is in this context, the author talks of the representation of women in decision
making bodies, which is very important for the success of Indian democracy, is not up
to the mark. The irony is that, even the trouble torn countries like Afghanistan,
Bangladesh and Iraq have higher women representation in decision making bodies than
India. The problem of women representation is due to our patriarchical mindset and
lack of sound legal/constitutional framework and the absence of a strong political will.
Hence, the author suggested a sound legal framework and strong political will may
lead, in the proportionate representation of women and ultimately to the success of
democracy in India. But, it is meaningless to bring any change in the existing system,
unless and until women in India are educated and made aware of their legitimate
rights.153
151
Manav Aggarwal, “A Study on Challenge for Women Empowerment”, Journal of Research in
Commerce and Management, Vol. 3, No. 5, May 2014.
152
Mamta Mokta, “Empowerment of Women in India: A Critical Analysis”, Indian Journal of Public
153
Kalidash Brahma, “Political Participation of Women in India: A Post Independence Scenario”, Asian
Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies, Vol. 2, No. 4, April 2014.
59
K. K. Kailash (2014), in his article, “Regional Parties in the 16th Lok Sabha
Elections: Who Survived and Why?”, the author attempts to explain, why some
regional parties flourished and other fizzled out in the 16th general elections to the Lok
Sabha. To explain this variation, he made a distinction between regionally-located
parties and regionalist parties. While, both are regional parties in the sense that they
have territorially limited arena of operation however, they are different in terms of their
programme and agenda. In the 2014 elections, the regionally-located parties fared
relatively poor in comparison to the regionalist parties. Further, he argues that success
and failure often depends on the efforts, strategies and tactics of competitors. The
strategy of the Bharatiya Janta Party was favourable to the electoral fortunes of
regionalist parties and disadvantageous to the regionally-located parties. This selective
emphasis and muting of issues depending on how, it fitted with its overall programme
that opened up enormous possibilities for the BJP and misfortune for the non-
regionalist party. Finally the author conclude by saying that the BJP will have to work
very hard to maintain its newly stitched social coalitions, if past experiences are
anything to go by.154
Kuldeep Fadia (2014) in his article, “Women’s Empowerment Through

Political Participation in India”, expressed that women’s empowerment as a
phenomenon is not something new, it has been there throughout history in almost all
society for a variety of reasons. The ethics and trend of participatory aspect has been
advocated in this article, for vibration of universal trend of understanding in realism.
However, the author also finds that, there has been a radical change in the movement
for empowerment of women. This is being recognised that women are indeed becoming
a political force both nationally and internationally. Although, almost all parties have
attempted to build women organisations to secure their support and make their
organisations more broad-based. However, in practice they have fielded much less
proportion of women candidates in the elections, giving them proportionately much
less representation in the legislative bodies than their actual population strength.155
K. Shamatha (2014) in this article, “Women’s Participation in Electoral

Politics”, deals with equality in political participation, is one of the major priorities for
154
K.K. Kailash, “Regional Parties in the 16th Lok Sabha Elections: Who Survived and Why?”,
155
Kuldeep Fadia, “Women’s Empowerment Through Political Participation in India”, Indian Journal of
Public Administration, Vol. 60, No. 3, July-September 2014.
60
the advancement of women throughout the globe. Participation in electoral process
involves much more than just voting. Political participation derives from the freedom to
speak out, assemble and associate; the ability to take part in the conduct of public
affairs; and the opportunity to register as a candidate to campaign, to be elected and to
hold office at all levels of government. Under international standards, men and women
have equal right to participate fully in all aspects of the political process. In this study
author finds that, in post-conflict countries there are frequently extra barriers to
women’s participation, and thereby special care is required to ensure, their rights are
protected in this regard.156
Simi Agnihotri and Vijay Singh (2014) in this study, “Women Empowerment
Through Reservation in Panchayati Raj Institutions in Himachal Pradesh”, deal with
the women empowerment through reservation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh. In this
article author’s explained that, the situation of women representation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions (PRIs) in Himachal Pradesh through 73rd constitutional amendment act, has
changed a lot. This experiment is proving to be a big success, particularly by providing
opportunity to women to come out of their houses and participate in administrative and
political field. With the increasing violence against women in our society, it becomes
necessary to find out the problems of our society regarding women and give valuable
suggestions deals with the problem. To give the representation to the women, in a local
self-government is also a step to move forward in the direction of women
empowerment in our society.
The article further suggested that, with the establishment of PRIs in our country,
a woman got an opportunity to prove her worth as a good administrator, decision-
maker or a good leader. The government should provide extra financial, administrative
or political assistance to women for the success of the provision of the amendment. So,
it becomes necessary to encourage the women, in a largest democracy of the world. To
give a proper status to the women, government, NGOs and universities have to play a
vital role in this field.157
156
Vol. 3, No.2, February 2014.
157
Simi Agnihotri and Vijay Singh, “Women Empowerment Through Reservation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions in Himachal Pradesh”, Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 60, No. 3, July-
September 2014.
61
Srinivasan (2014) in this article, “Women Empowerment and Parliament in
India”, the author emphasized on the need and urgency of empowering women,
especially in the Indian context. He takes a brief look at various initiatives, undertaken
during the past five-year plans in respect of empowering women and thereafter, he
proceeds to the political representation of women in the parliament. In final analysis,
he stresses on the need for enacting the legislation ensuring 33 percent quota for
women representation in the legislatures as an effective measure to ensure female
empowerment, keeping in view the total population of women in the country. Though,
India is already ahead of many other countries in terms of women’s participation in
politics but still the percentage of women in legislature and decision-making process
has remained low.158
Vikas Nandal and Rajnish (2014) in this article, “Status of Women Through
Ages in India” deal with the status of women in India. In ancient India status of women
to some extent was satisfactory. However, in recent years, the role of women has
undergone through drastic changes due to globalization and commercialism. It is in this
context the author in this article examined the status of women in modern Indian
society with regard to equality, education, health, employment, marriage and family life
has maintained or deteriorated. It explores that, as the society is moving toward in the
21st century, the position and respect of women is deteriorating even after so many
constitutional provisions. Both argue that, the women have equal participation in
human development but she is still lacking the honour in society women is not treated
at par with men, in comparison to ancient Indian society. Finally the article says that,
there is a lot of crime against women in modern society, even the constitutional
provisions are not sufficient to get the respectable position in society. There is a need
for change in the mind-set of both the men and women. In modern times, the
technological advancement, globalization and commercialism came in to existence but
the status and position of women has rather deteriorated.159
A.S. Altekar (2015) in his article, “The Position of Women in Hindu

Civilization: Retrospect and Prospect” deals with the position of women in Hindu
civilization. Women once enjoyed considerable freedom and privileges in the spheres
158
Srinivasan, “Women Empowerment and Parliament in India”, Third Concept, Vol. 28, No. 331,
September 2014.
159
Vikas Nandal and Rajnish, “Status of Women Through Ages in India”, International Research
Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 3, No. 1, January 2014.
62
of family, religion and public life, but as centuries rolled on, the situation went on
changing adversely. He pointed out that, some of the grievances, from which women
were suffering during the last two thousand years, were either theoretical or common to
both men and women. The detailed survey of the position of women that the author has
made in this article would be of considerable use to us in understanding and solving
most of the problems that confront us today. Luckily, the need and advantage of female
education is now fully understood. When girls of 17 or 18, equipped with proper
education, enter matrimony, they cannot but be treated with instinctive respect and
consideration by all the society around. Family responsibility and not inherent
incapacity would be the normal cause of their not being earning members of their
families; they would, therefore, receive the same respect that is instinctively given to
the breadwinner. Their practical attainments would add to the beauty of their husbands,
lead to economy in its expenditure and promote sounder education of the children of
the family. This would surely ensure for them an equality of status with their husbands
in all cultured families. In the sphere of marriage and marital relations, some reforms
are necessary, very urgently. It is high time now that polygamy should be legally
prohibited. Women have already obtained political rights and privileges, more or less
coextensive with those of men. They will figure more prominently in public life when
there is a wider spread of education and a further improvement in the economic
condition of society. The few changes that are suggested above are not in any way
against the spirit of our culture.160
Swati Chattopadhyay (2015) in her article, “Political Participation of

Women”, deals with the concept of political participation of women. Political
participation involves mass participation and popular involvement in political activities.
The efficacy of political participation is being increasingly felt in the present day
world. It enables men and women to take part in various kinds of overt or manifest
political activities. It entitles them to adult franchise support pressure groups and
political parties keep contact with legislators and members of different representative
public bodies. Attending political meeting, processions, holding offices of political
parties and administration are also regarded as political participation. Further in this
article she finds that, political participation of women has been making strides in local
governments. The female literacy, the awakening of women in the matter of basic
160
A.S. Altekar, “The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization: Retrospect and Prospect”, in
Kumkum Roy (ed.), Women in Early Indian Societies, New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2015.
63
needs and obsolete social customs have made women bold, outspoken and conscious of
dignity and rights.161
Nibha Rathi and M.M. Semwal (2016) in this article, “Women’s Political
Participation in Uttarakhand”, reveals that the women’s participation in the political
process in India has ensured voting rights for women, as early as in the 1st Lok Sabha
poll held in 1951-52, on the basis of gender equality. The women’s political
participation at national level is still negligible even today and the we rank amongst the
worst faring countries in the world. Author’s highlights women’s participation in the
political process, since ancient times to, with special emphasis on the state of affairs in
the hill state of Uttarakhand. Both argue that, women’s participation in the political
process in Uttarakhand is increasingly getting stronger. However, prior to 73rd and 74th
constitutional amendments, women’s presence in the politics of Uttarakhand was only
exceptional. But once these amendments became law, not only women’s participation
and representation increased in local bodies and Panchayats, but also started realizing
that, their enhanced representation in the political arena holds the key to the resolution
of many women related issues.
Finally, the author’s suggests that, to improve their condition it is absolutely

necessary to change the prejudiced mindset of the male-dominated society. Women can
feel safe and are encouraged to their level of participation in politics without any fear or
uncertainty. At the same time, it’s the responsibility of the various NGOs related to
women Uttarakhand to make awareness among women for political participation and
empowering women talk to assume the leadership in the state.162
Praveen Rai (2017), in his study, “Women’s Participation in Electoral Politics

in India: Silent Feminisation”, deals with the recent participation levels of women in
formal politics in India. He found that the democratic upsurge that started in India is
likely to continue and despite some limitations of the electoral process, people have
succeeded in instituting their own democratic meaning in this. The increased
participation of women in formal politics reveals a process of feminisation of Indian
politics with positive, people-driven developments that augur well for Indian women
and for India. The participatory upsurge among women voters that started in the 1990s
reached its crescendo in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections with a 65.6 per cent female
161
Swati Chattopadhyay, “Political Participation of Women”, Third Concept, Vol. 29, No. 339, May
2015.
162
Nibha Rathi and M.M. Semwal, “Women’s Political Participation in Uttarakhand”, Third Concept,
Vol. 29, No. 347, January 2016.
64
turnout. The difference in male and female voter turnout has slimmed down to 1.5 per
cent by 2014. This narrowing gender gap establishes beyond doubt that more women
are exercising their electoral rights. Similarly, women’s participation in election
campaigns increased significantly between 1999 and 2014. However, it is equally clear
that this feminisation of Indian politics is being resisted by the male dominated political
establishment and party personnel, apparatuses and procedures.
In the last the author says that the political parties played a destructive role in
scuttling the Women’s Reservation Bill in the last Lok Sabha have become redundant
after the general elections in 2014. The current government has given a positive signal
for women-inclusive politics, providing six cabinet ministerial positions to women,
raising hopes that it would build an all party consensus and pass the long-standing Bill
in due course.163
Srinivasa Murthy (2017) in this article, “Women Empowerment: Issues and

Challenges”, discussed about that the women empowerment, issues and problems
faced by women in India. In the ancient times, women were adored and worshiped as
goddesses. However in the middle ages, the status of women got down to a great
extent. Women were considered in the society, only to perform duties like bring up
children, caring every family member, and other household activities. There is old and
traditional faith of people coming out for years that men are for thy field, whereas
women are only for the home. Now-a-days, women are breaking all the barriers of
social issues and problems against them in the society. He point out that women were
facing a lot of problems because of male dominated, patriarchal society system,
practice of old traditional beliefs and limited to role of bearing and rearing the child.
They have to perform both family as well as professional responsibilities together and
have to suffer a lot in their daily life to nourish their career as well as saving their
family relationship. Women’s empowerment has been an issue of immense discussions
and contemplation over the last few decades world-wide. This, as an agenda has been
on top of the lists of most government plans and programs as well. Efforts have been
made on a regular basis across nations to address this issue and enhance the socio-
economic status of women.164
163
Research, Vol. 37, No.1, 2017.
164
Srinivasa Murthy, “Women Empowerment: Issues and Challenges”, The International Journal of
Indian Psychology, Vol. 4, No. 2, January-March 2017.
65
After reviewing the study, we are able to chart the course of our problem. The
following inferences can be drawn from the above study. These various books, journals
and articles give us a deep understanding of the concept of political participation and
empowerment of women in politics. This will not only help in data interpretation but
also gives a broader view of the concept of women empowerment. All these writers
have analysed the problem in a particular historical perspective, in a uni-dimensional or
multi-dimensional context. But we have made a humble effort to update the
participation of women in state politics, while taking a case study of Himachal Pradesh.
Significance of the Study
In the present context, when the world has focused on equality of gender the
micro study of the women as a part of political system has gained a tremendous
importance. In the national context for the last two decades, the central and the state
governments have made some efforts to improve the level of women political
participation. Women’s participation in politics goes far beyond their numbers in
elected bodies. In all major political movements of this century, in all movements of
social change, women have played an extremely important role. But despite of
participation and mobilization of women in politics, in this broad sense of the term, we
have not seen a commensurate increase in the number of women in different levels of
decision making.
The study has immense importance today, when the women issues are
dominating the national and international scenario. Women’s participation in
mainstream political activity has major implications for the broader arena of
governance. In India, women’s role has been marginal in the society, although they
constitute half of the country’s population. Their involvement in politics has been
negligible all along. Their number in the legislatures including parliament has always
remained at the very low. Nevertheless, several women played an active role in the
national movement and also in the political process after independence. In recent past,
there is wide spread realization that they should be emancipated and all types of
discrimination against them to be avoided to enable them to play a legitimate role in the
society. It is also emphasized that the emancipation of women could be possible only
through their social, economic and political empowerment and necessary steps to be
mooted out in this direction. The present study is an attempt to know about the
awareness amongst the women. The limited nature of female participation and
66
representation in national decision making institutions has important consequences for
women and for the legitimacy of the institutions. In this study, an attempt has been
made to analyse the participation of women in state politics.
Political participation of women is still a less than men. Women for centuries
have received unequal treatment in almost all spheres of life because of patriarchal
setup of Indian society. Despite of this, women have shown their presence in many
fronts, but a lot remains to be done in order to achieve real gender equality in social,
economic and political spheres, that are interrelated and give way to one another. Since
India became independent, many policy and programmes have been adopted to
improve the condition of women but women in general have not been in a position to
avail benefits mainly due to their political backwardness. Women are considered as
dependent, poor, kitchen object, and reproductive machine and less of human being. It
has been attributed to low level of education, ignorance, poor negotiating skills,
dependency, nature and individualistic approach of women that influence their extent
of participation in politics.
However, the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is an important step in this

direction, which ensures compulsory involvement of one-third of women in PRIs. In
order to ensure equal participation and representation of women in PRIs, the
government of Himachal Pradesh took an important step in this direction on April
2008, by raising the reservation limit for women in PRIs from existing 33 per cent to 50
per cent for the women in PRIs. A bill was also introduced in the Parliament and State
Legislative Assemblies that is providing. Today women are making ways into every
sector of the society with the gradual improvement in their position in different fields.
The present study is about the changing scenario of women’s position with particular
reference to their evolving/emerging role in the political process of the country.
Empirically, it is evident that women are one of the most vulnerable sections of the
society. In case of rural India, where majority of the women live in the villages and the
society is patriarchal, the women issues have their own importance. Local bodies are
directly or indirectly affected by women participation. Hence, it is very important to
study the women participation in political process. It would be helpful to locate rural
leaders, influential persons and political activists, which influence the political
participation of women in the democratic process. In brief, this study may help to know
participation of women in the state politics.
67
Objectives of the Study
Keeping in view the following broad objectives, the study is undertaken.
(i) To define and conceptualise political participation.
(ii) To study the socio-economic and political profile of the women in Himachal
Pradesh.
(iii) To know about the issues and factor affecting the level and nature of political
participation of women.
(vi) To analyse the different modes of political participation of women.
(v) To know the pattern and level of participation of the women leadership in
Himachal Pradesh.
(vi) To explore the implications of new trends that has emerged as a consequence of
73rd Amendment.
(vii) To evaluate the level of general awareness, amongst women which is

responsible for creation of women’s consciousness?
(viii) To find out the various hindrances in the participation of the women.
(ix) To evaluate the existing strategies devised by the state machinery in the form of
various interventions to include women in decision making process at different
levels.
Hypothesis
The hypothesis which proposed to be tested through the present study relates to
participation of women in state politics. Following are the main hypothesis of present
research:
(i) There are many obstacles for the women in politics, which hampers their
participation and performance.
(ii) The awareness level of women is very low, even after reservation there is no
change in the participation and effectiveness of women’s performances.
(iii) Women’s are divided among different economic class, caste, religion and the
region. They need to break barriers of inequality and powerlessness for
participatory development at grass-root levels, state and national levels.
68
Universe of the Study
The proposed study is an empirical study confined to the “Participation of

Women in State Politics: A Case Study of Himachal Pradesh”. The state has
geographical areas of 55,673 sq. kms. spreading over twelve districts namely, Bilaspur,
Chamba, Hamirpur, Kangra, Kinnaur, Kullu, Lahaul & Spiti, Mandi, Shimla, Sirmour,
Solan and Una. Today, the state is blessed with an extensive natural resources, splendid
beauty and vast deposits of minerals. The cement industry is flourishing and has a big
potential in hydro-power. The state also has a large cover of green forest, constituting
the backbone of economy. The besides this, the agriculture and horticulture are the
main profession of the people of the state. The 73rd constitutional amendment was a
landmark step in constitutional history of India, which laid the foundation stone for
women participation in politics to a great extent. As a consequence of the 73rd
amendment, the government of Himachal Pradesh passed the Panchayati Raj Act 1994,
which was also a major step towards women participation in the democratic process.
Initially, under this act, women were given 33 per cent reservations in the grassroots
institution. However, subsequently this reservation was enhanced to 50 per cent at the
grassroots level, which resulted in more and more participation in the grassroots
politics. At present, Himachal Pradesh has twelve districts, out of which two district
have been selected for the present study- the district Mandi and the district Kangra.
These two district have different political, social, economic, cultural and geographical
background which represent the major area of the state.
The Mandi district came into existence on 15th April 1948, as one of the first
four districts at the time of the emergence of the state of Himachal Pradesh. It is one of
the fastest developing towns of Himachal Pradesh. The economy of the region is
predominately agrain, as around 79 per cent of the total population is dependent on
agriculture. Agriculture and animal husbandry are the major occupation of the people.
The production of food grains and cash crops (i.e. apple, potato, peas, etc.), are the
main source of its economy. The Mandi district is currently the second largest
economy in the state, next to the Kangra district. The district is also second largest in
population among twelve districts of Himachal Pradesh. Total Literacy rate of Mandi
district is 81.53 per cent out of which 89.56 percent of male and 73.66 per cent of
females. The district Mandi in the state is having third highest sex ratio of 1007
females per thousand males. The people of Mandi are informally called Mandyalis, the
Mandyali language Mandyalis is generally used at local level for communication. The
district has mixed population of people from different religion mainly Hindu, Muslim,
Sikh and Bodh. The Mandi district has been the second largest parliamentary
69
constituency (area-wise) in India including the area of Mandi, Kullu, Lahaul & Spiti
and Bharmour of Chamba and Rampur of Shimla districts. The district Mandi consists
of total ten Developmental Blocks viz. Chauntra, Drang, Gohar, Gopalpur, Karsog,
Mandi Sadar, Balh, Seraj, and Sunder Nagar. However, the present study has been
conducted on four blocks of Mandi district i.e Balh, Gohar, Mandi Sadar and Seraj.
These blocks were selected mainly because the Panchayat Samiti of these blocks was
headed by women as chairperson. Further, from each blocks only five Gram
Panchayats have been selected, which were headed by women as Panchayat Pradhans.
The district Kangra was a part of the state of Punjab and was merged in
Himachal Pradesh on 1st November 1966 and the newly merged areas, as called “New
Himachal”. Before the merger of these areas into Himachal as a district, it was part of
Punjab and there was an influence of Punjabi culture on the people of this area.
Therefore, the boundary of district Kangra touches to Punjab and the people of this area
speak Punjabi or mixture of Hindi and Punjabi both. The agriculture is the mainstay of
the majority of the rural population. Green and black tea is both produced in the
district. District Kangra has the distinction of having largest production of mangoes in
the state. It has no big industry worth the name. There are only small scale and cottage
industries based on local raw materials. On the basis of population Kangra is
considered the biggest district and is having second highest sex ratio of 1012 females
per thousand males. The total literacy rate of Kangra district is 85.67 per cent out of
which 91.49 percent of male and 80.02 per cent of females. The district Kangra consists
of total fifteen development blocks viz. Baijnath, Bhawarna, Lambagaon, Panchrukhi,
Kangra, Nagrota Bagwan, Rait, Dehra, Pragpur, Nagrota Surian, Nurpur, Indora,
Fatehpur, Sulah, Dharamshala. The study has been carried out in four Blocks of distrit
Kangra i.e Dharamshala, Nagrota Bagwan, Pragpur, Sulah. These blocks were selected
mainly because the Panchayat Samiti of these blocks was headed by women as
chairperson. Further, from each blocks only five Gram Panchayats have been selected,
which were headed by women as Panchayat Pradhans.
Sampling
“Participation of Women in State Politics: A Case Study of Himachal Pradesh”

is a psychological and subjective study and has different age groups as a sample. The
purposive representatives sampling of respondents has been taken into consideration
for this study, which has been conducted in two district, 43 women members of Zila
Parishad, 40 Panchayat Samitis and 40 Gram Panchayats. The total 291 elected female
respondents have interviewed. In these 291 elected female respondents, 145 from
70
Mandi and 146 from Kangra have been interviewed. In these 291 elected female
respondents from both the reserved and the open categories have been taken. To ensure
the nature of purposive representative sampling, special attention has been given to
wide representation of women with variables like age, caste, education, income, family
background and political participation etc. Thus the sample may constitute elected
female representatives from varied socio-economic and political background.
71
Himachal Pradesh
District Mandi Zila Parishad District Kangra Zila Parishad
Name of Name of Reserved Name of Name of Reserved

Name of Panchayat Panchayat
Panchayat and general Name of Block Panchayat and general
Block
Samiti seat Samiti seat
Seraj Bali Chowki Bali Chowki General Dharamshala Barwala Barwala Women
Narwana Narwana
Cheuni Cheuni SC
Khas Khas (M)
Dheem Kataru Dheem Kataru SC Mandal Mandal Women
Thunag Thunag General Paddar Paddar Women
Sounkni da
Tungadhar Tungadhar General Sounkni Women
kot
Balh Bhadyal Bhadyal SC Sulah Bhora Bhora Women
Chalah Chalah General Muhadi Muhadi Women
Dhaban Dhaban SC Gadiyara Gadiyara Women
Kummi Kummi General Samba Samba Women
Sakroha Sakroha General Sulah Sulah SC Women
Mandi
Aut Aut General Pragpur Dhounta Dhounta Women
Sadar
Nagwain Nagwain General Ghiyori Ghiyori SC Women
Kotli Kotli General Jambal Jambal Women
Sadhyana Sadhyana SC Pragpur Pragpur Women
OBC
Takoli Takoli General Siyul Siyul
Women
Nagrota
Gohar Chhaprahan Chhaprahan General Bhuned Bhuned Women
Bagwan
Gohar Gohar SC Tharu Tharu Women
Noun Noun General Kaled Kaled Women
Syanj Syanj General Malan Malan Women
Kotla Khnula Kotla Khnula General Pathiar Pathiar Women
72
Methodology
The present study is an empirical and analytical study. Historical, descriptive,

comparative and analytical methods have been adopted to conduct the study at various
stages. The sources of data collection can be broadly divided into two parts Primary
and secondary.
Methods of Data Collection
Data has been collected through primary and secondary sources.
Primary Sources
The primary data for the present study has been collected through
questionnaires. The field study was conducted through the methods of questionnaire-
cum-interview schedule, discussions, dialogues and observations. The personal
interviews were conducted with the elected women representatives of the Panchayati
Raj Institutions and the state politics, to know about the extent of their participation in
the politics and the problems faced by them to discharge their duties in the functioning
of these institutions. An attempt has been made to observe the various problems faced
by women representatives to discharge their duties. Also efforts also have been made to
know about the role of education, age, caste, party politics, reservation, economic status
of women in political process.
Tools of Primary Data
Questionnaire, Interview, Dialogue, Discussion and Observation. The

questionnaire, which was prepared for conducting personal interview was divided into
two parts. The part first deals with the personal/family background of the respondents,
such as age, sex marital status, caste, income, occupation, education, economic
background, party affiliation, etc; the part second deal with the questions relating to
women participation in politics and problems faced by women in the politics.
Although, the questionnaire was made in English but researcher put the questions to the
respondents in Hindi or local dialects.
Interview
Personal interview were conducted with the respondents. Most of the

respondents were illiterate or less educated, who were not prepared to speak openly and
hesitant to give correct information particularly regarding party affiliation, etc.
73
Sometimes the respondents were reluctant to disclose their personal belongings and
secrets. In most of the cases the respondents were not aware of the exact position of the
women in politics.
Secondary Data
The secondary data was collected from published and unpublished sources. The
various published documents with regard to the women participation in politics
constitute the main sources of secondary data. It includes various books pertaining to
women participation in politics, articles, reports, seminars, etc. The various articles
related to the subject in different journals, magazines and newspaper were one of the
important sources of secondary data. The reports of different committees constituted by
the centre as well as by the state governments, also forms the main sources of
secondary data.
Tools of Data
There are many methods of analyzing the data. In the present study the
processing of data and the preparation of the tables for analysis and interpretation has
been done manually. The master charts were prepared manually and coding and
decoding was done accordingly. The percentage method was applied to analyse the
data.
Limitation of Study
The area of present study was limited to only two district out of twelve districts
of Himachal Pradesh. Out of these two district, 43 women members Zila Parishad, 40
Panchayat Samitis and 40 Gram Panchayats were selected for the purposive sampling.
But the limitation of our research was that, it was confined to only elected
representatives taken as respondents.
Scheme of Chapterisation
1. The Problem of the Study
2. Profile of Himachal Pradesh
3. Political Participation of Women-An Overview
4. Socio-Economic and Political Variables in the Participation of the Women
5. Hurdles in the Participation of the Women
6. Conclusion and Suggestions
74
CHAPTER-II
PROFILE OF HIMACHAL PRADESH
The word Himachal derives its origin from the Hindi words, ‘Him’ and ‘Achal’
meaning ‘Snow’ and ‘Lap’ respectively. Etymologically, Himachal Pradesh stands for
the region, which lies in the slopes and foothills of snow i.e. the Himalayas.1 Himachal
was also known as Dev Bhumi to the ancients. It is situated in the heart of the Western
Himalayas. According to the Puranas, Himachal is the Jalandhara Khand of the
Himalayas.2 Himachal Pradesh is bounded on the north by the picturesque valley of
Kasmir; on the South by the fertile plains of the Punjab and Uttar Pradesh; on the west
by the districts of Ambala (Haryana) and Hoshiarpur (Punjab); and on the north-east by
Tibet.3
Geographically speaking, Himachal Pradesh is located between 300 22’ to 330

12’ north latitude and 750 47’ to 790 4’ East longitude. The territory is almost wholly
mountainous with altitudes range between 350 to 7000 metres above the sea level.
Physiographyically the territory can be divided into three zones-Outer Himalaya or the
Shiwaliks, Inner Himalaya or Mid-Mountains and the Greater Himalaya or Alpine
Zone. The annual rainfall in the first zone varies from 1500 mm. to 1800 mm. The rich
and fertile valleys of Kangra, Balh and Paonta are located in this zone. The rain fall in
the second zone varies annually from 700 mm. to 1000 mm. This region has
magnificent Deodar Forest. The alpine zone remains under snow for about five to six
months in a year. The average annual rainfall in Himachal Pradesh is 1600 mm.4
The Greater Himalaya and Zaskar ranges also house many glaciers. For
glaciers, the local term is Shigri, perhaps derived from a big Shigri glacier that once
created great havoc. The Diyamir is another glacier of large dimensions that descends
to the level of 9400 feet above sea level near the village Tarshing.5
1
M.S. Ahluwalia, History of Himachal Pradesh, New Delhi: Intellectual Publication, 1988, p. 2.
2
Mian Goverdhan Singh, Himachal Pradesh History, Culture & Economy, Shimla: Minerva
3
V. Verma, The Emergence of Himachal Pradesh: A Survey of Constitutional Developments, New
Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1995, p. 19.
4
Mian Goverdhan Singh, op.cit, 2010, p.1.
5
Himachal Past, Present and Future, Directorate of Correspondence Courses, Himachal Pradesh
University, Shimla, 1975, p. 3.
75
There are five rivers flowing through Himachal Pradesh. The eastern most river
is the Yamuna, which rises from Yamunotri in the Garhwal range of the Himalayas and
from the states in eastern boundary with Uttar Pradesh. Its most important tributaries
are the Tons, Giri and Pabar. The Satluj is the largest among five rivers. It enters the
eastern part of Himachal Pradesh at Shipki from the north-west. Following through
Kinnaur, Shimla Hills, Bilaspur district, it leaves Himachal Pradesh to enter the plains
of Punjab and Bhakra, where the World’s Largest Dam is constructed. The Beas which
forms the world valleys of Kullu and Kangra, rises from the 3,987 meters high Rohtang
Pass. Its tributaries are Parbati, Phojal and Sarvari streams. The Ravi river originated
from an amphitheatre like basin called Bara-Banghal, a branch of Dhauladhar. The fifth
river is Chandrabhaga or Chenab. The Chandra and Bhaga streams rise on the opposite
side of Baralacha Pass at an elevation of 4,891 meters, to stream from one river at
Tandi.6
The whole area may be classified in five zones on the basis of different soils as-
(i) low-hill soil zone (ii) mid-hill soil zone (iii) high-hill soil zone (iv) mountainous soil
zone and (v) dry-hill soil zone. The first zone covers area upto an altitude of 900
metres above sea level. The quality of the soils of this region is suitable for the
cultivation of maize, wheat, sugar-cane, ginger, paddy and citrus fruits. The second
zone covers area lying between 900 metres and 1500 metres above sea level. The soils
of this region are suitable for the cultivation of table potatoes, stone fruits, wheat and
maize. The high-hill soil zone, covering areas between 1,500 metres and 2,100 metres
above sea level, is the most suitable for the cultivation of seed potatoes and temperate
fruits. The mountainous-soil zone covering the altitudes between 2,100 metres and
3,000 metres is suitable for the cultivation of dry fruits only.7
Social Profile of Himachal Pradesh
The society in Himachal is composed of mainly six important religious

communities, the Hindu, the Muslims, the Christians, the Buddhists, the Sikhs and the
Jains. However, the bulk of the population is formed of Hindus. The Muslims occupy a
poor second position, with having some concentrations in Chamba, Kangra and
Sirmaur in that order. The Buddhists and the Sikhs also claim a little of the population.
6
Rajender Attri, Introduction to Himachal Pradesh, Shimla: Sarla Publication, 2002, p. 320.
7
76
The majority of the Buddhists are concentrated in the districts of Lahaul and Spiti,
Kinnaur and Kullu, whereas the Sikhs live mostly in Kangra, Shimla and Mandi
districts. The Christians, though in a very small numbers are sprinkled over the whole
of state and so are the Jains.8 The people living in the Outer Himalaya or the Shiwaliks
have much in common with those in the plains of Punjab except that the former are
fairer in complexion because of the climatic factors. In fact, both in the medieval and
later period, there have been inter-migrations to these areas, being comparatively easily
accessible, and thus they are somewhat similar in their habits and cultural moorings to
the people of the plains.
The Brahmans and the Rajputs has migrated from the plains during the
lawlessness of Aurangzeb. The Sikhs settled in parts of Himachal, while fighting the
hilly rulers or having been driven by the Mughals. Himachal Pradesh also had its share
of displaced persons numbering about 4660 as a result of the partition. In general, the
people are honest, hospitable, peace-loving, and deeply religious and follow their
community codes very rigidly. The hilly women work harder than the men folk and are
robust. They are beautiful, modest and known for their sweet voice. Tribes or semi-
nomadic, semi-agricultural and semi-pastoral people are living in the Great Himalaya,
the Zaskar, the Pir Panjal, the Pangi, and the Dhauladhar ranges, or to be more precise,
in the Lahaul & Spiti region, Kinnaur, some part of Shimla, Kullu, Chamba districts
etc., there are an admixture of the Indo-Aryan and Mongolian races. The main tribes of
Himachal Pradesh are the Gaddis, Gujjars, Kinners of Kanaurs, Jads (Lambas,
Khampas and Bhots or Bhods), Lahaulis, Pangwalas and Swanglas.9
Due to the geographical conditions of the Pradesh, these tribes have to live a
very hard life. Most of these tribes, till recently, lived a nomadic life, wandering here
and there in search of food and grass for their animals. Also they remained practically
out of touch from the rest of the world, due to lack of modern facilities. It is believed
that most of the tribal’s in Himachal, migrated from the plains of Punjab and adjoining
areas from time to time. The early history of these tribes is shrouded in mystery.10
The cultural aspect plays an important role in shaping the progress of a region
and its society, as they are closely related to the mental attitudes of the people. As far as
8
M.S Ahluwalia, Social, Cultural and Economics History of Himachal Pradesh, New Delhi: Indus
9
Himachal Past, Present and Future, op.cit., 1975, p. 11.
10
77
Himachal Pradesh is concerned, its social institutions, particularly the fairs and
festivals, have a considerable impact on its development. The fairs and festivals
represents, one of the important facets of state’s rich cultural heritage.11 Important fairs
in Himachal Pradesh are Minjar (Chamba), Dussehra (Kullu), Shivarati (Mandi), Mani
Mahesh (Chamba) and Renuka (Sirmour). Lavi fair is perhaps the only fair, which is
not connected with any legend or religion. It is an economic or trade fair, as are the
Nalwar fairs of Sundernagar (Mandi) and of Bilaspur; their origin is not as old as of the
hoary Lavi fair of Rampur Bushahr.12
Language
In Himachal Pradesh about ninety per cent people speaks western Pahari
popularly known as Pahari. The Indo-Aryan languages are spoken in the Northern
India. In Himachal Pradesh as many dialects have been counted almost at par with the
number of existing hill states. In the North of Churdhar Peak, these separates Sirmaur
district from Chopal tehsil of Shimla district. This area was known as Bishshaw in the
past. The dialect spoken there is akin to Giripari, which is named by Dr. Grierson as
Bishwai. So, the appropriate name for Giripari now is Bishwai dialect. The Brari
dialect is spoken in Pargana Brar of Jubbal Tehsil. Kirni dialect is spoken in Pargana
Kiran of Chopal Tehsil, which is influenced by Jaunsari dialect of Jaunsar-Bawar area
of Uttar Pradesh. Dami dialect is prevalent in South-East of Bilaspur. The Kinnauri
dialect called Homskad is the mother tongue of nearly 75 per cent of the population of
Kinnaur. In Lahual and Spiti, four main dialects are spoken. Bhoti is spoken in Spiti,
Chandra and Bhaga Valleys. The Gaheri is spoken around Keylong, while Manchot and
Changsa are spoken in Chenab Valley. The Lahaul in turn makes use of four dialects-
Tibetan, Boonuum, Manchat and Teenuum. In Kangra, apart Kangri, the Dogri dialect
is also spoken. Some linguists are even of the opinion that despite the fact that the
Pahari language has been surrounded by Hindi, Dogri and Punjabi Languages, but it is
more closely akin to Rajasthani. The main reason behind to be stated, is that Rajasthan
and the hilly areas of Himachal Pradesh were once inhabited by the same type of
people like Khasa, Rajput, Gujjar etc.13
11
Ibid., p. 86.
12
V. Verma, op.cit., 1995, p. 24.
13
Ramesh Chauhan, Himachal Pradesh: A Perspective, Shimla: Menerva Book House, 1998, pp. 286-
288.
78
Table 2.1
Himachal at a Glance According to 2011 Census
Description Detail
Area 55673 (Sq.Kms.)
Population 68, 64, 602
Male 3481873
Female 3382729
Rural Population 6176050
Urban Population 688552
Scheduled Castes Population 1729252
Scheduled Tribes Population 392126
Literacy Rate 82.80 (%)
Growth Rate 12.94 (%)
Density of Population 123 (Persons)
Total No. of Main Workers 20.63 (Lakh)
Birth Rate 16.4 (Per 1000)
Death Rate 6.7 (Per 1000)
Religion Hindu
Annual Rainfall 180 cm
Maximum Temperature 38.60 C
Capital Shimla
Language Hindi, English, Himachali
Per Capital Income 1, 30, 067 (Rs.)
Urbanization Ratio 90:10
Best time to Visit March to October
Total Districts 12
Divisions 3
Sub-Divisions 62
Legislative Assembly Constituencies 68
Blocks 78
Tehsils 97
Sub-Tehsils 49
Panchayats 3226
Villages 20690
Source: Census of India, 2011, and Government of Himachal Pradesh, Statistical Abstract of Himachal
Pradesh, Shimla: Department of Economics and statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2015-16.
79
Area and Population
Himachal Pradesh has an area of 55,673 sq. kms. The population of Himachal
has been increasing continuously over the years. However, the growth rate of total
population shows a decreasing trend over the last three decades. In 2011, the total
population of Himachal Pradesh is 68, 64, 602 out of which 34, 81,873 were males
(51%) and 33, 82,729 (49%) were females. The composition of population shows that,
90 per cent of the total population is rural and only 10 per cent is urban. The trend
shows that, since 1981 the urban population is increasing continuously. It has been
increased from 7.61 per cent in 1981 to 8.6 per cent in 1991 and from 9.80 per cent in
2001 to 10.00 per cent in 2011.14
Table 2.2
Area, Density and Decennial Growth of Population in Different Districts

(2011 Census)
District Area in Total Population Decennial Density per

Sq. Kms. Growth Sq. Km.
2001 Census 2011 Census
2001-2011 (2011Census)
Bilaspur 1167 340885 381956 12.05 327
Chamba 6528 460887 519080 12.63 80
Haimirpur 1118 412700 454768 10.19 407
Kangra 5739 1339030 1510075 12.77 263
Kinnaur 6401 78334 84121 7.39 13
Kullu 5503 381571 437903 14.76 80
Lahaul and 13835 33224 31564 -5.00 2
Spiti
Mandi 3950 901344 999777 10.92 253
Shimla 5131 722502 814010 12.67 159
Sirmaur 2825 458593 529855 15.54 188
Solan 1936 500557 580320 15.93 300
Una 1540 448273 521173 16.26 338
Total 55,673 6077900 6864602 12.94 123
14
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Socio-Economic Indicators of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla:
Economic and Statistics Department Himachal Pradesh, 2014-15, p. 1.
80
20
15.54
16.26
14.76
15
12.63
15.93
12.77
12.67
12.05
10.92
10.19
10
7.39
5 Growth Rate of
Population 2001-2011
-5
-5
-10
Fig. 2.1: Growth Rate of Population 2001-2011
Sex Ratio
As per census 2011, there are 972 females per 1000 of male in Himachal
Pradesh as compared to 968 females as per 2001 census. This adverse trend in the sex
ratio is mainly attributed to female foeticide and infanticide. The government of
Himachal Pradesh has put a total ban on the prenatal diagnostic test by enacting the
legislation. The district wise sex ratio is given below.
Table 2.3
District Wise Sex Ratio
District Male Female Female Per 1000 Males
Bilaspur 192764 189192 981
Chamba 261320 257760 986
Hamirpur 217070 237698 1095
Kangra 750591 759484 1012
Kinnaur 46249 37872 819
Kullu 225452 212451 942
Lahaul and Spiti 16588 14976 903
Mandi 498065 501712 1007
Shimla 425039 388971 915
Sirmaur 276289 253566 918
Solan 308754 271566 880
Una 263692 257481 976
Himachal Pradesh 3481873 3382729 972
Source: Census of India 2011.
81
Female Per 1000 Males
1095
1200
1007
981
1012
942
918
976
1000
986
903
915
880
800
819
600
400
200
Fig.2.2: District Wise Sex Ratio
Participation of Women
According to census 2011, the total worker population in Himachal Pradesh was
35.59 lakh, of which 15.16 lakh were women and 20.43 lakh were men. Out of the total
women workers, 41.13 per cent were main workers, 58.87 per cent were marginal
workers. The female workforce participation rate (WPR), on an average in 2001 was
43.67 per cent, which has increased to 44.82 per cent in 2011. This has become an
evident through various census. Similarly, the male workforce participation rate
(WPR), on an average in 2001 was 56.62 per cent, which has increased to 58.69 per
cent in 2011. In respect of women employed in the government services, it was
revealed from the census of Himachal Pradesh that in 2012-13, only 21.2 per cent of
total government employees were women. However, this share of women government
employees, during in 2013 has moderately improved from 20.4 per cent in 2012.15
Historical Profile
The early history of Himachal Pradesh is not fully established. This is mainly
due to the absence of adequate archaeological and literary sources. However, some
recent explorations and research or have thrown significant light on the political and
15
Economics and Statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2014, p.29.
82
cultural history of the state, going as far back as the pre-historic age.16 Due to difficult
terrain, cold climate and inaccessible nature of the hilly state, it was impossible for any
major empire to annex the entire area of Himachal Pradesh. The history and traditions
of Himachal Pradesh can be traced from the earliest dawn of human civilization. The
Pre-History of Himachal Pradesh is the history of migration of the people of the
affiliated races from Indian plains and Central Asia. Its history is perhaps the most
unique and remarkable as compared to any other region of the Himalayas.17 That is in a
chronological order in a periodic form- (i) Pre-Aryan and Aryan Period up to A.D. 500
(ii) Early period A.D. 500 to A.D. 1000 (iii) Medieval Period A.D.1000 to A.D. 1800
(iv) British Period A.D. 1800 to A.D. 1947 (v) Modern Period A.D. 1947 onwards.
This hilly region, commonly named as Dev-Bhumi is believed to be the abode

of Gods. According to Vedas, some Non-Aryan tribes inhabited this region before the
arrival of Aryans. The Aryans came to hills at a very early date and probably before the
hymns of Rig Veda were compiled.18
The Indus civilization is generally believed to have flourished between 3000 to

1750 B.C. and covered the entire area extending from the Arabian Sea to the Gangetic
valley in the east. It covered the whole of Punjab as far as the Himalayan foot-hills
apart from Rajasthan and Gujarat in the south is concerned. It is believed that when the
inhabitants of the Indus valley spread through the Sarswati and Gangetic plains, they
pushed forward the Munda speaking Kolorian people, who used to inhabit this part
earlier. With the passage of time, this race spread themselves over the whole of the
western and central Himalayas. During the Rig-Vedic period, these people were called
Dasas, Dasyus, Nishadas etc. The literary sources also refer to Kinnaras, Nagas and
Yakshas who migrated to the hills of Himachal Pradesh during the post-vedic period.19
However, the Kols, also known as Mundas, are stated to be the earliest original
migrants to the Himachal hills and possibly the Kolis, Halis, Dums and Chanals of the
Western Himalayas and the Chamangs and Damangs of Kinnaur, Lahul and Spiti are
the remnants of this race. They were the master of the hills and according to Rig-Vedas,
their strong King Shambra had ninety-nine strong forts in the hill. It was only after
fighting for about forty years, the Aryan defeated Shambra.20
16
M.S. Ahluwalia, op.cit., 1988, p. 38.
17
18
Ibid., p. 2.
19
M.S. Ahluwalia, op.cit., 1998, pp. 38-39.
20
Ibid., p.40.
83
The second group of people were of the Aryan origin. They were known as the
Khasas, who penetrated from the north-west and settled in the mid-mountain belt of the
Himalayas from Kashmir to Nepal. They developed a specific Indo-Aryan culture and
religion.21 According to the Mahabharata the tract, which forms the present day
Himachal Pradesh was made up of a number of small republics known as Janapadas,
each of which constituted both a state and a cultural unit. The Audumbras were the
most prominent ancient tribes of Himachal, who lived in the lower hills between the
Pathankot and the Jawlamukhi.22 The Trigrata kingdom occupied the foothill tract
drained by the Ravi, Beas and Satluj. It was an independent state which flourished
during this period. Another contemporary Kingdom was that of Kuluta, situated in the
upper Beas valley, which is also known as the Kullu Valley. Its capital was Naggar and
they issued copper coins. The Chitravaram of Kuluta, was one of the five Kings of this
region, who formed an alliance to oppose the influence of Chandragupta Maurya.23
The Kulindas was another important kingdom that covered the area lying
between the Beas-Satluj and Yamuna rivers, i.e. the Shimla and Sirmaur hills. They
issued silver coins. Their administration resembled a republic with members of central
assembly sharing the powers of the King. The Ashoka, the grandson of Chandragupta
extended his boundaries to the Himalayan region. He introduced Buddhism to this tract.
He built many stupas, one of which is in the Kullu valley. A major inscription is at
Kalsi (now in U.P.), which was once a part of Sirmaur state.24 After the collapse of the
Gupta Empire and before the rise of Harsha, this region was again ruled by small petty
chiefs known as Thakurs and Ranas, whose states were of small size with constantly
changing boundaries due to wars with neighbours. It is believed that in Chamba area
alone, there were hundred such small chiefdoms. In the early seventh century, rule of
Harsha became paramount and most of these small states acknowledged his overall
supremacy, though a number of local powers continued to be exercised by the chiefs.
During this period, the Huien Tsang, one of the greatest travellers visited many
parts of Himachal Pradesh and wrote a detailed account of the socio-political set-up of
Himachal Pradesh at that time. According to Huien Tsang, Bharmour (Brahmapura)
21
Ibid., pp.40-41.
22
S.S. Negi, Himachal Pradesh: The Land and People, New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1993,
p. 124.
23
S.S. Negi, Discovering the Himalaya, Vol. 2, New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1998, pp. 343-
344.
24
S.S. Negi, op.cit., 1993, pp. 124-125.
84
was the capital of Chamba state, whose boundaries touched with those of Jalandhra in
the south-east and Mandi and Suket in the east. The hill states of the interior parts of
Himachal Pradesh were outside the jurisdiction of Harsha. During this period,
Thaneshwar was a flourishing Kingdom. The Srughna was a state to the North-East of
Thaneshwar, whose frontiers flow the Yamuna River with the capital located on the
banks of the river. It is believed that Paonta or Kalsi were probably the capital of this
kingdom.25
Early Period
The outside invaders during this period exploited the internal strifes of the petty
hill chiefs and chaos prevailing in their territories. The history of this area in a way
marched ahead with these events of internal strifes and rivalries. During this period,
some foreign invaders also invaded few parts of Himachal Pradesh. It may be recalled
here that, the internal warfare of kings and chiefs did not result in any significant
political changes and administration was partly of the primitive type. The lack of
King’s personal interest in state craft could have offered opportunities to Thakurs and
Ranas, to declare themselves independent. The army had to be fed and organised by the
people. The King took the responsibility of the army only during war periods. Only the
major states like Kangra, Kullu and Chamba had organised armies.26
Medieval Period
In this period, the old and larger states of Kullu, Kangra, Mandi etc. were
broken and many new small states of Guler, Siba, Datarpur, Handur, Koti, Bhajji,
Kumarsain, Khaneti etc. came into existence. During this period, Mughals, Muslims,
Dutch, Portuguese and French invaded many parts of India. The relations between
Mughals and these hill states commenced with Akbar, who wanted to include this
valuable area in his empire and he sent Todarmal to annex Kangra. The history stands
as witness that, erstwhile ruler of Kangra, Dharm Chand readily accepted suzerainty of
Akbar. In 1620 A.D. Jahangir also got hold over Kangra. On the other hand, the hill
states of Chamba, Kullu, Lahaul and Spiti, Bushahr had strifes amongst themselves but
the Mughals never intervented in the internal matters of these hill rulers. Because of
25
S.S. Negi, op.cit., 1998, pp. 344-345.
26
Sukhdev Singh Chib, This Beautiful India: Himachal Pradesh, New Delhi: Light and Life, 1977,
pp.4-5.
85
their relations outside hills, the hill rulers also brought about changes in public
administration. In fact, the system of administration evolved during this period,
continued till the integration of these states into one unit with minor changes. However,
the general condition of the hill subjects had improved a bit as compared to the earlier
period.27
British Period
After the death of Aurangzeb, the last great Mughal, the Mughal Empire in
India stated declining. In these hilly states, Raja Sansar Chand of Kangra had earned
reputation as a warrior and ruler. In the second half of the 18th century, a new nation
known as Gurkhas in the Himalayan history rose to power. Under the leadership of
Prithvi Narain Shah, they spread like a wild fire and engulfed the whole of Western
Himalayas including Kangra. They occupied Kumaon and Garhwal in 1803 A.D. and
by 1805 A.D. they captured Kangra Fort.28 But people were tired of their harsh
tyrannical rule. They united themselves and took a stand against them. The Britishers
also came to their help and in 1815 A.D. the Gurkhas were compelled to leave the
country. The help by the Britishers turned out to be a trap for them. They compelled the
local rulers to sign certain treaties, through which the paramount power from the hands
of these rulers passed on the British government in India.29
Freedom Struggle
The people of the hills also participated in the freedom struggle from 1914-
1947. Praja Mandal launched agitations against the British yoke in areas under direct
British rule. In other princely states, agitations were launched for social and political
reforms. However, these were directed more against the princely states rather than
against the British and as such were mere extensions of the freedom movement. The
Mandi conspiracy was carried out in 1914-15 under the influence of the Gadhr Party.
The meetings were held in Mandi and Suket states in December 1914 and January
1915. It was decided to murder the superintendent and Wazir of Mandi and Suket, to
loot the Treasury, blow up the bridge over the Beas River and bring the territories of
these states under the control of the revolutionaries.
27
Ibid., pp.6-8.
28
29
Shiv Raj Singh, Bureaurcacy and Rural Development: Policy Making, Planning and Implementation,
New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1989, p. 24.
86
The Pajhota agitation in which the people of part of Sirmaur state revolted, is
regarded as an extension of the Quit India Movement in 1942.30 At last the fateful day
arrived, when the British said good-bye for ever to India and the tri-colour was unfurled
on the ramparts of the Red fort in Delhi on the midnight of the 15th August, 1947. But
that was not the end of the drama for the hill people. The National leaders invited the
prince’s to join the ocean of masses. They felt the pulse of the time and signed the
instrument of accession. In March 1948, thirty old princes of Shimla and Punjab hills
met in Delhi and inscribed their signatures on the document and surrendered their
centuries old Raj to the masses and thus Himachal Pradesh in the form of a unit came
into existence on the 15th of April 1948.31
After Independence with the inauguration of the Constitution on 26th January,

1950, Himachal Pradesh became a part ‘C’ state. However, there was no immediate
change in the pattern of government. As its head were a chief commissioner and
advisory council consisting of three rulers and six nominated representatives of the
people. The council did not have any real power but it had only advisory power.32 The
state was administered by the first Chief Commissioner N.C. Mehta and by his Deputy
E. Penderal Moon.33
Due to wide spread resentment against the bureaucratic rule, a constitution

battle was waged and consequently in September 1951, Government of India passed
part ‘C’ state under a Lieutenant Governor to Himachal Pradesh.34 As a result of this
the election to the 36 member legislative assembly was held in November, 1951 and the
first Lieutenant Governor Major-General M.S. Himmat Singh assumed the office on
March 1, 1952. Three members strong popular ministry under the Chief Minister ship
of Dr. Yashwant Singh Parmar was sworn in on 24th March, 1952. The other two
ministers were Pandit Padam Dev and Shri Gauri Prasad. Lieutenant Governor was the
constitutional head of a parliamentary government in a state. Moreover, the Lieutenant
Governor and the Council of Ministers were both under the over-all control of the
President of India, who in fact, was the executive head of the Part ‘C’ state. Mr. K.L.
Mehta (I.C.S.) became the first Chief Secretary of the state. On 1st July 1954, the Part
30
S.S. Negi, op.cit, 1993, pp.130-131.
31
32
Shiv Raj Singh, op.cit., 1989, p. 26.
33
Ramesh Chauhan , op.cit., 1998, p.183.
34
Ibid, pp.183-184.
87
‘C’ state of Bilaspur was merged with Himachal Pradesh as fifth district of the state and
strength of the assembly seat was raised to 41 members.35
On 29th December 1953, the government of India passed a resolution to appoint

the State Reorganisation Commission to go into the question of the reorganisation of
states. The commission with Justice Fazal Ali and its chairman K.M. Pannikar and H.
N. Kunzru as members presented its report on 30th September, 1955. The majority
verdict of the States Reorganization Commission recommended Himachal’s integration
with Punjab, though its chairman dissented and recommended its retention as a separate
entity. Time had come for starting a grim battle for the retention of the Pradesh as a
separate entity on the map of India. The battle was fought under the leadership of the
indomitable Dr. Y.S. Parmar. Ultimately, he was able to convince Pandit Nehru of the
necessity of a separate Himachal Pradesh.36
Himachal Pradesh maintained its status of part ‘C’ state of the Indian union till
1956, when the state reorganisation commission headed by Mr. Justice Fazil Ali and
two members i.e. H.N. Kunzru and K.M. Pannikar, submitted its recommendation to
abolish the categorization of state as part A.B.C.37 The parliament passed the territorial
council act in December 1956. According to the provision of this act, Himachal
Pradesh was made an union territory under the chairmanship of Thakur Karam Singh.
According to the government of union territory act, the territorial council re-elected in
1962 and it was turned into legislative assembly. A three member’s popular ministry
headed by Dr. Y.S. Parmar was sworn in on July 1, 1963, other two ministers were
Thakur Karam Singh and Hari Das. Another new district, the sixth one which was
carved out of the Mahasu district formed the new Kinnaur district ceded from the entire
Chini Tehsil and 14 villages from Rampur Tehsils.
In 1965, reorganisation of Punjab on linguistic basis was reopened and on 1st

November 1966, saw the fulfilment of the long cherished desire of the hill people,
when the hilly areas of Punjab and Himachal were integrated. The government of India,
while reorganising the Punjab state into two separate states namely Punjab and
Haryana, decided to integrate the Punjab hill areas of the districts of Kangra, Kullu,
Shimla, Lahaul and Spiti, Nalagarh area of Ambla District, parts of Una tehsil of
35
36
Himachal Past, Present and Future, op.cit. 1975, p.122.
37
88
Hoshiarpur district and Pathankot tehsil of Gurdaspur district with Himachal. The
integration came about on 1st November 1966.38
On 24th January 1968, Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha Unanimously passed a

resolution demanding statehood. A negotiating committee headed by Prof. Tapinder
Singh was appointed to take up the matter with the congress high command and the
centre. The home minister of Y.B. Chavan, a determined opponent of further
reorganisation of states, helped matters. On 31st July 1970, Prime Minister informed the
parliament that the government had decided to grant statehood to Himachal Pradesh.
On 18th December 1970, the state of Himachal Pradesh Act was passed and Himachal
Pradesh got full-fledged statehood on 25th January 1971.39 It was under the dynamic
leadership of the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi that the status of full statehood was
bestowed upon Himachal Pradesh. Dr. Yashwant Singh Parmar was sworn as the first
Chief Minister of Himachal Pradesh. With this Himachal Pradesh emerged as the 18th
state of the Indian union. It also brought to close that protected period of perpetual
struggle that had commenced in the middle of this century.40
After granting the statehood to Himachal Pradesh, the strength of the state
legislative assembly had been fixed and increase in sixty to sixty-eight. Out of sixty
eight constituencies, nineteen seats were reserved to scheduled caste and scheduled
tribes ( i.e. Sixteen for SCs and Three for STs). Simultaneously, four seats for Lok
Sabha and three seats for Rajya Sabha were also fixed for Himachal Pradesh. At
present, all the four parliamentary constituency ( i.e. Hamirpur, Kangra, Mandi and
Shimla) consists of seventeen assembly constituencies each, will come under the sixty-
eight assembly constituencies. In 1971, mid-term election were held in centre as well as
in the state, in which congress party got majority at centre and won all four
parliamentary seats in Himachal Pradesh. In 1972, Vidhan Sabha election the Indian
National Congress got 53 seats, Bhartiya Jan Sangh 5, Independents and others 10
seats. In the 68 Vidhan Sabha the Indian National Congress got ¾ majority, as there
was hardly any opposition to the Indian National Congress at that time from any
national or regional political outfits. The Indian National Congress had projected itself
as the only party of masses in general and SC/ST’s in particular. Once again, Dr. Y. S.
38
39
40
Ramesh Chauhan, op.cit., 1998, pp.187-188.
89
Parmar became the Chief Minister of Himachal Pradesh. We can see the performance
of various parties in Himachal Pradesh legislative assembly election during in 1952-
1972, in which the congress party ruled with strength in the state. It has been illustrated
in the table below:
Table 2.4
Performance of Parties in Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly Election from
1952-1972
Sr. No Political Parties 1952 1957 1962 1967 1972

1 Congress 24 22 34 34 53
2 Jan Sangh 0 0 0 7 5
3 Hindu Meha Sabha 0 0 0 0 0
4. Ram Rajya Party 0 0 0 0 0
5. P.S.P 0 1 0 0 0
6. S.C.F 1 1 0 0 0
7 K.M.P.P. 3 0 0 0 0
8 C.P.I. 0 1 1 2 0
9 C.P.I(M) 0 0 0 0 1
10 Swantntra Party 0 0 3 1 0
11 Lok Raj Party 0 0 0 0 2
12 Independents 8 16 3 16 7
Total 36 41 41 60 68
Source: Reports on General Election to Himachal Pradesh State Legislative Assembly from 1952-1972,
Furthermore, the political scene at national level became very turmoil because
central government under Indira Gandhi suffered a setback on account of adverse
judgement of Allahabad High Court against her. In 1975, Mrs. Indira Gandhi imposed
internal emergency and put all opposition leaders in jail. The emergency continued for
nineteen months. However, the emergency proved to be a blessing in disguise, as it
brought discipline and a genuine sense of responsibility in the government
functionaries. The strikes became outdated and files started moving fast vanishing red
tapism etc. The twenty point programme for the welfare of the general masses was
taken with all earnestness. The state to some extent, witnessed virtual transformation by
90
the year 1976, when it stood in the threshold of self-sufficiency in food production, etc.
But various restrictions imposed on the fundamental rights annoyed the people at large.
However, the various welfare programmes became torturing, humiliating and fanatic in
its implementation and consequently, the farmers as well as the government employees
reacted very strongly against it. On account of the restrictions imposed on speech and
press, the government could not get realistic feed back with the result that the congress
was replaced in 1977 general elections. In February 1977, Dr. Y. S. Parmar stepped
down at the instance of the central leadership, when youth wing of the congress party
had emerged powerful and Thakur Ram Lal became the chief minister.
As a result of change in government at the centre, for seeking fresh mandate the
Himachal Pradesh government was dissolved and President’s Rule promulgated on 30th
April 1977, which remained enforced up to 21st May 1977. Subsequently, the Janta
Party was voted to thumping majority having won 54 seats out of total 68 seats in June,
1977 general elections, thus Janta Party in the state formed the government. The
Congress-I had secured only 9 seats while 5 seats were won by the independent
candidates.
Mr. Shanta Kumar became the chief minister of Himachal Pradesh on 24th June
1977. However, the Janta government made several achievements but the internal
conflicts and contradictions inherent in the party were responsible for several setbacks.
Its fall came earlier than it could be foreseen and the government collapsed under its
own weight before it could complete its full term. The careful accommodation of
interests of different groups was essential for keeping such a party intact and the
leadership then probably lacked this quality. The emergence of Janta party had raised
expectations that India was heading toward a two party system, but in vain. The Indian
social conditions and its overall structure did not conform to the conditions necessary
for such a political development. The clash of personalities and the absence of
commonly accepted ideologies were responsible for the failure of Janta government.
In 1980 Lok-Sabha elections Congress-I won all four seats and this victory of
the congress party proved last nail in the coffin of Janta party government in the state.
The politics of defection transformed the fortune of nine members congress party to
emerge as a ruling Janta under the chief-ministership of Thakur Ram Lal, Janta
government lasted for thirty months.41 In 1982, Vidhan Sabha election, Janta party has
41
Ibid., pp. 188-190.
91
virtually lost its political significance. In these elections, congress too faced a big loss.
However, BJP expanded its influence in Himachal Pradesh for the first time under the
leadership of Shanta Kumar winning 29 seats. These elections were mainly contested
between Ram Lal and Shanta Kumar, the two personalities in the state politics. At that
time, there was no political party to form the government on its own. But the congress
party once again formed the government, with the help of independent candidate
Thakur Ram Lal became the chief minister. But later on, Thakur Ram Lal was
appointed Governor of Andhra Pradesh and Virbhadra Singh became the chief minister
of Himachal Pradesh.42 Thus, in Vidhan Sabha elections of 1982 Congress-I recaptured
power in the state. As there was a short change in leadership, Ram Lal Thakur was
replaced by Virbhadra Singh. He again went to snap poll in 1985 and returned his party
with thumping majority.43
In 1985 Mid-term poll, congress party once again got thumping majority in the
state legislative assembly. The period from 1980 to 1991 was the period of great
turmoil and instability in Indian politics. The problem of terrorism was taking heavy
toll all over the country. Mrs. Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her own Sikh security
guards in New Delhi on 31st October 1984. After the gap of seven years, Mr. Rajiv
Gandhi was killed in Tamilnadu by a suicide bomber, while on his way to address an
election rally at Sriparambadur. When congress remained in power from 1985-90 in
the state, it was during this period B.J.P. strengthened its party cadre and exploited the
weakness of congress party within and outside the Vidhan Sabha. Mr. Shanta Kumar
led a Yatra from Palampur to Shimla, which received overwhelming support. In 1989
Lok Sabha election, Shanta Kumar won from Kangra seat. 44
In 1990, Himachal Pradesh Vidhan Sabha election, BJP came to power. Mr.
Shanta Kumar was sworn in as chief minister of the state for the second time on 5th
March, 1990. His council of ministers included Jagdev Chand, Radha Raman Shastri,
Nagin Chander Pal, Kishori Lal, Roop Singh Thakur, Kunj Lal Thakur, Vidya Sagar
and Dile Ram. The vital political change at the centre (Congress-I) did not bring any
change initially in Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) government in Himachal Pradesh.
However, due to dismantling of Babri Masjid at Ram Janam Bhumi, Ayodha led to the
ouster of the three BJP ruled states including Himachal Pradesh on 15th December
42
Ibid., p.190.
43
Har Gopal Singh, A Period of Hot Politics in Himachal Pradesh and Other Notes, Solan: Har Gopal
Singh Publishers, 1996, p. 5.
44
Ibid, p.190.
92
1992, while the fourth (UP) had resigned of its own. After their dismissal the
President’s Rule was promulgated in these states. After the President’s rule of about
one year the tenth Vidhan Sabha election were held on 9th November 1993. The
congress has returned to power winning 52 of the total 68 assembly seats. Mr.
Virbhadra Singh again became the chief minister of the state for the third time on 3rd of
December 1993. On the recommendation of the council of ministers of Virbhadra
Singh the Governor Mrs V.S. Rama Devi dissolved the Vidhan Sabha under article
174-2b on the 24th December 1998 to sought simultaneously Lok Sabha and assembly
elections under the presumed favourable political scenario in the state.45 The elections
to the Lok Sabha and state assembly again were held on February 1998. The chief
minister Mr. Virbhadra Singh dissolved the legislative assembly one year earlier
schedule, to pave the way for simultaneous election for the Lok Sabha and the state
legislative assembly. But mandate of the people went against congress party. These
elections changed the whole political scenario in the state.
For the first time, the Himachal Vikas congress (HVC) emerged as “Third
Force” under the leadership of former union communication minister Pandit Sukh Ram,
who was expelled from the congress party on corruption charges. Due to Kinnaur,
Lahaul and Spiti and Bharmour, these elections were postponed in three assembly seats
and in one parliamentary constituency (Mandi). Elections in these areas were held on
3rd June 1998. There were no clear cut verdicts in favour of any political party. In three
parliamentary constituencies, BJP got two seats (Kangra and Hamirpur) while the
congress got only one seat i.e. Shimla.
As far as in sixty eight state assembly seats were concerned Indian National
Congress got 31 seats, while BJP got 29 seats. The HVC got 4 seats (Mandi Sadar,
Dharampur, Balh, Karsog), first time as a third party in Himachal Pradesh, while its
candidate contested 61 seats, one seat was rested by an independent candidate. The
HVC join hands with BJP under the leadership of Prof. Prem Kumar Dhumal as the
10th chief minister of Himachal Pradesh. It was first time in Himachal the coalition
government came into power.46 Therefore, 13th Lok Sabha elections were held on
September 25, 1999 in Himachal Pradesh BJP and HVC alliance captured all the four
seats i.e. three by BJP (Kangra, Hamirpur and Mandi) and one seat (Shimla) by HVC.
45
Ramesh Chauhan, op.cit., 1998, pp 192-193.
46
T. R. Sharma, “Himachal Pradesh: Two Party Competition in a Small State”, Journal of Indian
School of Political Economy, Vol. 15, No. 1-2, January-June 2003, pp.182-183.
93
In the by election of Solan assembly seat, Dr. Rajeev Bindal of BJP got elected in
February 2000.
In 2003 assembly election, electronic voting machines (EVMs) were used for
voting for the first time in the state and 9500 EVMs was requisitioned by Himachal
Pradesh chief election commissioner. There was a little more growth of electors than 30
per cent since 1990 election. The total electorate has increased for 3058107 in 1990 to
4088844 now. The ratio of men and women voters has remained unchanged.
Interestingly, while the number of men contestants has been constantly coming down,
that of women contestants have been on the rise. Election to the 10th Himachal Pradesh
legislative assembly except the total tribal constituencies was held on 28 February
2003. The house was constituted on 4th March 2003. The Indian National Congress
with 40 seats was swept back to power. The party raised its tally to 43 as it won all the
three tribal constituencies by election to which were held on June 8, 2003.47
In April 2004, HVC supreme Pandit Sukh Ram rejoined the congress.
Therefore, in May 2004 parliamentary election, India National Congress scored an
impressive victory wresting three of the four seats in the state. The BJP survived a
clean sweep by the congress as one of its candidate Suresh Chandel managed to scrape
through by a slender margin in Hamirpur Lok Sabha constituency.
Whereas in 2007, assembly elections, the hill state reverted to bipolar polity
with the realignment of political force during these election. The efforts to form a third
political front in the past to challenge the two main political parties, which have been
occupying the centre stage for the past three decades, have not been successful. The
emergence of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) had raised the vision of a third political
force in the state, where the electoral arena has been traditionally dominated by the
Congress and BJP. Largely, it seems that the emergence of third force like the Janta
Dal, HVC and BSP during assembly elections, had dented the vote banks of main
parties to an extent but the politics in the state has largely remained bipolar. Such
emergence provided a platform to the rebels of the main parties and dependents, but
failed to create a permanent space and virtually vanished from the scene.
However, election to the 11th Himachal Pradesh legislative assembly, except

two total tribal constituency, was held on 2007. As far as sixty eight state assembly
47
94
seats were concerned, BJP got 41 and Congress party got 23, seats. BSP got 1 and 3
seats was rested by independent candidate. Prof. Prem Kumar Dhumal became 11th
chief minister of Himachal Pradesh.48
In an election to the 12th Himachal Pradesh legislative assembly except, to total

tribal constituency, were held on 4th November 2012. The house was constituted in
December 2012. As far as sixty eight state assembly seats were concerned congress got
36 seats whole and BJP got 26 seats, HLM got 1 and 5 seats was rested by independent
candidates. Mr. Virbhadra Singh became the 12th chief ministers of Himachal
Pradesh.49
Table 2.5
The Position of Political Parties since (1977- 2012) in Himachal Pradesh
Sr. No. Political Parties 1977 1982 1985 1990 1993 1998 2003 2007 2012
1. Janta Party 53 02 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
2. Congress (I) 09 31 58 9 52 31 43 23 36
3. C.P.I 0 0 0 01 0 0 0 0 0
4. CPI(M) 0 0 0 0 01 0 0 0 0
5. BJP 0 29 07 46 08 31 16 41 26
6. Janta Dal (JNP) 0 0 0 11 0 0 0 0 0
7. Lok Dal 0 0 01 0 0 0 0 0 0
8. HVC 0 0 0 0 0 5 1 0 0
9. Other 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 1 1
10. Independents 06 06 02 01 07 01 06 3 5
Total 68 68 68 68 68 68 68 68 68
Sources: Reports on General Election to Himachal Pradesh State Legislative Assembly from
1977- 2012, Chief Electoral Officer, Shimla: Himachal Pradesh.
Panchayati Raj Institutions in Himachal Pradesh
Panchayati Raj system in Himachal Pradesh was established under the

provisions of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1952. There were only 280
Gram Panchayats that existed prior to the enactment of this act, however, after the
enactment of this act 466 Gram Panchayats were increased to 638 during the year 1962.
48
Himachal Pradesh Assembly Election Result in 2007, https://en.m.wikipedia, Accessed on 30-10-
2015.
49
95
On 1st November 1966, the hilly area of Punjab was merged in the state and as a result
the number of Gram Panchayats were increased to 1695. In the merged areas, a three
tier Panchayati Raj System was already in existence under the provisions of Punjab
Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad Act, whereas two tier systems was prevalent in the
state of Himachal Pradesh. With a view to bring uniformity in the Panchayati Raj
system in the old and the newly merged areas, the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj
Act, 1968 was enacted on November 15, 1970 and the two-tier Panchayati Raj system
was established throughout the state. Beside this, the Nayaya Panchayats were also in
the existence in the state for discharging judicial functions, but during the year 1977
Nayaya Panchayats were abolished and the judicial functions were transferred to Gram
Panchayats. After the enactment of the act in 1970, the existing Gram Sabha were
recognised or bifurcated from time to time and new Gram Sabha/ Gram Panchayats
were established. It was in 2005-2006 government created 206 new Gram Sabha
circles, thereby raising the number to 3243 Panchayats.50 At Present, there are 3226
Gram Panchayats 78 Panchayat Samitis and 12 Zila Parishads constituted in the state.
Table 2.6
The Number of Gram Panchayats Since 1952-2015
Sr. No. Year No. of Gram Panchayats
1 1952 280
2 1954 466
3 1962 638
4 1966 1695
5 1972 2035
6 1978 2357
7 1985 2597
8 1991 2757
9 1995 2922
10 2000 3037
11 2005 3243
12 2010 3243
13 2015 3226
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 1952 to 2015-16.
50
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2014-15, p. 1.
96
3243
3500
3226
3243
3000
3037
2922
2757
2597
2500
2357
2000
2035
No. of Gram Panchayats
1695
1500
1000 638
500
466
280
0
1952195419621966197219781985199119952000200520102015
Fig. 2.3: The Number of Gram Panchayats Since 1952-2015
Enactment of State Panchayati Raj Act
With a view to bring law relating to the Panchayats in conformity with the
provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act, the Himachal Pradesh
Panchayati Raj Act, 1968 has repealed and the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act,
1994 was enacted with effect from April 23, 1994. This act provided for a Gram Sabha
and Gram Panchayats, Panchayat Samitis and Zila Panchayats at village, block and
district level respectively.51
Structure of Panchayati Raj in Himachal Pradesh
Gram Sabha/Up-Gram Sabha
Gram Sabha which forms the core of the democratic decentralization needs to
be given utmost attention. Thus the state government has already taken steps to
strengthen the institution of Gram Sabha. Gram Sabha have been empowered to form
vigilance committees from amongst its members to supervise Gram Panchayats works,
schemes and other activities, no member of the Gram Panchayat shall be eligible to
become member of the vigilance committee. It has been made mandatory for every
Gram Sabha to hold four general meetings in every year, besides special meetings.
These meetings are required to be held in January, April, July and October.52
51
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2010- 2011, p. 4.
52
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994, Section 7, p. 23.
97
Under section 7-A of HPPR Act (Second Amendment) Act, 2000, there shall be
a Up-Gram Sabha for each ward of a Gram Sabha. All members of the Gram Sabha
residing within the area of the ward shall be members of the Up-Gram Sabha. Every
Up-Gram Sabha shall hold two general meetings in each year, and it shall be the
responsibility of the member of the Gram Panchayat representing the ward to convene
such meetings. The meeting of the Up-Gram Sabha shall be presided over by the
member of the Gram Panchayat representing the ward, who shall also record the
proceedings. The time and place of the meetings of the Up-Gram Sabha shall be fixed
and notified by the member of the Gram Panchayat representing the ward. The Up-
Gram Sabha shall nominate its members to represent it in the general meeting of the
Gram Sabha and these members shall be nominated in such a manner, that 50 per cent
of the total families residing in the area of the ward get nominated, provided that one-
half of the nominations shall be of women. The village level functionaries of the
agriculture, animal husbandry, primary education, health and family welfare,
horticulture, irrigation and public health etc. shall attend the meetings of Gram Sabha in
the jurisdiction they are posted. The Up-Gram Sabha may deliberate on issues relating
to its area and make recommendations to the Gram Panchayat or Gram Sabha.53
Quorum
The quorum for a Gram Sabha meeting (according to HPPR Act 1994, Act
No.15 of 2010) shall be 1/3rd of the total number of its members (i.e. voters) and
decision will be taken by the majority of members present and voting. If a meeting is
adjourned for short of quorum, at least 1/5th of the total number of its members shall be
required for holding the adjourned meeting.54
Gram Panchayat
Under section 8 HPPR Act 1994, there shall be a Gram Panchayat for a Gram
Sabha and every Gram Sabha shall, in the prescribed manner, elect from amongst its
members a Pradhan and Up-Pradhan of the Sabha. Who shall also be called the Pradhan
and Up-Pradhan of the Gram Panchayat and shall also elect from amongst its members
an Executive Committee called the Gram Panchayat, consisting of such number of
persons not being less than seven and more than fifteen, including Pradhan and Up-
53
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2014-2015, pp. 9-10.
54
The Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Act, 2010(Act No.15 of 2010), p. 9.
98
Pradhan. The number of members excluding Pradhan and Up-Pradhan to be assigned to
each Gram Sabha, shall be determined on the following scale:
(a) With a population not exceeding 1750 would be five
(b) With a population exceeding 1750 but not exceeding 2750 would be seven
(c) With a population exceeding 2750 but not exceeding 3750 would be nine
(d) With a population exceeding 3750 but not exceeding 4750 would be eleven
(e) With a population exceeding 4750, the number of members would be thirteen.55
Qualification
Basic qualification for contesting the election of Gram Panchayats is 21 years

of age. The voting age for Panchayat election has also been reduced from 21 to 18
years.56
Reservation of Seats
The act provides the reservation of seats in Gram Panchayat for SCs and STs in
proportion to their population to the total population by rotation. Not less than 1/3 of
the total number of seats shall be reserved for women belonging to SCs and STs.
Similarly, not less than one-third (including the number of the seats reserved for
women belonging to SCs and STs) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct
election in every Gram Panchayat shall be reserved for women.57 The government can
also reserve seats for backward classes in a Gram Panchaayat. According to HPPR
Adhiniyam 2001, maximum 15 per cent seats shall be reserved for backward classes in
all tiers of PRIs and one third of the total number of seats shall be reserved for
women.58
Tenure
Every Panchayat shall continue for five years from the date appointed for its
first meeting and no longer unless, sooner dissolved under this Act. An election to
constitute a Panchayat shall be completed- before the expiry of its duration specified in
sub-section. And before the expiration of a period of six months from the date of its
55
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 (Act No.4 of 1994) Section 8, p.7.
56
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 (Act No. 4 of 1994) Section 8, p. 7.
57
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Amendment Act, No. 8 of 2000), p. 1.
58
Panchayati Raj Adhiniyam or Ewam Niyam, Department of Panchayati Raj, Shimla: Himachal
Pradesh, 2001, p.6.
99
dissolution: Provided that where the remainder of the period for which the dissolved
Panchayat would have continued is less than six months, it shall not be necessary to
hold any election under this clause for constituting the Panchayat for such period. A
Panchayat constituted upon the dissolution of a Panchayat before the expiration of its
duration shall continue only for the remainder of the period, for which the dissolved
Panchayats would have continued under sub-section (1) had it not been so dissolved.
Meeting
The meeting of the Gram Panchayat have been declared a public meeting and is
to be held at least once a month. Meeting are convened by the Up- pradhan and in his
absence by the Pradhan. One half of members of the Panchayat form the quorum. All
the decisions are taken by majority votes. In case of equal voting, Pradhan or Up-
Pradhan shall have the right or casting vote.59
Functions of the Gram Panchayats
According to Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 under section 11, the
Gram Panchayat has been entrusted with 29 functions, which included sanitation,
constructional and maintenance of records of birth and death, plantation and
preservation of Panchayat forest, removal of social evils like dowry, providing medical
care and in general carrying out functions entrusted to be by Panchayat Samiti, Zila
Parishad of the state government.60
Panchayat Samiti
Intermediate body of the three-tier Panchayati Raj system in the state is called
Panchayat Samiti. This institution is co-terminus with the development blocks.
Members of Panchayat Samitis are elected directly, whereas the Chairperson and Vice-
Chairperson are elected indirectly by the elected members. The number of elected
members of Panchayat Samiti are determined by the government at the rate of one
member of every 3500 population or part there of subject to a minimum of 15
members. There is no separate office of Panchayat Samitis but office function as
Samitis office. Block Development Officer has been designated as Chief Executive
Officer of the Panchayat Samitis, wheras Panchayat inspector is the secretary of the
Panchayat Samiti. The member of the Zila Parishad representing the ward which
59
60
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 (Act No. 4 of 1994), pp. 70-71.
100
comprises wholly or partly the Panchayat Samiti area, shall also be the member of
Panchayat Samiti. Under section 78 of the Act Panchayat Samiti Consists of :
• The directly elected members from territorial constituencies;
• The members of the Lok Sabha and the MLAs of the state representing
constituencies, which comprise wholly or partly the Panchayat Samiti area;
• The members of the council of states, where they are registered as electors
within the Panchayat Samiti area;
• One-fifth of the Pradhans of Gram Panchayats in the Panchayat Samiti area, by

rotation, for such period as the prescribed authority may determine, by lot.
The act provides one-half of the total number of seats reserved under sub-
section (4) shall be reserved for women belonging to the SCs or, as the case may be the
STs. One-half (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the SCs
and the STs) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every
Panchayat Samiti shall be reserved for women. Basic qualification for a candidate, who
is seeking to contest the election of Panchayat Samiti is 25 of age. The election of first
Panchayat Samiti was held by secret ballot and direct vote.61 Before the statehood
(1971), election of first Panchayat Samiti was held in 1972 and second in 1991 after
73rd Amendment in Indian constitution, thereby more elections were held in 1995,
2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015. At present there are 78 block in Himachal Pradesh.62
Table 2.7
Panchayat Samitis in Himachal Pradesh, 1972 to 2015
Sr. No. Election Year Total Blocks
1 1972 69
2 1991 69
3 1995 72
4 2000 75
5 2005 75
6 2010 77
7 2015 78
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2015.
61
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 (Act No. of 1994), pp. 21-22.
62
Shimla: Himachal Pradesh, 2015-16.
101
78
78 77
76 75 75
74
72
72
Total Block
70 69 69
68
66
64
1972 1991 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015
Fig.2.4: Panchayat Samitis in Himachal Pradesh, 1972 to 2015.

2015
Before the statehood, the elections of all the PSs were not held regularly and
after the statehood first election of PSs was held in1972 in all the blocks and second
election was held in 1991. In December
Decem 1995 with the increase of 3 Blocks,
locks, the total
numbers of Blocks were 72. At
A present there are 78 PSs (Blocks)) in Himachal Pradesh.
After the declaration of result of election of the elected members of the Panchayat
Samiti in the prescribed manner, the Deputy Commissioner concerned or any gazetted
g
officer
fficer appointed by him in this behalf shall,
shall as soon as possible but not later than one
week of such declaration, call under his President ship a meeting of all elected
members for the purpose of oath, or the affirmation of allegiance under section 127.
Immediately after oath or affirmation of allegiance under section 127 of the Act,
the elected members of a Panchayat Samiti elect one of its members to be the Chairman
and another member to be the Vice-Chairman.
Vice If the office of the Chairman or Vice-
Vice
Chairman, as the case may be, is vacated or falls vacant during the tenure on account of
death, resignation or no-confidence
confidence motion, a fresh election within a period of two
months from the date of occurrence of vacancy
vaca shall be held and the post will be filled
up. Panchayats Samiti members will hold their officer for five years.63
63
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, Under Section 127, p.73.
102
Under section 81 of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994, the
Panchayat Samiti in the state performs a variety of functions:
a) Integrated Rural Development, Agriculture, Social Forestry, Animal Husbandry

and Fisheries, Health and Sanitation, Adult Education, Communication and
Public Works, Co-operation, Cottage Industries, Welfare of Women, Youth and
Children, Welfare of Disabled and the Destitute and Welfare of Backward
Classes, Family Planning and Sports and Rural Employment Programmes;
b) Provision of emergency relief in cases of distress caused by fires, floods,

drought, earthquake, scarcity, locust, swarms, epidemics and other natural
calamities.
c) Arrangement in connection with local pilgrimage and festivals.
d) Management of public markets, public melas and exhibitions.
e) Any other function with the approval of the state government or Zila Parishad.64
Zila Parishad
This is uppermost body of the Panchayati Raj System. In our state Zila Parishad
were constituted for the first time after the enactment of new law relating to Panchayati
Raj system, consequent upon 73rd Constitutional Amendment. Presently, there are 12
Zila Parishad in our state. The members of Zila Parishad are elected directly by the
people, however the Chairperson and Vice-Chairperson are elected by the elected
members indirectly. Elected members of Zila Parishad are determined by the state
government at the rate on, one member for every 25000 populations or part there of
subject to a minimum of 10 members. The members of lok sabha, members of state
legislative assembly representing a part or whole of the district and the members of
council of states, where they are registered as voters and chairpersons of Panchayat
Samiti of the district will also be the members of Zila Parishad. Additional Disrict
Magistrate, Project Officer, ITDP in scheduled areas has been designated as Chief
Executive Officer, whereas District Panchayat Officer is the Secretary of Zila Parishad.
In addition to this district planning officer will be Planning Secretary.65 Under section
89 of the Act, every Zila Parishad shall consist of following members: The directly
64
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994, Section 81, pp. 48-49.
65
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Annual Administrative Report, op. cit., 2015-16, p. 5.
103
elected members from territorial constituencies; The Members of the House of People
and the Members of the State Legislative Assembly representing a part or whole of the
district, whose constituencies lie within the district; The members of the council of
states, where they are registered as electors within the district; The chairmen of all
Panchayat Samitis in the district.66
Reservation of Seats: Seats shall be reserved in the Zila Parishad:
(a) For the Scheduled Castes; and
(b) For the Scheduled Tribes; in proportion to their population by rotation.
(c) One-half (including the number of seats reserved for women belonging to the
SCs and the STs) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in
every Zila Parishad shall be reserved for women of this category by rotation.
Qualification
The basic qualification to contest in a Zila Parishad election as a candidate is 25

year of age. The election of Zila Parishad is held by secret ballot and direct vote.
Term: the term of the members of Zila Parishad is five years. But they continue in
office till the election of new Zila Parishad members.
Functions of the Zila Parishad Under the Section 92:
a) It control, co-ordinate and guide, the Panchayat Samiti and Gram Panchayat
within the district; It co-ordinate and consolidate the Panchayat Samiti plans;
b) It co-ordinate the demands for grants for special purpose received from the
Panchayat Samiti and forward them to the state government;
c) It secure the execution of the plans, projects schemes, or other works common
to two or more Panchayat Samitis in the district;
d) Advise the state government in the developmental activities, social forestry,

family welfare, welfare of the disabled, destitute, women, youth and children
and sports;
e) Exercise and perform such other powers and functions as the state government
may, confer on or entrust to it by the government.67
66
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act 1994 (Act No. of 1994), p. 23.
67
104
Economic Profile of Himachal Pradesh
The economy of Himachal Pradesh is depending on agriculture. Himachal

Pradesh is a hilly state with a particular set up of economic condition. Due to lack of
irrigation facilities our agriculture production still depends upon timely rainfall and the
weather conditions to a large extent. Before 1948, no attention was paid towards the
economic and social enlistment of people. None of the erstwhile hill states was an
economically valuable unit and exploitation of the vast natural resources of the area
was not even thought off. The small princely states have neither the resource nor the
will to develop their areas. The prince’s were different and the people were helpless,
after the formation of hilly region the people started making concerted efforts to
improve their own economic condition and that of pradesh. Today, the economy is
mainly based on agriculture, horticulture, forests, hydropower, tourism and road
transport, animal husbandry, mineral wealth and education. 68
The era of economic planning started in Himachal Pradesh in 1948. The first
five year plan allocated about Rs. 52.7 million to Himachal. More than 50 per cent of
the expenditure was spent on transport facilities, since then it was felt that without
proper management, the process of planning and development couldn’t be carried out.
The community development programme was launched in 1952 with in the state. In
Mandi and Kangra, package programmes were undertaken in collaboration with the
West Germany for popularising modern techniques of cultivation among the farmers.
Suitable agriculture machinery and animal husbandry were introduced in these areas.
Well equipped soil testing laboratories, dairy farms and agricultural workshops were
setup at various centres, besides an Agriculture University at Palampur.69
Himachal is one of those states in India, which was rapidly transformed from
the most backward part of country to one of the most advanced states. At present it
ranks fourth in respect of per capita income among the states of the Indian union.
Himachal education system is well established, its agriculture is enough for its self-
sufficiency, its horticulture is highly impressive in the country and even in abroad, its
68
Mian Goverdhan Singh, op.cit.1985, p. 293.
69
105
road connectivity system has emerged as best in the mountainous areas in India. The
infrastructure for its industrial development are well laid out, its rich forest resources
being augmented and above all, the increasing attention of the nation towards the
exploitation of its hydel resources are the signs for its bright future.70 The economy of
the state also appears to be in resilient mode in terms of growth. As per advance
estimates, the growth rate of Gross State Domestic Product during 2016-17 will be 6.8
per cent.
Gross State Domestic Product
Gross State Domestic Product or state income is the most important indicator
for measuring the economic growth of a State. According to quick estimates, the total
State Domestic Product for the year 2015-16 is Rs. 96, 289 crore against Rs. 89, 095
core in 2014-15, thereby registering a growth of 8.1 per cent at constant prices (2011-
2012). As per the quick estimates the value of Gross State Domestic Product of the
Pradesh at current prices, which was estimated at Rs. 1, 04,177 crore for 2014-15
increased to Rs. 1, 13, 667 core during 2015-16, registering an increase of about 9.1 per
cent. This increase is attributed to the agriculture and allied activities sector besides
other sectors of the economy. The food grains production increased to 16.34 lakh MT
in 2015-16 from 16.08 lakh MT in 2014-15 and also the production of apple increased
to 7.77 lakh MT in 2015-16 from 6.25 lakh MT in 2014-15.
The economy of Himachal Pradesh is predominantly dependent upon

agriculture and in the absence of strong industrial base, any fluctuations in the
agricultural or horticultural production cause some changes in economic growth also.
During 2015-16 about 9.4 per cent of state income has been contributed by agriculture
sector alone. According to quick estimates (New Series base 2011-12), the Per Capita
Income at Current prices increased to Rs. 1, 35, 621 in 2015-16 from Rs. 1, 24, 325 in
2014-15, showing an increase of 9.1 per cent. At constant prices (2011-12) the per
Capita Income during 2015-16 is estimated at Rs. 1, 13, 447 against 1, 05,774 in 2014-
15 witnessing an increase of 7.3 percent.
70
Ibid.
106
Primary sector, which includes: Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing, Mining and
Quarrying, during 2015-16, witnessed growth rate of 0.7 per cent. The Secondary
sector, which comprises Manufacturing, Construction and Electricity, Gas and Water
Supply, registered a growth of 9.3 per cent during 2015-16. Transport storage,
communications and trade, this group of sectors shows a growth of 8.6 per cent during
2015-16. The transport by other means component of this sector has shown a growth of
5.9 per cent. Finance and Real Estate, this sector comprises Banking and Insurance,
Real Estate, Ownership of dwellings and Business Services. It witnessed a growth of
7.5 per cent in 2015-16. Community and personal Services the growth in this sector
during 2015-16 was 12.3 per cent. The overall contribution of local bodies in the Gross
State Domestic Product for the year 2015-16 was 0.24 per cent.71
Agriculture
Agriculture is the main occupation of the people of Himachal Pradesh and has
an important place in the economy of the state. Agriculture has played a predominate
place in the prosperity and economic development of Himachal Pradesh.72 Himachal
Pradesh is the only state in the country whose 89.96 per cent of population (Census
2011) lives in rural areas. Therefore, dependency on Agriculture/Horticulture is
eminent, as it provides direct employment to about 62 per cent of total workers of the
state. Agriculture happens to be the premier source of State Income (GSDP). About 10
per cent of the total GSDP comes from agriculture and its allied sectors. Out of the total
geographical area of state (55.67 lakh hectare) the area of operational holdings is about
9.55 lakh hectares and is operated by 9.61 lakh farmers. The average holding size
comes to 1.00 hectare. According to 2010-11 agricultural census the distribution of
land holdings shows that 87.95 per cent of the total holdings are of small and marginal
farmers. About 11.71 per cent of holdings are owned by Semi Medium/Medium
farmers and only 0.34 per cent by large farmers. The distribution of land holdings in
Himachal Pradesh has been depicted in table below:
71
Himachal Pradesh, 2016-17, pp. 10-12.
72
107
Table 2.8
Distribution of Land Holdings
(in years)
Size of Holdings Category No. of Holdings Area (Lakh Av. Size of
(hect.) (Farmers) (Lakh) hect.) Holding (hect.)
1 2 3 4 5
Below 1.0 Marginal 6.70 (69.78%) 2.73 (28.63%) 0.41

1.0-2.0 Small 1.75 (18.17%) 2.44 (25.55%) 1.39
2.0-4.0 Semi Medium 0.85 (8.84%) 2.31 (24.14%) 2.72
4.0-10.0 Medium 0.28 (2.87%) 1.57 (16.39%) 5.61

10.0- Above Large 0.03 (0.34%) 0.51 (5.29%) 17.00
Total 9.61 9.55 1.00
Table 2.8 shows that marginal and small farmers constitute 87.95 per cent of
total land holdings. The semi-medium and medium holding together constitute 11.71
per cent and the large holdings cover only 0.34 per cent. Thus, in Himachal Pradesh
bulk of holdings constitutes small and marginal holdings.
About 80 per cent of the total cultivated area in the state is rainfed. Rice, Wheat
and Maize are important cereal crops of the state. Groundnut, Soyabeen and Sunflower
in Kharif and Rapeseed/Mustard and Toria are important oilseed crops in the Rabi
season. Urd, Bean, Moong, Rajmash in Kharif season and Gram Lentil in Rabi are the
important pulse crops of the state. Agro-climatically, the state can be divided into four
zones viz:- sub tropical, sub-mountain and low hills, sub temperate, sub humid mid
hills, wet temperate high hills and cold deserts. The agro-climatic conditions in the state
are congenial for the production of cash crops like seed potato, off-season vegetables
and ginger. There is limited scope of increasing production through expansion of
cultivable land. Like whole country, Himachal too has almost reached a plateau in so
far as cultivable land is concerned. Hence, the emphasis has to be on increasing
productivity levels besides diversification towards high value crops.
Due to an increasing shift towards commercial crops, the area under food grains
is gradually declining, as the area which in 1997-98 was 853.88 thousand hectares is
likely to be declined to 764.85 thousand hectares in 2015-16. Increase in production
thus reflects gain in productivity as is evident from the table:
108
Table 2.9
Food Grains Area and Production
(in years)
Year Area Production Production per

(000hect) (000M.T.) hectare (M.T.)
1. 2. 3. 4.
2008-09 797.25 1226.79 1.53
2009-10 784.02 1111.16 1.41
2010-11 795.18 1493.86 1.88
2011-12 788.06 1544.49 1.96
2012-13 786.43 1541.33 1.96
2013-14 774.72 1585.13 2.05
2014-15 755.21 1607.89 2.13
2015-16(Ant Ach) 764.85 1634.05 2.14
In order to increase the production of food grains, emphasis has been laid on
distribution of seeds of high yielding varieties to the farmers. The area brought under
high yielding varieties of principal crops viz. Maize, Paddy and Wheat during the last
five years and proposed for 2016-17 is given in table.
Table 2.10
Area Brought Under High Yielding Varieties
(‘000 hect.)
S. Year Maize Paddy Wheat

No.
1 2011-12 279.05 75.08 330.35
2 2012-13 279.60 76.90 336.56
3 2013-14 285.05 76.05 341.35
4 2014-15 288.00 74.00 352.00
5 2015-16 200.07 62.64 324.00
6 2016-17 (Target) 255.00 75.00 354.00
109
There are 20 seed multiplication farms from where foundation seed is
distributed to registered farmers. There are 3 Vegetable Development Stations, 12
Potato Development Stations and 1 Ginger Development Station in the state.
According to 2011 census, out of total population, 30.05 per cent was main
workers, 21.81 per cent marginal workers and the 48.15 per cent were non-workers. In
other words, if we combine main and marginal workers, they constitute of 51.85 per
cent of the state as a whole.
Table 2.11
Distribution of Population into Main Workers, Marginal Workers and Non-

Workers -2011 Census
District Percentage out of total Main Workers Percentage of Total

Population
S.N Cultivators Agricultural Household Other Main Marginal Non-

Industry Workers Workers Workers Workers
etc.
1 Bilaspur 40.6 1.2 1.5 60.2 27.07 26.83 46.10
2 Chamba 52.0 2.6 1.9 63.1 23.05 33.60 43.35
3 Haimirpur 54.0 3.5 1.8 66.9 27.74 25.46 46.80
4 Kangra 69.4 11.1 7.7 225.7 20.79 23.92 55.29

5 Kinnaur 25.9 1.8 0.6 18.5 55.61 11.28 33.10
6 Kullu 132.5 7.2 1.8 52.4 44.27 17.17 38.55

7 Lahaul & 8.9 0.3 0.2 5.9 48.12 13.01 38.87
Spiti
8 Mandi 148.3 4.8 3.9 127.1 28.42 28.86 42.72

9 Shimla 156.5 17.5 5.4 132.4 38.30 14.64 47.06
10 Sirmaur 116.0 5.9 2.7 69.3 36.60 16.26 47.14
11 Solan 80.1 5.8 3.0 130.4 37.78 13.70 48.52

12 Una 35.6 7.0 2.2 89.5 25.80 15.52 58.68
Total 919.8 68.7 32.7 1041.4 30.05 21.81 48.15
Source: Government of Himachal Pradesh, Statistical Abstract of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla:

Department of Economics and Statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2015-16.
The total main workers, majority of 919.8 per cent were cultivators, 68.7 per
cent agricultural labourers, 32.7 per cent engaged in household industries and 1041.4
110
per cent in other activities. The highest percentage of workers in the state is in Kinnaur
district (55.61%), and Chamba district is at the bottom (23.05%). Due to difficult
geographical terrain, small size of land holdings and inadequate irrigation facilities are
main handicaps in the way of development of the agriculture in the state.
Horticulture
Himachal Pradesh is a mountainous region with an elevation ranging from 350

meters to 6, 500 meters above the mean sea level; horticulture seems to be the only
viable hope in the future. The southern parts of the states are as hot as the plains while
the northern region has a temperate summer and an extreme winter with cold
temperature and heavy snowfall. The importance of horticulture in improving the
economy of Himachal Pradesh is pivotal and cannot be over emphasized. Before
independence, little attention was paid to the development of horticulture, which mostly
remained under the small princely states, rulers of which neither had neither the
resources nor the urge to develop horticulture.
The importance and promotion of horticulture in Himachal Pradesh is a national

priority, because undulating physiography of land in the hill areas is more suitable for
cultivating horticultural crops. The development of horticulture in Himachal Pradesh is
not only supplementing the national food grid by way of providing nutritive food in the
form of fruits and vegetables but also playing a vital role in promoting environmental
conservation. The systematic development of horticulture in Himachal Pradesh was
taken up after independence. During the pre-Independence era, there was practically
very little development of horticulture. However, pioneering efforts of American
missionary, Satya Nand Stokes proved to be a milestone in the direction of the
development of horticulture. It paved way for different varieties of temperate fruits
particularly apples. Similarly, some princely state rulers also took an initiative in this
direction.73
Himachal has resulted in shifting of land use pattern from agriculture to fruit
crops in the past few decades. The area under fruits, which was 792 hectares in 1950-51
with total production of 1,200 tonnes increased to 2, 26,799 hectares during 2015-16.
The total fruit production in 2015-16 was 9.29 lakh tonnes, which during 2016 -17
(upto December, 2016) has been reported as 5.10 lakh tones. During 2016-17, it was
73
Rajinder Attri, op.cit., 2010, pp. 627-628.
111
envisaged to bring 3, 000 hectares of additional area under fruit plants against which 2,
816.72 hectares of area was brought under plantations and 7.53 lakh fruit plants of
different species were distributed upto 31st December 2016.
The rich diversity of agro-climatic conditions, topographical variations and

altitudinal differences coupled with fertile, deep and well drained soils favour the
cultivation of temperate to sub-tropical fruits in Himachal. The region is also suitable
for cultivation of ancillary horticultural produce like flowers, mushroom, honey and
hops. Apple is so far the most important fruit crop of Himachal Pradesh, which
constitutes about 49 per cent of the total area under fruit crops and about 84 per cent of
the total fruit production. The area under apple has increased from 400 hectares in
1950-51 to 3,025 hectares in 1960-61 and 1,10,679 hectares in 2015-16.
The area under temperate fruits other than apple has increased from 900
hectares in 1960-61 to 27,908 hectares in 2015-16. Nuts and dry fruits exhibit area
increase from 231 hectares in 1960-61 to 10, 491 hectares in 2015-16, Citrus and other
sub tropical fruits have increased from 1, 225 hectares and 623 hectares in 1960-61 to
24,063 hectares and 53,658 hectares in 2015-16, respectively. This development has
further jeopardized due to the erratic apple production, owing to weather vagaries and
market fluctuations. The advent of WTO, GATT and liberalisation of economy is
further imposing many challenges on the dominance of apple in fruit industry of
Himachal Pradesh.
In warmer area of the state mango has emerged as an important fruit crop.
Litchi is also gaining importance in certain regions. Mango and litchi are fetching
better market prices. In the mid hill zone, the agro-climatic conditions are highly
suitable for the successful cultivation of new fruits like kiwi, olive, pomegranate, pecan
and strawberry.
To bring diversification in horticulture industry a total area of 342 hectares has

been brought under flower cultivation. To promote flower cultivation two Tissue
Culture Laboratories have been established under Model Flower Cultivation Centres at
Mahogbagh (Chail, District Solan) and Palampur (District Kangra). Four farmers
Cooperative Societies are functioning for the production and marketing of flowers in
district Shimla, Kangra, Lahaul and Spiti and Chamba. Ancillary horticultural activities
like mushroom and bee keeping are also being promoted.74
74
112
Himachal Pradesh government and the farmers have seized this opportunity and
today this Pradesh has emerged as the ‘Horticultural State of India’. Apple is the major
horticultural crop, the production of which was 777.13 lakh tonne during 2015-16. Bulk
of the apple is produced in five districts viz. Shimla, Kullu, Mandi, Kinnaur, and
Chamba. For Integrated Developjmment of Horticulture, Centrally Sponsored
Development of Horticulture, Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojna and Pradhan Mantri Krishi
Sinchayee Yojna are being implemented in the state. Under this scheme various
activities of development, such as production of horticulture crops, strengthening of
basic infrastructure and development of irrigation facilities are being implemented. To
promote protected cultivation in horticulture, the state government has enhanced
subsidy under Poly Houses from 50 per cent to 85 per cent and 1.10 lakh sq. metre area
is targeted under Green Houses during year 2016-17. Rashtriya Krishi Vikas Yojna, in
which old apple orchards are being rejuvenated and replaced with the new improved
and regular bearing Spur varieties. To promote micro-irrigation facilities, 659 hectare
area has been brought under Pradhan Mantri Krishi Sinchayee Yojna upto December
2016. In addition to this, for strengthening irrigation facilities in the Orchards, Water
Storage Tanks and Borewells are being established in the state.75
Animal Husbandry
Animal Husbandry plays an important role to boost the rural economy of the
state. For any rural economy, raising up of live stock is considered to be a very
significant component. The topographical relationship in Himachal Pradesh established
an unique and dynamic relationship between common property resources such as
forests, water resources, live stocks, crops and grazing land. The number of live stocks
depends upon the fodder and grass able land to the large extent. The live stocks play an
important role in the sustainable development of the economy of Himachal Pradesh.76
Thus, the livestock is not only contributing towards agricultural production, but also is
even a source of self-employment to rural artisans. According to figures of 1966
census, the livestock population in Himachal Pradesh was about 42 lakh, 47.2 lakh in
1972, 49.9 lakh in 1977, 52.3 lakh in 1992 and 62.4 lakh as per 2010-11. The total
population of live stock, according to 2011-12 censuses has reached 48, 44,431. The
Government of Himachal Pradesh has initiated various development programmes of
75
Ibid., p.55.
76
Mian Goverdhan Singh, op.,cit., 2010, p.258.
113
animal husbandry in the state, which includes Animal Health and Disease Control,
Cattle Development; Sheep Breeding and Development of Wool, Poultry Development,
Feed and Fodder Development, Veterinary Education and Livestock Census.
Rearing of livestock is an integral component of rural economy. The

contribution of major livestock products during the year 2015-16 was 12.83 lakh tonnes
of milk, 1, 411 tonnes of wool, 81.17 million eggs and 4, 005 tonnes of meat, which
will likely to be of the order of 13.21 lakh tonnes of milk, 1, 475 tonnes of wool, 97.00
million eggs and 4,130 tonnes of meat during 2016-17. The production of milk in
Himachal Pradesh in the year 2016-17 is about 13.21 per cent as compared to the year
2015-16 (12.83 %).77
At present One State Level Veterinary Hospital, 9 Polyclinics, 48 Sub-

Divisional Veterinary Hospitals, 320 Veterinary Hospitals, 30 Central Veterinary
Dispensaries and 1,773 Veterinary Dispensaries are in the state. Besides this 6
Veterinary Check Posts are also operating to provide immediate veterinary aid to the
livestock. Under Mukhyamantri Arogya Pashudhan Yojna 1,251 veterinary
dispensaries have been opened. With a view to improve the quality of sheep and wool,
Government Sheep Breeding Farms at Jeori (Shimla), Sarol (Chamba), Tal (Hamirpur),
and Karachham (Kinnaur) are supplying improved sheep to the breeders of the state.
One Ram centre at Nagwain in District Mandi is also functioning, where improved
Rams are reared and supplied to breeders for cross breeding. The flock strength of these
farms are 1,962 during the year 2015-16 and 499 Rams were distributed to the
breeders. In view of the increasing demand for pure Hoggets and the established
popularity of the Soviet Marino and American Rambouillet in the Pradesh, the state has
switched over to pure breeding at the existing government farms in the state. Therefore,
9 sheep and wool extension centres continue to be functioning. During the year 2016-
17, the wool production is likely to be of the order of 1,475 tonne. Angora rabbit farms
are functioning at Kandwari (Kangra) and Nagwain (Mandi) for distribution of rabbits
to the breeders.
Himachal Pradesh is one of the state amongst a few in the union of India,
which has been gifted by mother nature with rivers emanating from glaciers that
traverse through filly terrains and finally enrich the semi-plain area of the state with
77
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, op.cit., 2016-17, p. 58
114
their oxygen rich water. Under fisheries about 18,641 fishermen families in the Pradesh
depend directly or indirectly on the occupation and earn their livelihood by fishing. The
reservoir of Himachal Pradesh has the distinction of highest per hectare fish production
in Govind Sagar and highest sale price value of fish catch in Pong Dam in the country.
During the year 2016, 13.06 tonne trout has been sold from the state farms and earning
revenue to the tune of Rs. 86.64 lakh.
The total livestock in Himachal Pradesh in the year 2012 was 48, 44,431 and
various steps have been taken by the state government to improve the animal
husbandry. However, dairy production also is an integral part of the Animal
Husbandry. The recent trend towards the development of a market-oriented economy
emphasized the importance of milk production, especially in areas falling in the vicinity
of urban consumption centres. This motivated farmers to replace local non-descript
breeds of cows with cross-breed cows.78
Milk Based Industries
The dairy development activities continued in the state under the animal
husbandry department upto 1983. In order to boost dairy products, similar methods as
used by the Anand Dairy Co-operatives Society of Gujarat were adopted by the
Himachal Pradesh Government and then a decision was taken to form a Himachal
Pradesh State Co-operative Milk Producers Federation in 1980. The dairy development
activities in the districts of Mandi, Bilaspur, Hamirpur, Solan, Sirmaur and parts of
Shimla was transferred from Animal Husbandry Department to the Milk Federation in
1983. In the remaining part of the state, it was transferred in 1992.79
The Himachal Pradesh state cooperative milk producers federation are

managing dairy development activities in the state. The Himachal Pradesh Milkfed has
895 milk producers co-operative societies. The total membership of these societies is
42,000 out of these 200 women dairy co-operatives are also functioning. The surplus
milk from the milk producers is collected by village diary co-operative societies,
processed and marketed by Himachal Pradesh Milkfed. At present, the Milkfed is
running 23 milk chilling centres having a total capacity of 96, 500 litres milk per day
and nine milk processing plants having a total capacity of 90,000 litres milk per day.
78
Livestock Census-Directorate of Land Record and Animal Husbandry, Shimla: Department of
Himachal Pradesh, 2012-17.
79
Rajender Attri, op.cit., 2010, p. 750.
115
However, three big plants with a capacity of more than 10, 000 LPD are located in
Chakkar (Mandi), Tutu (Shimla) and Dagwar (Kangra). The production of various milk
products in the organised sector (Milkfed) including milk sold in the market, paneer,
butter ghee and dahi etc.80
Irrigation
In Himachal Pradesh the fields are terraced, sloppy and small size. The water
canals called Kuhls are the main source of irrigation in all districts except Sirmour, Una
and Solan. In Kangra and Una districts wells are also found but their share to the net
irrigated area is very less. Land of Himachal Pradesh is depending on the rain water.81
Total geographical area of Himachal Pradesh is 55.67 lakh hectares. Out of this, a high
percentage of area is under perpetual snow or under forests and steep barren slopes. As
per latest available figures, only 5.83 lakh hectares is the net area sown. It is estimated
that, ultimate irrigation potential of the state is approximately 3.35 lakh hectares, out of
which 50,000 hectares can be brought under irrigation through major and medium
irrigation projects and 2.85 lakh under minor irrigation schemes. Irrigation projects are
classified into three categories major, medium and minor. Projects having Cultivable
Command Area (CCA) of more than 10,000 hectares are classified as ‘Major Irrigation
Projects’ projects, which have a CCA of more than 2,000 hectares but less than 10,000
hectares are classified as ‘Medium Irrigation Projects’ and projects with CCA of 2,000
hectares or less are classified as minor irrigation projects. Under minor irrigation
projects, both types of water development viz. surface and ground is included.82
Forest
Himachal Pradesh has extensive forests which cover almost an area of 37.033
Sq.kms. This accounts for about 65.52 per cent of the total geographical area of the
state. Most of the forest belongs to the government and private forest is very small in
extent. The strategy of Himachal Pradesh government in forestry management is
conservation along with rational utilization and side by side expanding its base. The
forest of the state can be broadly classified into coniferous forests and broad-leaved
forests. Deodar, Kail, Chil, Spruce, Silver fir and Neoza Pine are the coniferous species
80
81
M. S. Ahluwalia, op.cit, 1998, pp.114-115.
82
116
growing in Himachal Pradesh whereas, Neoza Pine which produces edible nuts, is
grown in Kinnaur district. These are the only forest of Neoza in India.83 Among the
broad-leaved species, sal, ban, oak, mohru oak, kharshu oak, walnut, maple, birdcherry,
horse-chestnut, poplar, seemal, tun, and shisham are the important species in this forest.
These forest provide a large number of medicinal herbs and aromatic plants, which are
in great demand by pharmacetutical industry and perfuneries. Medicinal herbs like
dioscorea, belladonna, banafasha, mushakbala, patish, karru are already being exploited
in large quantities from these forest. The oil of skimia laureola, valeriana wallichi, kuth
and cedar wood oil and oak moss resin are in great demand in perfume making
industry. Coniferous woods provide excellent raw material for the manufacturers of a
number of products. These are fairly extensive areas of coniferous forests in this state
and there is a great scope for the establishment of wood-based industries.
The forest of the state till now has been exploited to produce mainly timber and
railway sleepers. This type of primitive usage has resulted in a great wastage of
valuable wood, which could otherwise be utilized to feed wood-based industries like
the manufacture of newsprint pulp. The manufacture of packing cases for apples from
this wood is also becoming an established cottage and medium scale industry in the
state. Some steps have been taken to establish suitable industries based on the forest
resources. Two government owned Rosin and Turpentine factories at Nahan and
Bilaspur are capable of handling about 1,11,000 quintals of oleo-resin. More factories
are being established for the processing of oleo-resin, rosin and turpentine oil. These
industries will play a very important part in the overall economy of the state.84
Himachal Pradesh covers an area of 37,033 Sq. kms. of the total geographical
area of the state. The government of India is well aware of the importance of the forest
and a large number of schemes and projects are being implemented in the state.
Productive forestry schemes and soil conservation schemes, wild life and nature
conservation, Indo-German, Eco Development Project (ODA) UK Forestry, Research
Education and Extension Project (REEP) and Watershed Development Project for
Himalayan Hills (Kandi Projects).85
83
84
Ibid., pp. 270-273.
85
117
Industries
Industrially, Himachal Pradesh has been lagging behind other states of the
Indian union despite of many efforts being made in this field. Although, there have
been a number of cottage industry units engaged in the traditional crafts, such as shawl-
making and large-scale industries have been set up in the state. The reasons for the
industrial backwardness of Himachal Pradesh in industry apparently, have been due to
its difficult terrain and lack of speedy transport.
Between 1948 and 1966 i.e., upto the integration of Punjab hill areas into
Himachal Pradesh in November 1966, the industrialization of the state progressed
steadily but at a slow pace. By 1st November 1966, the number of small scale units in
the state had risen to 750. The government on its own had setup nearly 60 training cum-
production centres to promote such crafts as shawl making, footwear, carpets, etc. The
concerted efforts being made by the state government since 1967, indeed, have yielded
fairly impressive results on the industrial front. By 1976, the number of small-scale
units multiplied to 1,663 including cottage, village and other industries.86
As on 31st January 2017, there were 43,420 units working in the state. Out of
these, 138 Industrial Units are large and 438 are Medium Scale Units. The industry
department on permanent basis having the total investment of 17, 339.89 crore is
providing employment to 2,78,528 persons. Out of these 494 industrial units are
medium and large scale units.87 After the notification of special incentives package by
government of India in January, 2003, 8,375 small scale industrial units and 298
medium and large scale units having a total investment of 13, 923.22 crore have been
actually set in the state up to October 2012 and employment opportunities were
provided to 1,15,013 persons.88 The Ministry of Commerce and Industry (DIPP),
Government of India has accorded final approval for setting up of two state of art
industrial area at Pandoga district Kangra under modified industrial infrastructure
upgradation scheme. During the financial year 2016-17, an amount of Rs. 35.51 crore
has been allocated of development of these two states of art industrial areas, which has
been booked. The Government/Forest Land measuring 515 Bighas has been identified
for development of third state of the art industrial area at Dabhota, Tehsil Nalagarh in
district Solan. The FCA case has been submitted to the forest department for forest
86
87
88
Ibid., p.73.
118
clearance under FCA, 1980 and is under process. Prime Minister’s Employment
Generation Programme (PMEGP), Assistant to the States for Development of Export
Infrastructure and Allied Activities (ASIDE) has been made by the government of
India. 89
Sericulture Industry
Sericulture is a one of the important agro-based rural cottage industries of the

Pradesh that provides gainful employment to about 9,200 rural families for
supplementing their income by producing silk cocoons. Therefore, 13 silk yarn reeling
units have been set up in private sector i. e., district Kangra and Bilaspur- five each and
in Hamirpur, Mandi and Una-one each with the assistance of government. Upto 31st
December, 2016, 236.55 MT silk cocoons were produced that was converted into raw
silk of 31.54 MT providing an income of about Rs. 851.50 lakh by sale of silk products
in the state. The anticipated production of silk cocoon is 236.55 MT and converted raw
silk production will be 31.54 MT during the year.90 With the financial assistance and
incentives given by the state, industrial pockets have been set up at Parwanoo,
Barotiwala, Baddi, Bilaspur, Reckong Peo and Sujanpur Tira. Electronic complexes
have also been set up at Solan, Mandi, Hamirpur, Shogi, Chamba, Amb and Keylong.
Presently, sericulture, horticulture based units, handlooms and tea industry is receiving
special attention of the state government. However, the state has wisely adopted a
policy of allowing only those industrial units to be set up in Himachal Pradesh, which
do not cause air or water pollution.91
Hydel Power
Power sector play a significant role in the economy of Himachal Pradesh. It has
registered its significance in the economy by contributing in terms of revenue
generation, providing employment opportunities and enhancing the quality of life of
general public. Himachal Pradesh has been blessed with vast hydroelectric potential in
its five river basins, namely Yamuna, Sutlej, Beas, Ravi and Chenab. It is estimated
that about 23, 000 MW of hydel potential can be exploited in the state by constructing
various major, medium, small and mini/micro hydel projects on these five river basins.
89
Ibid.,
90
Ibid., p. 73.
91
M.S. Ahluwalia, op.cit.,1998, pp. 126-127.
119
Out of this hydel potential only 8, 432.47 MW has been harnessed by various agencies,
which also include 477.50 MW by H.P.S.E.B. Ltd. uptill 31st March 2014.
The main projects which are going on in the state are Andhra (16.95 MW), Giri
(60.00 MW), Gumma (3.00 MW), Rukti (1.50 MW), Chaba (1.75 MW), Rongtong
(2.00 MW), Nogli (2.50 MW), Bhaba (120.00 MW), Ganvi (22.50 MW), Binwa (6.00
MW), Gaj (10.50 MW), Baner (12.00 MW), Uhl-11 (Bassi) (66.00 MW), Larji
(126.00 MW), Khauli (12.00 MW), Sal-II (2.00 MW), Holi (3.00 MW), Bhuri Singh
P/H (0.45MW), Killar (0.30 MW), Sissu (0.10 MW), Thirot (4.50 MW), Bhaba
Augmentation (4.50 MW) and Himurja (Under State Sector) (2.37). The main projects,
which are ongoing with the Central/Joint Sector/ HP Share are Yammuna Project
(131.57 MW), Ranjeet Sagar Dam (27.60 MW), Bhakra (1,478.73 MW), Nathpa Jhakri
(1,500.00 MW), Baira Siul (198.00 MW), Chamera-I (540.00 MW), Chamera-II
(300.00 MW), Uhl-I (Shanan) (110.00 MW), Pong Dam (396.00 MW), B.S.L. (990.00
MW) and Chamera-III (231.00 MW).
As a result the Himachal Pradesh government has given thirteen hydro electric
projects in private sector for implementation. These projects are Baspa II (3.00 MW),
Malana-I (86.00 MW), Patikari (16.00 MW), Toss (10.00 MW), Sarbari II (5.40 MW),
Allain Duhangan (192.00 MW), Karchham Wangtoo ( 1, 000 MW), Upper Joiner
(12.00 MW), Sumez (14.00 MW), Beas Kund (9.00 MW), Malana II (100.00 MW),
Budhil (70.00MW), Neogal (15.00 MW) and Mini/ Micro Hydel Projects upto 5 MW
through Himurja (220.25 MW). The increasing activities on construction of hydel
projects, there is an immediate need to lay emphasis on adequate transmission and
distribution network in order to transmit power from these projects and its distribution
for utilisation within the state.92 Electrification of rural areas has great significance for
Himachal Pradesh, where as much as 91.3 per cent of its population lives in villages.
The state has made remarkable achievements in the field of rural electrification. 93
Roads and Transport
A good network of roads is a basic necessity for development and progress of

any region or area. This necessity is greater still in a mountainous state like Himachal
Pradesh, where no development is possible without the construction of roads. It will be
92
93
Ibid., p. 87.
120
no exaggeration to state that the construction of roads in a mountainous region is, in
fact, the beginning of the process of development. The total length of motorable roads
in Himachal Pradesh at the time of its formation in 1948 was 290 Kilometres in
addition to about 300 Kilometres of jeep able roads. In the rest of the areas there were
either foot-path or mule tracks.94 The revenue of the corporation is expected to increase
by 58 crore during the year 2013-14. Roads are an essential ingredient of infrastructure
of economy. In the absence of any other suitable and viable modes of transportation
like railways and waterways, roads play a vital role in boosting the economy of the
hilly state like Himachal Pradesh. Starting almost from a scratch the state Government
has constructed 36, 256 Kms. of motorable roads till December, 2016. The State
Government has been assigning a very high priority to road sector. For the year 2016-
17, there was an outlay of Rs. 912.73 crore. The process of improvement of National
Highways in the state having total length of 2, 027.00 Kms., which includes urban links
and bye-passes, continued during the year also. By the end of December 2016, an
expenditure of Rs. 184.00 crore has been incurred. There are only two narrow gauge
railway lines connecting Shimla with Kalka (96 Km.) and Jogindernagar with
Pathankot (113Km.) and one 33 Km. broad gauge railway line from Nangal Dam to
Charuru in District Una.
Road transport is the main stay of economic activity in the Pradesh as other
means of transport namely Railways, Airways, Taxies, Auto Rickshaw etc. are
negligible. Therefore, the road transport corporation assumes paramount importance.
The growth of means of communication as telephone, telegraphs, newspapers, radio,
roads, post office and televisions are playing an important role in the development of
Himachal Pradesh.95 The passenger transport services to the people of Himachal
Pradesh within and outside the state are being provided by Himachal Road Transport
Corporation (HRTC), with a fleet strength of 3,012 buses as on October, 2016. HRTC
is plying bus services on 2,530 routes with coverage of 5.504 Lakh Kms. daily.96
94
95
96
Ibid., p. 94.
121
Tourism
Tourism occupies an important place in the economy of Himachal Pradesh. In

Himachal Pradesh, tourism offers the greatest scope for its development because the
geographical location and topography bestows upon the state all that a visitor looks for
in nature. Himachal Pradesh Tourism Development Corporation was formed in the year
1972 and started with the capacity of 857 beds for tourists, which has been increased to
about 3, 500 beds during 2007-08. In all, tourist accommodation, as registered with the
Department of Tourism, is 2, 769 hotels and 61, 497 beds. There are about 500 Home
Stay units registered in the state having about 1, 350 rooms. In principle, it has been
decided to promote new, unexpected and unexposed tourist destinations in tribal areas.
Construction of new complexes has been sanctioned with the assistance of government
of India at Keylong, Tabo, Bharmour, Sangla, Kalpa, Kaza, Khadrala, Jhatingri, Khara-
Pather, Kangra, Deothsidh, Naina Devi, Jawalamukhi, Chindi and Chamunda. The state
government has decided to formulate a clear tourism policy focussed on the following
objectives: to encourage infrastructure development under the public sector; to
encourage private sector investment in capital formation.
Himachal Pradesh has mountains and hills but even more important the people
to provide both the adventure and walking tour holidays that cannot be matched
anywhere in the world. The towering middle, low series of mountains and the deepest
gorges form the picturesque scenes for tourists. The different ecological belts from sub-
tropical to perpetual snow with various climatic zones, differentiation, give pleasure for
mountain tourists throughout the year. Everywhere the mountain tourists experience
peace and happiness in the land, which is far from the madding crowd. The sparsely
populated valleys and ridges provide relief and healing touch to people of the plains,
who suffer from heat and over crowdedness and seek the desired peace and tranquillity.
Almost all the regions of Himachal Pradesh are attractive to the tourists. While trekking
in Himachal, one can see the spectacular snowy peaks, beautiful lakes and meet
interesting people living in the remote villages in the rugged mountains. Although the
trekking trails are sometimes steep and lonely, almost all the seasons are tourist’s
seasons in Himachal Pradesh. Tourists who wants to enjoy mountain life and traditions
can visit the state throughout the year.97
97
Rajender Attri, op.cit., 2010, pp.778-779.
122
The department has released advertisements in the print and electronic media to
promote the tourism from time to time during the financial year. The department has
prepared the 20 years perspective tourism master plan for the planned and sustainable
development of the tourism sector. Tourism policy, 2013 and sustainable plan for
Dharamshala, 2013 have also been formulated. The department has organized various
adventure and general training courses for the unemployed youths of the state like
trekking guide, water sports, skiing EDP, Bird watching and river rafting etc. in the
state.98
Health and Family Welfare
The State Government has prevention and treatment intervention are accessible
to people and are applied efficiently. In Himachal Pradesh, health and family welfare
department is providing services which include curative, preventive, promotive and
rehabilitative services through a network of 75 Civil Hospitals, 87 Community Health
Centres, 533 Primary Health Centres, 13 ESI Dispensaries and 2,078 Sub-Centres.99
A brief descriptions of various health and family welfare activities carried out in
the state during 2016-17 are as under: National Vector Borne Disease Control
Programme, National Leprosy Eradication Programme, Revised National T.B. Control
Programme, National Programme for Control of Blindness, National Family Welfare
Programme, Universal Immunization Programme, Mukhya Mantri State Health Care
Scheme, National Rural Health Mission and National AIDS Control Programme. These
all programmes are being implemented as per the guidelines of government of India.
The Directorate of Medical Education Training and Research was established

with the objective to provide better medical education system and training to Medical
and Para Medical and Nursing personnel and also to monitor and coordinate the
activities of Medical and Dental Services of State. At present, the state has three
Medical College i.e. Indira Gandhi Medical College (IGMC), Shimla, Dr. Rajendra
Prasad Medical College (RPGMC), Tanda, Dr. Y.S.P. Government Medical College,
Nahan and one Government Dental College in Shimla are functioning. During this
session 2016-17, 152 number of PG seats in various specialities are filled in IGMC and
98
99
Ibid., p.124.
123
RPGMC Tanda. Indian system of medicines and homoeopathy plays a vital role in the
health care system of the state. The separate department of Ayurveda was established in
1984 and health care services are being provided to the general public through 2
Regional Ayurvedic Hospitals, 2 Circle Hospitals, 3 Tribal Hospitals, 16 Ten/Twenty
bedded Ayurvedic Hospitals, 9 District Ayurvedic Hospitals, One Nature Care
Hospital, and 1,150 Ayurvedic Health Centres, 3 Unani Health Centres, 14
Homoeopathic Health Centres and 4 Amchiclinics. The department has inbuilt system
of production of medicines through 3 Ayurvedic Pharmacies, at Jogindernagar in
Mandi District, Majra in Sirmaur district and Paprola in Kangra district.
These pharmacy catering to the needs of the Ayurvedic health institutions of the
department and also give boost the employment to local people. The department of
Ayurveda is also associated with health programmes like malaria, family welfare and
anaemia free, AIDS, immunization and pulse polio etc. during the financial year 2016-
17, there was a budget provision of Rs. 250.00 crore. To provide better health services
to the people, the government is strengthening the existing infrastructure by providing
modern equipments, specialized services, increasing the strength of the medical and
para-medical staff in the medical institutions.100
Education
Education is the key instrument for development human capability. The state is
committed to provide education to all. Literacy is an important indicator of the socio-
economic development of any area and it is the base of socio-economic change.
Initially, Himachal was considered as a backward region of the north India. The view
came up in the report of state reorganization commission published in 1953, literacy
rate of the Himachal Pradesh was 21 per cent for female as per the 1961 census, well
below the corresponding all India literacy rate. In spite of difficult terrain and many
socio-political cultural barriers, Himachal Pradesh has been making consistent efforts
for the development of education in the Pradesh. After the independence, the overall
literacy rate has shown significant upward trend both for male and female. At present,
there are 10,738 notified primary schools out of which 10,735 are functional and 2,113
middle schools were notified out of which 2,103 are functioning in the state. To
100
Ibid.,
124
overcome the shortage of trained teachers efforts are being made to make fresh
appointments of teachers in the needy schools. An attempt has also been made to cater
the educational need of disabled children.101
There are four agricultural institutions in the state for agricultural education and
research. These institutions are, Central Potato Research Institute (Shimla); Farmers
Training Institute (Sundernagar); Himachal Agriculture College and Research Institute
(Solan-Nauni); Regional Bee Research Centre of the Central Bee Research Institute
(Kangra). These institutions are Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Mandi at
Kamand, National Institute of Technology, Hamirpur, one National Institute of Fashion
Technology (NIFT), Kangra, Indian Institute of Management (IIM), Sirmour, Indian
Institute of Information Technology, Una, Central Institute of Plastic Engineering and
Technology (CIPET), Baddi in district Solan, Regional Vocational Training Institute
(RVTI) for Women at Jhundla, Tehsil Shimla Rural, district Shimla, Jawahar Lal Nehru
Government Engineering College, Sundernagar, Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government
Institute of Engineering and Technology, Pragatinagar, district Shimla, Rajiv Gandhi
Government Engineering College, Kangra at Nagrota Bagwan, Mahatma Gandhi
Government Engineering College, Kotla Tehsil Rampur (Jeori) district Shimla, 2
Government Pharmacy College, Rohroo District Shimla and Nagrota Bagwan District
Kangra, 13 B-Pharmacy Colleges (Private Sector), 14 Engineering Colleges (Private
Sector), 15 Polytechnics ( Government Sector), 18 Polytechnics (Private Sector), 02 D-
Pharmacy Colleges (Private Sector). There are seven, 2nd Shifts in Diploma Courses
(Private Sector), 108 Co-educational Industrial Training Institutes (Government
Sector), and nine Industrial Training Institutes (Women) (Government Sector).
However, there is one ITI for Persons with disability at Sundernagar (Government
Sector), 1 Motor Driving School at Una in Government Sector and 143 ITIs Private
Sectors.102 The literacy, rate in Himachal Pradesh which was 7.98 per cent during
1950-51, has gone upto 82.80 per cent in 2011, and the same is 89.53 per cent for males
and 75.93 per cent for females. The district wise literacy rates in Himachal Pradesh are
as under:
101
Ibid., p.101.
102
Ibid., pp.111-114.
125
Table 2.12
Literacy Rate in Himachal Pradesh 2011
District Male (%) Female (%) Total (%)

Bilaspur 91.16 77.97 84.59
Chamba 82.59 61.67 72.17
Hamirpur 94.36 82.62 88.15
Kangra 91.49 80.02 85.67
Kinnaur 87.27 70.96 80.00
Kullu 87.39 70.91 79.40
Lahaul & Spiti 85.69 66.84 76.81
Mandi 89.56 73.66 81.53
Shimla 89.56 77.13 83.64
Sirmaur 85.61 71.36 78.80
Solan 89.56 76.97 83.68
Una 91.89 81.11 86.53
Total 89.53 75.93 82.80
District Wise Literacy Percentage (2011 Census)
Bilaspur
86.53 84.59
Chamba
83.68 72.17 Hamirpur

Kangra
Kinnaur
78.8 88.15
Kullu
Lahaul & Spiti
83.64 85.67 Mandi
Shimla
81.53 Sirmaur
80
Solan
76.81 79.4
Una
Fig. 2.5: District Wise Literacy Percentage (2011 Census)
126
The table 2.12 shows that the highest literacy rates have been recorded in
Hamirpur district with 88.15 per cent for the total population in which 94.36 per cent
are males and 82.62 per cent are females. The lowest literacy percentage is in the
district of Chamba i.e. 72.17 per cent of the total population in which 82.59 per cent are
male and 61.67 per cent are females. Further analysis shows that apart from the
Chamba, the female literacy rates are less than the state average in other district.
Mineral Wealth
Himachal Pradesh is endowed with several important minerals, but the

exploitation of minerals started only in the sixth decade of 20th century, when
Directorate of Industries in 1966 set up a geological wing to conduct investigations of
mineral deposits. Geological Survey of India published a consolidated map of India’s
mineral wealth in 1976. Himachal Pradesh occupies a position on the mineral map of
India only in building stones, as limestone, rock salt and lass-making sand. The other
minerals found in the state are: Gypsum, Barytes, Magnesite, Silica, Pyrite, Iron/Ore,
Copper, Cobalt, Nickel, Silver, Antimony, Coal and Mica, Oil and Natural Gas have
also been reported. The largest mineral of the state on the basis of value is Slate.
During the year 2015-16, Rs.155.00 crore revenue was received and in the financial
year 2016-17 up to 31.12.16 about Rs. 99.00 crore of royalty from minerals have been
realized and total revenue earning to the tune of Rs. 130.00 crore is estimated during
current financial year.103
Trade and Commerce
The number of bank offices of scheduled commercial banks increased from

1,413 as on December 2014, to 1,475 in December 2015. Aggregate deposits of the
scheduled commercial banks in the Pradesh increased from Rs. 56034 crore in
December, 2014 to Rs. 62966 crore in December 2015 or by 33.09 per cent. Bank plays
a significant role in the economic growth of a state as well as of a country. They are
aimed at supporting vital sectors of an economy like, Agriculture, Industry and also
aimed at poverty alleviation by way of benefiting farmers, general public, artisans,
professionals and any facilitating in self employment activities.104 The state of
Himachal Pradesh comprises of 12 districts. The lead bank responsibility has been
103
Ibid., p.74.
104
127
allocated amongst three banks viz. PNB, UCO Bank and State Bank of India. The UCO
Bank is the convenor Bank of State level Bankers Committee (SLBC). Up to
September, 2016 the State has a network of 2, 061 and more than 80 per cent branches
are functioning in rural areas. Banks have opened 106 new bank branches during
October, 2015 to September, 2016. At present 1, 661 branches are located in rural areas
and 308 in semi-urban areas and 92 are functioning at Shimla, the only urban centre in
the State classified by Reserve Bank of India (RBI).
Himachal Pradesh State Cooperative Bank is performing dual function viz. that
of Apex Cooperative Bank in Himachal Pradesh to play lead role in development in
Cooperative in the state and that of a Cooperative Bank in six districts viz. Bilaspur,
Chamba, Kinnaur, Mandi, Shimla and Sirmaur. The Himachal Pradesh Cooperative
Bank is serving the people of the state through a network of 198 branches and 21
extension counters, all these branches are on CBS mode. The State Co-operative Bank
is the first State Co-operative Bank on the National financial switch through which the
customers are getting ATMs facilities all over the Nation and about 71 own ATMs on
strategic locations. Bank is actively participating in government of India social security
scheme i.e. Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana (PMJJBY) and Pradhan Mantri
Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY).
The Kangra Central Cooperative Bank, Dharamshala had 204 branch offices
including head office as on 2016 with deposits of Rs. 8, 42,753 lakh. Similarly, the
Jogindra Central Co-operative Bank Ltd., Solan had 29 branches, including head office
with deposits of Rs. 70,784 lakh in 2016. Himachal Pradesh Gramin Bank, sponsored
by Punjab National Bank having total branch network of 244 as on September,
2016.105
Rural Development
The main objectives of the rural development programmes are poverty

eradication and employment generation to the target group families in the rural areas
with a view to improve their socio-economic condition by providing them assistance in
the form of cash and kind by strengthening the infrastructure under various
development programmes. To achieve these objectives the following state and centrally
sponsored development schemes/ programmes are running in the state such as: National
105
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, op.cit., 2016-17, pp.15-16.
128
Rural Livelihood Mission (NRLM); Deen Dayal Upadhaya-Gramin Kaushal Yojna;
Watershed Development Programme; Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana Gramin (PMAY-
G); State Rural Housing Schemes-Rajiv Awaas Yojana; Mukhaya Mantri Awaas
Yojana (MMAY); Rajiv Awaas Repair Yojana (RARY);Saansad Adrash Gram Yojana
(SAGY); Matri Shakti Bima Yojana; Swachh Bharat Mission (Gramin); Maharshi
Valmiki Sampooran Swachhata Puruskar (MVSSP); Mahila- Mandal Protsahan Yojna;
Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS).106
Profile of Mandi District
Mandi is a Hindi word, meaning “Market”, and it may possibly be connected

with the Sanskrit word “Mandapika”, meaning “an open hall or shed”, and may be
derived from the Sanskrit root “Mand”, Meaning “to adorn or distribute”. If a
conjunction as to the origin of the name may be offered, it probably took its rise from
the fact that in ancient times as at the present day, the place was a centre of trade on the
main route from Yarkand and Ladakh to Hoshiarpur and plains.107
The present District of Mandi was formed with the merger of two princely
states Mandi and Suket on 15th April, 1948, when the state of Himachal Pradesh came
into existence. Ever since the formation of the district, it has not witnessed any changes
in its jurisdiction. The state of Suket is said to have been founded by Bir Sen, an
ancestor of the Sen Dynasty of Bengal. The separation of Mandi from Suket took place
about the year 1200 AD. Upto that time, it was the single state of Suket. Mandi
emerged as a separate state in the beginning of the sixteenth century. Ajbar Sen was the
first great ruler of Mandi, who founded Mandi Town in 1927 AD. He was probably the
first to assume the designation of Raja. He built a palace here and the temple of Bhut
Nath. Down the line of descendants was Raja Sidh Sen, who succeeded Raja Gur Sen
in 1678 AD. Mandi had never been so powerful before and after his reign. Guru
Govind Singh, the tenth Guru of the Sikhs visited Mandi during his reign in the close of
the 17th century. He built the great tank before the palace. He also built the temples of
“Sidh Ganesh” and “Trilok Nath.”108
106
Ibid., pp.134-142.
107
Gazetteer of the Mandi State, New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company, 1920, p. 14.
108
Government of Himachal Pradesh, District Human Development Report Mandi, Shimla: Planning
129
The history of both the state of Mandi and Suket is full with wars among
themselves and other adjoining states. These two states had always been rivals and
generally enemies, but there was no great result of their warfare. On 10th November,
1921, both the states of Mandi and Suket were transferred from the political control of
Punjab Government to that of Government of India till 15th August, 1947. The only
place in the district that has an early mention in literature is Rewalsar and it is
mentioned in the Skanda Purana as a sacred place of pilgrimage. It is believed that
Karnpur, a small village, was founded by Karan, a hero of Mahabharta. According to
the Tibetan tradition, Padam Sambhab (750-800 AD), the great Buddist Patriarch, who
was summoned by King Tisong-De-Tsen of Tibet for preaching Buddhism, hailed from
Zohar, which represents the country round about Rewalsar. On the basis of this, it is
concluded that Mandi must have been a great place of Buddist learning as well about
this time.109
Geography
The district is situated between 31º-13-50” and 32º-04-30” north latitude and
76º-37-20” and 77º-23-15” east longitudes. It is bounded by Kangra on the north-west,
Hampirpur and Bilaspur in the west, Arki tehsil of Solan district in the south, Shimla
district in the south-west and Kullu district in the east. The district has two main rivers
viz; the Beas and the Satluj. The river Beas enters the district from close to Bajaura, at
the boundary of Kullu and leaves the district at Sandhol. The Mandi town is also
located on the banks of this river. For the greater part of its length, it runs between high
banks and as it is never of great width, though the current is swift, especially during the
rains. Practically, the whole of the district drains into the Beas with only the southeast
corner situated on the Satluj watershed. Within the district the principal tributaries of
the Beas on the north bank are Uhl, Luni, Rana and Binu and on the south bank are the
Hanse, Tirthan, Bakhli, Jiuni, Suketi, Ranodi, Son and Bakar. The greater part of the
district is mountainous terrain with the main ranges of mountains running from the
north to the south with the system being broken up by innumerable transverse spurs.
The most conspicuous is the Jalori range which is crossed by a high road from Kullu to
Shimla by a pass named as Jalori pass. It divides the watersheds of the Satluj and the
109
Ibid., p.15.
130
Beas and on its northern slopes is unusually well wooded with deodar (Cedrus
Deodara) and blue pine (Pinus Wallichiana) forests of great value. The highest peak in
the range is Shikari Devi (11,060 feet). Its summit being crowned by a shrine to a local
goddess. The range throws off three main spurs which extend throughout the tract
known as the Mandi Saraj. To the north of the Beas is the Nargu range, a continuation
of the Bir Bhangal, separating Mandi from Kullu proper and crossed by the Bhubu pass
(9,480 feet). The mountains here run upto 13000 feet and the slopes often being very
precipitous, while the valleys are deep. Almost parallel and running down the centre of
the district is the Ghoghar-ki-Dhar, of which the slopes are fairly gentle. It is not well
wooded, but contains large expanses of excellent grazing and the salt quarries of Drang
and Gumma. The Sikandar Range commences from the trijunction with Suket and
Bilaspur and from there runs northward for fifty miles. The range contains some good
forests of chil pine, but the greater part of it consists of rich grass slopes. Its name is
attributed to Sikander Lodhi, who, 375 years before the reign of Akbar, is supposed to
have crossed it on his way to the conquest of Kangra.110
Climate
Mandi features a subtropical highland climate under the Koppen climate

classification. The climate of Mandi is composite having hot summers and cold
winters. Mandi generally experiences rainfalls during end of summer season. Mandi
city falls in the lower most climatic zone of the Himalayas. These regions enjoy a wet
sub temperate climate of the foot hills (450-900 m) as against the dry-cold alpine
climate with snow fall at higher altitudes (2400-4800 mts.). Temperatures typically
range from 6.7°C (44.06°F) to 39.6°C (103.28°F) over the course of a year. The
average temperature during summer is between 18.9°C (66.02°F) and 39.6°C (103.28
°F), and between 6.7°C (44.06°F) and 26.2°C (79.16°F) in winter. Monthly
precipitation varies between 25.4 millimetres (1 in) in November to 228.6 millimetres
(9 in) in August. It is typically around 58.3 millimetres (2.29 in) per month during
winter and spring and around 101.6 millimetres (4 in) in June as the monsoon
approaches. The average total annual precipitation is 832 millimetres (32.76 in).111
110
Ibid., pp.15-17.
111
131
Area and Population
As per 2011 census, the district has a population of 9,99,777 persons with a
population density of 253 persons per sq. km. Mandi district population constituted
14.56 per cent of total Maharashtra population. Out of the total population of the
district, 293,739 persons are scheduled castes and 12,787 persons are scheduled tribes.
The male and female population in the district is 4,98,065 and 5,01,712 respectively,
with a sex ratio of 1007 females per 1000 males. The schedule caste population in the
district is 29.4 and the schedule tribe population is 1.3. As per the census of India 2011,
rural population in the district is 937,140 persons and the urban population is 62,637
persons. 112
Mandi has an average literacy rate of 81.53 per cent, higher than the national
literacy is 89.56 per cent and female literacy is 73.66 per cent. Mandi has a mixed
population of Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists and Christians with more than 90 per cent
population being Hindu. As per 2011 census, the area of Mandi district is 3,950 km2.
and covers 7.10 per cent area of the state.113
Culture
The people of Mandi are informally called Mandyalis. Mandyali language is

generally used at local level for communication. Sepu-wadi is the official and main
cuisine of Mandi. Dham (Lunch) is generally organised in local marriages, functions
and parties. Himachal Darshan Photo Gallery is situated at about 4 km from Mandi near
Sauli Khad on the Chandigarh-Manali national highway. This art gallery contains a
beautiful collection of photographs of exotic locations of the entire state and reflects the
social and cultural heritage of the people of Himachal Pradesh. District library is
located in Emerson House (District Court). Clothing in Mandi was Kurta Pyjama for
boys and Sari Suits for girls but with the western culture arriving to India, Mandi’s
youth have started wearing western styles. However, there are still large numbers of
people who wear the traditional clothing of Himachal Pradesh. Banthra is the main folk
dance performed in theatrical shows in Mandi and is the official folk dance of the
District. Mandi is also famous for the Mandi Shivaratri fair, a fair held for seven days
112
113
Ibid., p. 64.
132
in the month of March every year. The celebration of Shivratri of Mandi is said to have
started in the year 1526 to commemorate the foundation of present day Mandi. Before
this, the capital of Mandi was on the right bank of the river Beas, which is now known
as Old Mandi (Purani Mandi). Mandi also hosts a half marathon every year.
Once, the tenth guru of the Sikhs was on a visit to Mandi, the king of Mandi
invited him to stay at the royal palace. The guru accepted the invitation to stay in
Mandi but not with the king. He put up outside the town in a secluded place, which had
once been the hermitage of a Rishi (Indian sage). The guru was touched by the king’s
devotion and prophesized that Mandi would ever remain safe and if any enemy tries to
harm it, bolts from heaven would crush the invader. He considered Mandi the safest
place on the planet.114
Economy
The economy of the region is predominately agrarian as around 79 per cent of

the total population is dependent on agriculture and activities allied to it, for earning
their livelihood. Balh Valley is known for producing quality wheat, paddy, and
vegetable crop where the water drainage system and sprinkle system of irrigation have
been adopted. The crops of corn maize, wheat, rice and vegetables are grown in other
parts of the district, which cater to the demand of sizeable population. A milk
processing plant run by Himachal Pradesh State Co-Operation-Milk-Federation at
Chakkar is 8 kilometres from Mandi. The people of Mandi follow an agrarian economy
and cultivate rice, pulses, millets, tea, sesame seed, groundnut, sunflower oil and herbal
products. Himachal Pradesh Town and Planning Department works for Mandi Planning
Area (MPA). More than 9,000 farmers are directly involved in cocoon cultivation for
producing Silk in lower hills of Mandi district. Mandi district is also facing tough
competition from china, which is marketing raw silk at much lower rates in the market.
Many hectares of land in Mandi are also under apple production. Apples are
generally planted during December every year. The area under fruit cultivation in
Mandi is about 15 per cent of the total area, under fruits in Himachal Pradesh. Mandi
raw silk has acquired wide fame but the salt mines at Drang and Guma are the special
features of the economy. With abundant deposit of salt and limestone, possibilities are
114
133
being investigated for the existence of magnasite coal and china-clay. Mandi also has
fish markets, where brown trout is one of the most demanded fish species. In Mandi, a
farmer gets around Rs.200 per kg. for Brown Trout.115
Main Workers, Marginal Workers and Non -Workers
As per the census of India 2011, out of the total population of the district,
2,84,154, persons are main workers, 2,88,517 persons are marginal workers and
4,27,106 persons are non-workers in the district. Out of the total workers, 5, 72,671 are
main workers (Main Marginal Workers), 3, 87,944 are cultivators, 15,822 are
agricultural labourers, 7,134 are engaged in household industries and 1, 61,771 are
engaged in other activities.116
Education
The city has Anganwadis, primary as well as high schools. Some of the popular
school in the city are DAV Centenary Public School, Kendriya Vidyalaya, Mandi
Public School, Indus World School, The Phoenix School of Integrated Learning, Vijay
Government Senior Secondary School, Government Senior Secondary School (Girls),
Sarswati Vidya Mandir, Sai Public School, St. Xavier Residentia School, DAV Sr.
Secondary School, Anglo Sanskrit Model School. The Medical Institutes in Mandi is
Himachal Dental College. Jawaharlal Nehru Government Engineering College, T. R.
Abhilashi Memorial Institute of Engineering and Technology, and Vallabh Bhai
Government College are also located in the city. The Indian Institute of Technology
Mandi, is an autonomous and top university of the state for Graduation in
B.Tech/M.Tech offering many courses. The Abhilashi University is also based in
Mandi, is having several branches offering engineering and technology, pharmacy,
management studies, vocal training institute. There are many other private institutes of
higher education and research located in Mandi, like M.G. Institute of Engineering and
Technology, Sirda Institute of Engineering and Emerging Technology for Women,
Noble College of Education and Centre for Computer Education and Software
Development.117
115
Ibid., pp. 5-6.
116
15, p.19.
117
134
Mandi district comprises seven tehsils namely, Joginder Nagar, Sarkaghat,
Sunder Nagar, Sadar Mandi, Chachiot, Thunag, Karsog and Nine sub-tehsils, i.e.,
Ladbharol, Padher, Sandhole, Dharmpur, Baldwara, Nihri, Kotli, Aut, Bali Chowki.
For the purpose of development activities, the district has been divided into 10
Blocks. The district has six city including Pandoh as census city. These are namely
Mandi, Sunder Nagar, Joginder Nagar, Rewalsar, Sarkaghat and Pandoh. Recently,
Mandi has become Zonal Headquarter of Central Zone, which covers the districts of
Bilaspur, Hamirpur, Kullu and Mandi itself and has gained much importance from
administrative point of view. Nagar Parishad Mandi was constituted during 1950.118
Profile of Kangra District
Kangra district derives its name from Kangra town that was known as Nagarkot
in ancient times. Kangra proper originally was a part of the ancient Trigarta
(Jullundur), which comprises of the area lying between the river “Shatadroo” (probably
Sutlej) and Ravi. A tract of land to the east of Sutlej that probably is the area of Sirhind
in Punjab also formed a part of Trigrata. Trigrata had two provinces that is one in the
plains with headquarters at Jullundur and other in the hills with headquarters at
Nagarkot (the present Kangra).
The present Kangra district came into existence on the 1st September 1972
consequent upon the re-organisation of districts by the government of Himachal
Pradesh. It was the largest district of the composite Punjab in terms of area, till it was
transferred to Himachal Pradesh on the 1st November 1966, and had six tehsils namely
Nurpur, Kangra, Palampur, Dehragopipur, Hamirpur and Una. Kullu was also a tehsil
of Kangra district up to 1962 and Lahaul & Spiti, which also formed a part of Kangra
was carved out as a separate district in 1960. On the re-organisation of composite
Punjab on the 1st November 1966, the area constituting Kangra district were transferred
to Himachal Pradesh along with the districts of Shimla, Kullu and Lahaul & Spiti and
tehsils of Una and Nalagarh and three villages of Gurdaspur district.119
118
Ibid.,
119
Government of Himachal Pradesh, District Human Development Report Kangra, Shimla: Planning
135
Location
Kangra district is situated in Western Himalayas between 31°2 to 32°5 N and

75° to 77°45 E. The district has a geographical area of 5,739 km. which constitutes
10.31 per cent of geographical area of the state. The district is bounded by Chamba to
the north, Lahaul & Spiti to the northeast, Kullu to the east, Mandi to the southeast, and
Hamirpur and Una to the south. The district shares a border with the states of Punjab on
the southwest, and Jammu and Kashmir on the northwest. Due to the hilly terrain, not
very much of the land is cultivated. The region is covered with uniform patches of
barren land, as well as small forests. There is a reasonably good network of roads
across the district.120
Topography
Kangra district has a mountainous terrain with highly undulating landforms.

The altitude ranges from about 550 meters to 5,500 meters above mean sea level
(AMSL), the rise being gradual to about 1,500 meters (AMSL), thereafter, it becomes
abrupt. The district has a maximum length of about150 km from Baijnath block to
Indora block in east-west direction. It extends to a distance of about 100 km from Rait
to Pragpur block in the north-south direction. The entire territory is mountainous with
the exception of the erstwhile Nurpur tehsil (covering the blocks of Nurpur, Indora,
Fatehpur and parts of Nagrota Surian), which accounts for roughly 15 per cent of the
total area of the district. Deep valleys lying between ranges of varying elevations
characterize the mountainous portion, which comprises the bulk of the territory.121
Area and Population
As per 2011 census, the district has a population of 15, 10,075 persons with a
population density of 263 persons per sq km. Population wise, it ranks first in the state.
Out of the total population of the district, 3, 19,385 persons are scheduled castes and
84,564 persons are scheduled tribes. The male and female population in the district is 7,
50,591 and 7, 59,484 respectively with a sex ratio of 1012 females per 1000 males. The
schedule caste population in the district is 21.2 per cent and the schedule tribe
120
121
Government of Himachal Pradesh, District Human Development Report Kangra, op.cit.,2009, p. 14.
136
population is 5.6 per cent. As per the census of India 2011, rural population in the
district is 14, 23,794 persons and the urban population are 86,281 persons.122
Kangra has an average literacy rate of 85.67 per cent, higher than the national
literacy is 91.49 per cent and female literacy is 80.02 per cent.123
Economy
Kangra being the largest district accounting for more than one fifth of the state
population and 10.31 per cent of total geographical area plays an important role in the
economy of the state. The economy of district is primarily agrarian with two- thirds of
the population directly dependent on agriculture.124 The district is covered by fertile
valleys and agriculture is the mainstay of rural population. The agro-climatic conditions
obtaining in the district are most suitable for the growing of food crops such as wheat,
rice, maize oil seeds, sugarcane, potatoes and tea.125 Tea cultivation was introduced in
1850 into the Kangra valley. The Palampur fair, established by government with a view
to fostering commerce with central Asia, attracts a small concourse of Yarkandi
merchants. The Lahaulis, carry on an enterprising trade with Ladakh and countries
beyond the frontier, by means of pack sheep and goats. Rice, tea, potatoes, opium,
spices, wool and honey are the chief exports.126 Tourism is also an important part of the
economy, with Bir in particular becoming a strong hub for ecotourism and aero sports.
This area was significantly damaged by an earthquake on April 4, 1905.127
As per the census of India 2011, out of total population of the district, 3, 13,915
persons are main workers, 3, 61,255 persons are marginal workers and 8, 34,905
persons are non-workers in the district. Out of the total workers, 6,75,170 are the main
workers, 3, 03,007 are cultivators, 54,849 are agricultural labourers, 15,662 are
engaged in household industries and 3, 01,652 are engaged in other activities.128
122
123
Ibid., p. 64.
124
Government of Himachal Pradesh, District Human Development Report Kangra, op.cit., 2009, p.32.
125
Jag Mohan Balokhra, The Wonderland Himachal: An Encyclopedia on a Tiny State of Western
Himalayas, New Delhi: H.G. Publications, 2007, p. 541.
126
Kangra, Himachal Pradesh, http://en.m.wikipedia.org., Accessed on 29-12-2016, p. 2.
127
128
15, p.19.
137
The Beas river forms the major drainage system in the district. The river Beas
and its tributaries drain almost the entire district, except the north eastern part which is
drained by the river Ravi. There are two important lakes in the district, namely Dal
Lake and Kareri. The population of Kangra district comprises a multi religious
community of Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists, Sikhs, Christians and Jains.
Culture
The traditional dress for men was the Kurta, Pyjamas, and a woolen jacket used
in winter. Women generally wear the Salwar Kameez and with the Salwar kameez girls
and women taken Chuenni (“Chaddru” in local language).
Kangra valley is one of the most picturesque, green and luxuriant valleys of
lower Himalayas sheltered by the sublime Dhauladhar range. This is one of the most
important and famous districts of Himachal Pradesh due to its popularity. Kangra is
mainly famous for its natural beauty and tea gardens. Number of people visit here. It is
the home of Masroor Rock Cut Temple, also known as Himalayan Pyramids and
Wonder of the World, for being likely contender for the UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Many ancient temples like the Jawalaji Chamunda Devi Temple, Chintapurni Temple
Baba Baroh, Masroor Temple built by Pandvas and Baijnath Temple are found here.
One can also pay a visit to Gopalpur Nature Park in Gopalpur village and can also see
tea gardens there. The Kangra fort is also a popular tourist attraction. Mcleodganj near
Dharamshala is the home in exile to the his Holiness Dalai Lama, the Tibetan spiritual
guru and “Bhagsunag Temple” at Bhagsu. Cricket ground of Dharamshala is also a
major attraction because of its location and good quality pitch for players. Maharaja
Sansar Chandra Museum adjoins the Kangra fort. Available at the Museum are audio
guides for the Kangra fort and the museum.129
Educational institutions of the district are concerned, Central University of

Himachal Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh University Regional Centre, Sai University,
Navodaya Vidyala Paprola, Kendriya Vidyala and many other educational intuitions in
district Kangra.
129
Kangra, Himachal Pradesh, http://en.m.wikipedia.org., Accessed on 29-12-2016, pp.2-3.
138
Kangra district consists of total fifteen Development Blocks: Baijnath,
Bhawarna, Lambagaon, Panchrukhi, Kangra, Nagrota Bagwan Rait, Dehra,
Dharmshala, Pragpur, Nagrota Suria, Nurpur, Indora, Fatehpur, Sulah.
Sub-division in Kangra: Kangra, Palampur, Dharamshala, Nurpur, Dehra, Baijnath,

Jwali and Jaisinghpur, Jawalamukhi, Fatehpur.
Tehsils in Kangra : Nurpur, Nagrota, Indora, Jwali, Kangra, Palampur, Badoh, Kasba
Kotla, Jaswan, Dehra Gopipur, Khundiyan, Jaishinghpur, Baijnath, Fatehpur,
Dharamshala, and Shahpur.
Sub-Tehsils in Kangra: Harchakkian Dhira, Rakkad, Thural Nagrota Surian, Kotla

Gangath and Multhan.130
130
139
CHAPTER-III
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN– AN OVERVIEW
Women’s participation in politics is one of the core areas of women

empowerment. Active participation of women in the mainstream political activities,
political processes, decision-making and policy formulation certainly has a strong
bearing on the governance structure, national-building and development of a country.
The presence of women in the decision-making levels not only enhances their social,
political and economic status but also strengthens democratic institutions by making
them more inclusive and meaningful. Political participation is not only about the right
to vote, but also about power-sharing, decision-making and policy formulation at all
levels of governance. Democracy at the grassroots level provides an opportunity to
women to participate and flourish within a small unit, realize a sense of democratic
responsibility and get instilled with the values of democracy and good governance. All
country around the world become more democratic and all the people involve the
political participation in their state, but the percentage of women in political
participation is very low.
The statistics shows that even in the developed countries like United States of
America (19.4%), United Kingdom (32.0%), Germany (37.0%), Canada (26.3%), Italy
(31.0%), France (39.0%), Japan (9.3%), etc., the participation of women in the
Lower/Single House of National Parliaments /Legislatures is very low as compared to
men. The highest representation of women in parliaments/legislatures is found in the
countries like Rawanda (61.3%), Cuba (48.9%), Iceland (47.6%), Sweden (43.6%),
South Africa (42.0%), Finland (42.0%), Norway (39.6%), Argentina (38.9%), Denmark
(37.4%) and Netherlands (36.0%). In Scandinavian Countries, women enjoy an equal
status with men and their representation in national legislatures is found between 38.0
to 47.0 per cent, whereas the lowest representation is noted in the countries like Nauru
(10.5%), Bahrain (7.5%), Iran (5.9%), etc. There are also countries like Yemen, Qatar,
Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu, etc., where there is no representation of women in the
national legislatures/ parliaments. In the developing countries, women representations
in lower house like Nepal (29.6%), Pakistan (20.6%), China (24.2%), Bangladesh
141
(20.3%), India (11.8%), Maldives (5.9%), and Sri Lanka (5.8%), etc., the women
representation is very low.1 In 1960, Sri Lanka became the first country to have a
woman Prime Minister.2 In the 1970s, Indira Gandhi became Prime Minister of India
and in the 1980s Benajir Bhutto achieved yet another feat, when she became Prime
Minister of an Islamic country, Pakistan. However in spite of this, women constitute a
marginal proportion of representatives in the legislatures and various decision-making
bodies of these countries. It has been pointed out that, in modern South Asian countries
like India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, the largest number of women leaders
have held power (or served in the opposition) for the longest periods of time. But, all
these women leaders (Indira Gandhi, Banajir Bhutto, Hasina Wajed, Khalida Zia,
Sirimao Bandarnaike) succeeded male relatives (husbands, fathers); all of them were
propelled to their positions by party support. Therefore, none of them was a grassroots
politician, all belonged to affluent families and came from elite or ruling classes and in
all these countries weak institutionalization allowed dynastic succession to prevail even
under the democratic system of government. These women assumed leadership
generally during periods of crisis. The women leaders in modern South Asian nations
emerged as a type produced under sharply specific historical conditions. The general
women masses are however poor, illiterate, often veiled and indifferent towards
politics. Thus, the world-wide picture regarding women’s participation in politics is not
very praise-worthy. Women, who constitute half of the human population, have been
denied their due share in politics not only in India but also in the whole world.3
Ancient India
To understand the real position of women, it is therefore, necessary to trace her

position in historical perspective. Broadly speaking, the history of India can divide into
three era that is Ancient Period, Medieval Period and Modern Period. Further, the
ancient period is divided into two parts, Vedic and Post-Vedic period.
1
Women in Parliaments: World Classification-Inter-Parliamentary Union, www.ipu.org/wmn-
e/classif.htm., Accessed on 31-10-2017.
2
2007, p. 3.
3
Dimensions of Gender Inequality in Society, Chandigarh: Shree Ram Lal House, 2016,
pp. 81-82.
142
“Women are deities of prosperity. By cherishing women, one cherishes the
goddess of prosperity herself and by afflicting her, one is said to pain the goddess of
prosperity”.
(Anusasana Parva, Mahabharata)
Where the women are held in reverence, there do the Gods reside, is an old
Sanskrit adage. A society grows, if the women grow, if they partake of the spirit of
progress, for they are the proverbial domestic legislators, they are the matrix of social
life. In India, till the advent of the Turks Indian women enjoyed great freedom and
prestige, but due to certain social, economic and political exigencies and the unhappy
impact of alien ideologies, inhuman restrictions clamped upon them, they were
relegated to a position of servility and insignificance and they were burdened with
several taboos and restrictions. Indian society has been a tradition bound society in
which the traditionalists would present an idealised picture of women substantiating
their claims on the basis of certain references from the Vedic and classical literature.
The Indian woman is part of a culture that goes back into the past. If she has a
particular conviction of acts in a specific manner, it is due to the pattern that has been
ingrained in her by the fairly stable social structure of a thousand years.4 The highest
place has been accorded to women in Indian religious and philosophical thought. The
primordial one is conceived as a harmony of ‘Purusha’ (male) and ‘Prakrati’ (female).
The concept of ‘Ardhanarishwara’ describes god-head as half female and half male.
The ‘Shakti’ cult is centred on the superiority and destructive strength of the females.
Rivers and streams, dawn and twilight, flowers and seasons, knowledge and music are
conceived of as feminine.
The position of power, status and disabilities of the daughter, wife, and the
widow went on changing in course of time. Women enjoyed considerable freedom and
privileges in the spheres of family, religion and public life, but as centuries rolled on,
the situation went on changing adversely. The position which women occupied in
Hindu society at the dawn of civilization during the Vedic age is much better.5
4
Preeti Misra, Domestic Violence Against Women, Legal Control and Judicial Response, New Delhi:
Deep and Deep Publications, 2007, p.1-2.
5
Ibid.,
143
Vedic Period
During ancient times, women held a high place of respect in the society, as
mentioned in Rig-Veda and other scriptures.6 The Vedic era was the golden era so far
as equilibrium of status and freedom between men and women, with right of
knowledge and freedom to marry is concerned.7 The Rig-Vedic women played
significant role in family, society and even in political life.8
In the early Vedic Period, women were taking an active part in the industrial
life. They were manufacturing arrows and bows, making baskets, weaving cloth and
participating in outdoor agricultural (work) activities. These outdoor professions and
activities show early Vedic society. The girl’s were given education at par with boys
and had to pass through a period of Brahamcharya. They had equal right of Vedic
study as of men. They not only studied Vedas but also figured among the authors of
Vedic hymns.
The Vedic studies began with Upanayana or sacred initiation, performed

usually at the age of eight and Vedic study also helped women to securing a suitable
match. Some women Vedic scholars like Lopamudra, Vishwavare and Ghosha
composed hymns, that were later admitted into the sacred canon. However, in early
Vedic Period, marriage was essential in order to participate fully in the religious life.9
During this period, monogamy as a form of marriage was most common, but there were
some reference to polygamy. The child marriage was not in practice in that period and
women had effective voice in choosing their husbands.10
Upanishads
The Hindus love of philosophic speculation is dominant in the third set of

sacred scriptures, the Upanishads, where even women display interest in philosophic
discussion. Some Hindu women as Uma, Gargi and Maitreyi were notable for their
learning, as is evidenced by the philosophic disputations reported in the Upanishads.
6
Shiv Raj Singh, et al. (eds.), Public Administration in the New Millennium: Changing and Prospects,
7
Mridula Bhadauria, Women in India: Some Issue, New Delhi: APH Publishing Corporation, 1997, p.1.
8
A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1962,
p. 339.
9
Anant Sadashiv Altekar, “Ideal and Position of Indian Women in Social Life”, in Swami
Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra Majumdar (eds.), Great Women of India, Almora: Advaita
Ashrama, 1953, pp. 26-28.
10
Kalpana Roy, Women and their Environment, Delhi: Rajat Publications, 1999, pp. 83-88.
144
Gargi even out questioned and out-wearied the Chief Philosopher of the Upanishads,
Yajnavalkya. Maitreyi was a discourser on sacred knowledge. In the Upanishads,
woman is referred to as having been created by the primeval being. Brihad-Aranyaka
says that ‘a man’s wife is his voice’.11
Women in the Laws of Manu
Manu for the first time legally assigned to woman her definite place in the scale
of society. But his laws reflect a conflict even within himself between his valuation of
woman as a spiritual entity on the one side and as a unit in society on the other. He
averred that a mother is more to be revered than a thousand fathers, yet his laws place
woman socially on a level with the lowest of all groups in Aryan society, the Sudra.12
Manu enumerates many laws directing a wife’s conduct-he says that a wife
must show to her husband such utter devotion that he must be treated like a God, even
when he is conspicuously lacking in virtue. No sacrifice, no vow, no fast must be
performed by women apart. If a wife obeys her husband, she will for that be exalted in
heaven. In childhood, a female must be subject to her father, in youth to her husband;
when her lord is dead, to her sons. A woman must never be independent. The laws of
Manu state that women were created to be mothers and that they may perform religious
rites along with their husband. The tenets of Manu have fostered a deep rooted belief in
the intellectual and otherwise inferiority of women. He says that women should never
be given independence. He equated women with slave and his laws epitomize complete
submission of women to men and there are still the sanctioned codes of conduct
ascribed for and by and large accepted by women. But Manu was not a woman hater,
for it was Manu who said in Manu Samriti that-
;= uk¸;ZLrq iwt;Urs jeUrs r= nsorkA

;=SrkLrq u iwt;Urs lokZLr=kQyk% fØ;kAA
The homes where there is respect for women is like the abode of gods but where
that is not so, all other forms of worship are fruitless.
Manu vehemently opposed the purchase of a woman. He never gave legal

sanction to such a marriage. He recognized the adoption of a girl’s child as putrika,
which conferred on her all the rights of a son. Manu brought down the age of marriage
11
12
Purdah Das, The Status of Indian Women, New York: Vanguard Press, 1932, pp. 27-28.
145
for a girl and advocated child marriage, though he warned fathers not to give away their
daughters to men devoid of good qualities. Though polygamy was practiced, he
strongly advocated monogamy and attached the greatest importance to sexual restraint
and fidelity to one’s spouse. He laid down different rules even for a man contemplating
separation. A woman deserted by her husband was given the right to marry after the
lapse of certain number of years. Thus, Manu was the principal law-maker of the
conservative Hindu period. His prime objective was to safeguard the interests of the
family and society at the expense of individual liberty. Thus, the laws of Manu, as do
all the earlier documents of Hinduism shows various attitudes, both appreciative and
depreciative, towards women.13
Epic Period
The status of women and their participation in politics during the epic period is
discussed in the context of Ramayana and Mahabharata periods. 14
Ramayana and Mahabharata Period
The Ramayana is one of the most effective of all Hindu sacred writings. In the
laws of Manu and in the Mahabharata, it is taught that a wife should reverence her
husband, as if he were a veritable deity. This teaching is reaffirmed in the Ramayana.
“...A husband whether he has any merits or not, is a very deity”.
(Ayodha Kanda, 2.62)
Women have no individual identity; their personality is blended with men. The
Ramayana enjoys the lifelong inseparability of wives and husband.
“Women without her husband cannot live”
(Ayodhya Kanda, 2.29)
The dependence of a woman upon her husband, son and relatives is continued
from the antecedent laws of Manu. A wife’s service to her husband is taken as the best
method of attaining heaven. The Ramayana reaffirmed the deep-seated Hindu
conception that husband is a women’s greatest deity.15
13
14
Roma Choudhuri, “Women’s Education in Ancient India”, in Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh
Chandra Majumdar (eds.), Great Women of India, Almora: Advaita Ashrama, 1953, pp.102-104.
15
146
The high standard of women’s education set up during the Vedic Age was
fortunately continued to a large extent during the Epic Age as well. Women were given
full opportunities for education of various kinds. Like men, they were entitled to
Upanayana or initiation and Brahmacharya or Vedic studentship is proved by the right
they enjoyed to take part in various Vedic rites and utter the holy Vedic Mantras.
Ascetic women engaged in the study, teaching and preaching of the highest Truth for
example, Shramani Shabari, the disciple of Matanga. With her hermitage on Lake
Pampa, is described as wearing barks and matted locks having reached the highest
point of ascetic perfection, and being honoured by great ascetics.
The social position of women was high. The wife was regarded as the very prop
of family life and the mother an object of supreme honour. In the Ayodhya-Kanda, the
mother is enjoyed to be honoured as much as the father. In the political sphere also,
women were granted equal rights. For instance, when Sita desired to accompany Rama
to the forest, the great sage Vasishtha, the spiritual preceptor of the royal family, tried
his best to dissuade her with the proposal that she should reign over the kingdom during
the absence of her husband. This instance shows the political recognition of women’s
equal rights with men. The above is sufficient to show that during the age of the
Ramayana, too, the women of India kept their colours flying in all spheres of learning
and progress, and achieved notable success in them all.16
Mahabharata, the great epic depicts the social life of India. The eminent
Professor Macdonell calls the Mahabharata “a moral encyclopaedia in Indian
Literature”. In this heroic age, the poets of Mahabharata portray, on the whole,
womanhood which was noble, intelligent and active. In this document, we see women
in the home, at court, on the battlefield, and in intellectual and spiritual capacities.
Although in some of the earlier Hindu documents, women are sometimes pictured as
helpless females. In the Mahabharata, we find many accomplished women, they are not
only beautiful in appearance, but they possess real tact and graciousness of character. 17
In the age of the Mahabharata also, women’s full rights to Naishthika Brahmacharya or
a life of celibate asceticism is recognized. The most celebrated of these is perhaps
Sulabha, who’s not finding a suitable husband, embraced a life of celibate studentship
and roamed about alone from place to place in search of the highest truth. Until, she
16
Roma Choudhuri, op.cit., 1953, pp.102-104.
17
147
reached the court of king Janaka in Mithila, a great scholar versed in the highest lore
leading to salvation. Even such a celebrated scholar was compelled to recognize
Sulabha’s deep learning after a thorough examination, and was taught by her.
Shiva was another women ascetic, who studied all the Vedas and attained
spiritual perfection. The daughter of Shandilya also embraced a life of celibate
studentship and achieved the maximum perfection in asceticism. Not only the ascetic’s
women, but those women who entered the family life also versed in philosophical
knowledge. 18 In the Mahabharata period, women were versed not only in the highest
philosophy but also in other branches of knowledge. But many women of the royal
family were well grounded in politics. Gandhari, wife of the blind King Dhritarashtra
engaged in a learned political discussion with her son in the open court. Other royal
ladies, like Kunti and Draupadi are also the example of versatility and scholarship of
women of Mahabharata period. From the above brief account, it is clear that in the age
of the Mahabharata, women enjoyed equal rights with men.19
Thus, in Mahabharata, there is the highest praise for women and at the same
time the bitterest denunciation. Despite of prohibitions, the priest attempted to enforce
upon the women of the epic, on the whole, these women stand out significantly. They
are resolute and spiritual. They are not isolated but are in close contact with events of
their time. They are capable and serviceable members of society. As a matter of fact,
the epic seems to have produced outstanding portraits of women, which have helped to
stir Hindu women with hope and faith.20
Buddhism and Jainism
Buddhism rose as a protest against the rigid rules of Brahmanism. In the Post-
Vedic period, the dominance of rituals increasingly grew, which gave indomitable
power to the Brahmanism. Buddhism opened the doors of religion to all human beings
without any distinction. Buddhism is in its essence, a religion of self-culture and self
restraint. If a woman could achieve these two qualities, she was entitled to achieve
Nirvana like men.21 The status of women in Buddhism and Jainism was assigned. Both
these were ascetic re-religions, and they have not devoted much attention to the duties
18
Roma Choudhuri, op.cit, 1953, pp. 104-105.
19
Ibid.,
20
21
Ibid., p.30.
148
and ideals of lay women. The Buddha was reluctant to admit women to his Church, and
the Digambara Jains hold that women can never get salvation except by first being
reborn as men. Both Budhism and Jainism placed nuns under a more rigorous discipline
than monks. They should not stay alone without the protection of monks. They should
avoid the company of men of doubtful character; that only monks of unquestioned
purity and integrity should be allowed to preach before nuns; that they should always
live together in groups of two and three etc. Some other rules, however, betray a lack of
confidence in the character and judgement of women. Thus the admission of a new nun
was to be sanctioned by a joint meeting of the monks and nuns; new monks, however,
could be admitted without consulting the nuns at all. A nun could never preach before a
congregation of monks. The permission that was given to women to join the church by
Jainism and Buddhism raised a new and respectable career before them. 22
In Brahmanical religion, there were also some nuns like Sulabha and Gargi
Vachaknavi; their number, however, seems to have been much larger in Buddhist and
Jain circles. Buddhism declared that womanhood was no bar to salvation, and
Svetambara Jains concurred with the view. Marriage was not necessary for women;
nay, it was a fetter which women were advised to avoid. Therefore it was urged to
become nuns without entering into matrimony. Among the nuns of the Therigatha the
majority consists of women, who had renounced the world during their maidenhood.
The career of preaching was opened before women by Jainism and Buddism attracted a
large number of talented ladies, and they distinguished themselves as teachers and
preachers. Sanghamitra, the daughter of Ashoka, went to far off Ceylon to spread the
gospel of the Buddha. 23
When discipline became slack and unworthy persons began to be admitted into
monasteries and nunneries, the tone of moral life deteriorated. It hastened the process
of the downfall of Buddhism. Later, Hinduism took a lesson from it and declared
women to be ineligible for renunciation. But women have realised that improvement in
this direction in modern days depends mainly upon the spread of education and the
acquisition of economic rights and independence. They therefore naturally feel no
inclination for initiating an agitation for the restoration of their old religious rights and
22
A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1959, pp.
207-209.
23
Ibid., pp. 207-217.
149
privileges.24 Thus, the position of women in the Buddhist period could not have
changed very much from that of the earlier days. However, there was some
admitted that in the monastic order, the place accorded to the nuns was lower than that
of the monks.25
Medieval Period
The Indian women’s position in the society deteriorated during medieval period.
In this period the women were deprived of different social and economic rights and
26
were brought out under the overall control of their male family members. Life
became insecure. Restrictions on her rights and freedom and her resultant hardships
were aggravated. Women were forcible taken away to be slaves or to marry into
Muslim homes. The consequent insecurity and instability further narrowed down
woman’s social liberties. On the one hand, the foreign Muslim conquerors attempted to
impose their coercive norms on the conquered Hindu population. On the other hand, the
Hindu society itself became more and more rigid curtailing thereby, the rights and
freedom of the lower castes and women. Due to this two-fold reason, the post-puranic
period is one of the darkest periods for women in Indian history. The steady
deterioration of her status continued till the 19th century. Polygamy and the Purdah
were two of the most important social institutions of the Muslim conquerors of India.
Under the Purdha system, not only were women required to live in a secluded
apartment in the house, but also they had to dress in apparel which completely covered
their body excepting the eye.27
24
Ibid., pp. 207-217.
25
Nalinaksha Dutt, “Great Women in Buddhism”, in Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra
Majumdar (eds.), Great Women of India, Almora: Advaita Ashrama, 1953, pp.253-255.
26
G.S. Mehta, Participation of Women in the Panchayati Raj System, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
2008, p.4.
27
Neera Desai, Women in Modern India, Bombay: Vora Publishers, 1957, p. 23.
150
Before the Muslim conquest, the Buddhism had not followed the custom of
Sati. Social sanction for the self-immolation of widows came in with Muslim invasion.
Before Muslim rule, the practice of Sati did occur off and on, but not as a regular
feature. As a result of repressive social and religious custom, a woman sometimes even
preferred Sati to widowhood.28 Instance of Brahmin women who practiced Sati are also
recorded in the 15th century and after the foreign chroniclers record, the Hindu widows
who did not observe Sati were held in great dishonor. The practice of Sati was also
extended to the southern parts of India. The widow in the case was persuaded to believe
that her act of self-immolation was even more auspicious than the nuptial ceremony,
since it guaranteed the continual association with her husband in life after death.29 Due
to lustful proposal of Alauddin Khilji, Rani Padmavati with about 700 Rajput
committed themselves to flames, which came to be known as “Jauhar Vrata”.
Gradually child marriages were preferred in the society and the death of a widow was
welcome news as she would not fall into evil hands. A woman in Hindu society has
always been considered an appendage to her husband. She has no life apart from him.
Consequently, on her husband’s death, there was no reason for her to live on. Also the
husband was her sole protector. During foreign invasions by the Turkas, Muslims and
others, when their men folk were killed, the widows were very naturally expected to
commit Sati. Hence, immolation of widows and killing of girl child infanticide started
in a large number. Even the Muslims were not spared of this fate, when they became
subjugated by the white rulers of England. They developed Purdh, illiteracy, disease,
legal discrimination and handicaps but the worst part of their fate is the male
dominance in their society.30
The Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent brought the Purdhah practice
in the Indian society.31 As a strict security measure, the prohibition of free movement
of woman was advocated and the Purdhah with its elaborate from was also installed.
Women participating in public discussions on vital social and philosophical problems
or in popular festivals became only a memory of the past. Along with child marriage,
marital infidelity on the part of males became more common. Polygamy was a practice
adopted frequently among upper classes and restriction on or conditions laid down as
28
Preeti Misra, op.cit., 2007, p.35.
29
Neera Desai, op.cit., 1957, p. 24.
30
Niroj Sinha, Women and Violence, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1989, pp.47-48.
31
A. Prema, “Women Status in India”, Indian Streams Research Journal, Vol. 2, No.1, February 2012,
p. 2.
151
necessary for the second marriage were also dropped. Even during this darkest period,
when the black cloud of social reaction completely submerged the freedom of woman,
a silver lining was visible. Some of the Mughal emperors through social reforms tried
to relieve the hardships of women. As regards Sati, Akbar did not permit it in cases,
where there was the slightest disinclination on the part of the widow or when a young
widow’s marriage was not consummated. During this period, two schools of law
emerged viz. Mitakshara and Dayabhaga, the exponents of these schools being
Vijnaneshwara and Jimutavahana respectively. These commentators attempted to
improve the position of women. They give a definite share of property to women.
However, in the total setting of complete subordination, these meagre rights hardly
brought any benefits to women.32 The Hindu did not assimilate the customs like
divorce, widow remarriage and a large share of property for women, which governed
the Muslim society. The Hindu society had come so static and rigidified that their
contact with the Muslims, whose social relations were relatively democratic, did not
prompt them to adopt the democratic elements of the Muslim society. 33
In spite of these conditions, some women excelled in the fields of politics,

literature, education and religion in the medieval period. Women were equally eminent
in the field of administration and state crafts. Razia Sultana, Empress Noorjahan,
Chand Bibi, Maharani Jija Bai, Rani Padmini are some women with exemplary
achievements.34
During the Bhakti Movement women were encouraged to educate themselves.

Though this movement did not bring drastic change in the status of women in the
economic and political field. However, in social and religious field some positive
changes were seen, yet some evil practices were also observed like Devadasi custom,
child marriage, sati system etc.35
British Period
The advent of British rule brought ‘Christianity’ to India. In Christianity both

men and women are believed to have been created by God in his own image. In matters
32
33
Ibid., pp. 36-37.
34
Lalit Upadhayay, Women in Indian Politics, Panchkula: Better Books, 2007, p. 17.
35
Research Journal of Language, Literature and Humanities, Vol. 1 No. 1, January 2014, pp.12-13.
152
pertaining to the spirit and the practice of religion, Christianity accepts equality
between men and women. Everybody is baptised in the name of Christ. The Bible lays
great emphasis on the image of women as a strong and steady influence for the good.
Christianity also forbids polygamy and it lays emphasis on the establishment of a
mutual relationship between husband and wife and on their duty towards each other.36
The impact of British rule, English education and Christianity propagated by
missionaries resulted in a number of movements for social change and religious reform
in the nineteenth century. The first impact of western teaching on those who received, it
was to include them strongly in favour of the western way of looking at things and
under this influence they bent their energies. In the first instance, to the re-examination
of the whole of their ancient civilisation or social usages and institutions, religious
beliefs, literature, science and their art in fact their conception and realisation of life.37
There have been three distinct phases in the modern struggle for a better status, life and
opportunity for women in India. The first was in the 19th century by male reformers
aided by religious groups both Hindu and Christian. The second was participation in
the freedom movement which culminated in Independence in 1947 and the third, the
post-Independence period up to women’s International year, 1975.38
During the 19th and early 20th centuries, a number of movements (both religious
and social) were launched to reform the Indian society in general and to improve the
status of women in particular. These movements had a great impact on women’s
identity and women’s life in India. The most well-remembered social reformer of the
19th century was Raja Ram Mohan Roy, who established Brahmo Samaj in 1828 at
Calcutta, (Brahmo literally means the Supreme; Samaj means Society) which worked
for the welfare of women. Freedom and equality of women and widow remarriage were
the focus of the Samaj the cruel system of sati (sati means ‘a virtuous woman). The act
of widow immolating herself on the funeral pyre of her husband) was abolished by the
efforts of Roy. The spiritual succession of Roy was Keshav Chandra Sen, who
popularised Brahmo Samaj and fought for women’s education and established a school
for girls. Due to the struggle of Keshav Chandra Sen, Civil Marriage Act III of 1872
was brought, which included abolition of child marriage (minimum age of marriage
36
C.K. Jain, Women Parliamentarians in India, New Delhi: Surjeet Publications, 1993, p. 10.
37
Government of India, Towards Equality: Report of the Committee on the Status of Women in India,
New Delhi: Ministry of Education and Social Welfare Department of Social Welfare, 1974, p. 50.
38
Tara Ali Baig, Indian’s Woman Power, New Delhi: S. Chand and Company, 1976, pp. 24-25.
153
was fixed at 14), permission for widow remarriage and inter-caste marriage. A religious
reform movement in the form of Prarthana Samaj (worship) was started by Justice
Mahadeo Govind Ranade in Poona. Swami Dayanand Saraswati founded the Arya
Samaj, (revered) whose main objective was to give equal opportunities to all person
men and women (to acquire knowledge and to qualify themselves for whatever position
in life they would like to fill) without any discrimination.
Another eminent person Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar worked for education of

women and widow remarriage. Later in the 19th century, came the eminent liberal,
Gopal Krishna Gokhala his Bill for Universal Compulsory Education for Indian
Women. Pandita Ramabai is another social reformer, gave evidence before the Hunter
Commission in 1881, emphasising need for abolition of child marriage and promotion
of women’s education.39 The roots of women’s participation in politics can be traced
back to the nineteenth century reform movement. Several eminent women reformers
participated in his movement as well as in the religious reform movement of this
period. Pandit Ramabai, Manorma Majumdar, Sarala Devi Goshal, who started Bharata
Stree Mahamandal for the education of women, Swarna Kumari Debi, who started the
women’s organisation Sakhi Samiti in 1886 for widows are few examples. These
activities gave momentum to women’s participation in public spaces, which paved the
way for their entry into the independence struggle. Swarna Kumari Devi, one of the
two delegates elected from Bengal to represent the State at the 1890 Congress session
is a case in point. The Swadeshi movement in Bengal (1905-08) marked the beginning
of women’s participation in nationalist activities. Many of the women were from
families involved in nationalist politics. They include sister Nivedita, Agyavati,
Madame Cama, who was described by the government as the recognised leader of the
revolutionary movement and Kumudini Mitra, who started a journal called ‘Suprabath’,
which linked nationalist politics to women’s traditional power. Madame Cama, a Parsi
woman nationalist persuaded the international socialist congress to support the India’s
independence movement and also began a monthly journal called ‘Vande Mataram’.40
During this, the era of associations also started with Saraladevi Chaudhurani founded
the Bharat Stree Mahamandal in 1910 to assert women’s independent identity. In a
similar manner, Saroj Nalini Dutta founded Mahila Samitis in 1913 in many towns. It
39
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, pp.1-10.
40
Shantha Mohan, “Facilitating the fulfilment of State Obligations towards Women’s Equality”,
Baseline Report, Women and Political Participation in India, pp. 4-6.
154
was in the 1917 the women’s Indian Association was founded in Madras by Annie
Besant.41
Demand for women’s franchise was initiated in 1917, when a deputation of

Indian women led by Sarojini Naidu, presented to the British Parliament a demand for
the enfranchisement of women on the basis of equality with men. The crux of their
demand was that when franchise conditions for India were being drawn up, women be
recognized as people. As a result, in 1919 under the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms,
about 10 Lacs women obtained the voting right. However, women exercised their
franchise for the first time only in 1932. Till 1926, no women ever got into any
legislature. Muthulakshmi Reddy of Madras, a dedicated social worker was the first
women to be nominated to the Madras Legislative Council and she was also elected as
the Deputy Chairperson of the Council. Devadasi Bill was introduced by her, who
saved the lives of these women from degradation. Kamla Devi from South Kanara
Constituency in 1926, Radha Bai Subbaraya, Renuka Roy, Annu Swaminathan were
the earliest women, who got into the central legislature.42
Mahatma Gandhi’s called to women to join the freedom struggle that a new era
has dawned. He recognized the importance of women’s participation in the freedom
struggle. Gandhi appraised the women’s potential for Satyagraha and for the social
reconstruction as higher than that of men.43 Most strikingly, mass population of women
was recognized during the Civil Disobedience movement in 1930.44 In 1931, at the
Karachi session of the Indian National Congress, Nehru piloted the ‘Fundamental
Rights Resolution’, which accepted the principle of complete equality of men and
women in political life. 45 The Government of India Act 1935 invariably provided equal
right to vote to both men and women without gender bias. Consequently, in the election
of 1937, eight women were elected from general constituencies and forty-two from the
reserves constituencies. Six women were appointed as ministers.46
41
M.P. Dube and Munni, Padalia (eds.), Democratic Decentralization and Panchayati Raj in
India, New Delhi: Anamika Publishers, 2002, pp. 174-175.
42
Science, Vol. 68, No.3, July-September 2007, p. 600.
43
44
45
46
A.K. Shukla, Women Chief Ministers in Contemporary India, New Delhi: APH Publishing
Corporation, 2007, p. 58.
155
In the 1942 Quit India Movement; when all the top leaders were arrested and
the movement became practically leaderless, women joined hands with others and
carried it on by taking out processions, holding meetings, demonstrations and
organizing strikes. Aruna Asaf Ali, Kalpana Joshi, Preeti Waddadar, Kanaklata Barua,
Roopvati Jain, Durga Bai, Sushila Devi and Usha Mehta were the famous figures of
this movement. Kasturba Gandhi died in jail during the Quit India campaign. In July
1943, in response to the clarion call of Subhash Chandra Bose, a women’s regiment
named ‘The Rani of Jhansi Regiment’ was formed in Singapore with Laxmi Sehgal as
its Captain.
The Constituent Assembly was set up in October 1946, a body elected by the
existing legislatures, had among its members Sarojini Naidu, Durgabai, Renuka Roy
and Hansa Mehta, among others to frame the Constitution for India on Independence.47
In the Constituent Assembly which met in December 1946, there were 14 women
members. But there were no proportionate increase in women as representatives or in
power positions.
It has been noted that women who were active in politics or politically
successful belonged to wealthy and progressive families. They were supported by
husbands or family members who were active in congress. This is being followed even
after independence. But, there were large number of unknown women who participated
in the freedom struggle. It provided an opportunity for large number of women to enter
into active politics, which was not seen earlier. They were willing to join processions,
and to go to prisons. Women joined revolutionary groups, helped in distributing
newspapers and helped in the manufacturing bombs. Innumerable number of women
provided support to freedom fighters by looking after their families.48
During Post-Independence
After independence, various initiatives have been undertaken for bringing

improvements in the socio-economic status and empowerment of women.49 The
Constitution of Independent India, which came into force on 26th January 1950, opened
a new chapter in the matter of equality of women. The Preamble to the Constitution of
47
Tara Ali Baig, op.cit., 1976, p. 218.
48
Vina Mazumdar, “Women in the Political Process”, in Maithreyi Krishnaraj (ed.), Women Studies in
India: Some Perspectives, New Delhi: Popular Prakashan, 1986, p. 97.
49
G .S. Mehta, op.cit., 2008, p.7.
156
India resolves to secure to all its citizens: Justice, social, economic and political;
Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship; Equality of status and
opportunity; and to promote among them all; Fraternity assuring the dignity of the
individual and the unity and integrity of the nation. To attain these national objectives,
the constitution guarantees certain Fundamental Rights to all the citizens. Again the
Directive Principles of State Policy enunciated in the constitution embody the major
policy goals of a welfare state. 50
The Constitution of India has granted women equal rights of participation in the
political process of the country along with equal opportunity and rights in education
and employment. The Indian Constitution guarantees political equality through the
institution adult franchise. Article 15 prohibits any kind of discrimination against any
citizen on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth, or any of them.
However, Article 15(3) which empower the state to make any “special provisions for
women and children” even in violation of the fundamental obligation of non-
discrimination among citizens, on the basis of sex. This provision has enabled the state
to make special provisions for women, particularly in the field of labour legislation like
the Factories Act, the Mines Act, etc. Reservation of seats for women in local or
educational institutions has been held to be valued in view of the provisions of Article
15 (3). Article 16 (1) guarantees that, “There shall be equality of opportunity for all
citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to any office under the
state”. Again Article 16 (2) forbids discrimination in respect of any employment in
office under the state on grounds of “religion, race, caste, sex, descent, and place of
birth, residence or any one of them”. All these have assured normatively a significant
position and status to Indian women.
The Directive Principles of State Policy in Part IV of the Constitution

incorporate the policy goals of welfare state. Some articles deals with women
indirectly, while few others concern women directly and have a special bearing on their
status.51 Article 39 (a) guarantees right to an adequate means of livelihood for all
citizen. Article 39 (b) guarantees equal pay for equal work for both men and women.
Article 39 (c) that the health and strength of workers, men and women, and the tender
age of children are not abused and that citizen are not forced by economic necessity to
50
C.K. Jain, op.cit., 1993, pp.11-12.
51
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, p. 9.
157
enter occupations unsuited for their age or strength. Article 39 (d) which directs the
state to ensure that there is equal pay for equal work for both men and women. Again
Article 39 (e) which directs the state to ensure that the health and strength of workers,
men and women, and the tender age of children are not abused and that citizens are not
forced by economic necessity to enter avocations unsuited to their age or strength; and
Articles 42 which directs the state to make provision for ensuring must and humane
condition of work and maternity relief.52 However, Article 42 guarantees, just and
humane condition of work and maternity relief. This is in accordance with Article 23
and 25 of Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 51 (a) clause (e) says that it
shall be the duty of every citizen of India-to promote harmony and spirit of common
brotherhood amongst all the people of India, transcending religious or sectional
diversities, to renounces practice derogatory to the dignity of women.
The Constitution of India is based on the principles of equality and guarantees

equality before law and equal protection to all its citizens. It not only guarantees
fundamental rights and freedom, but also prohibits discrimination on the basis of
religions, race, caste, sex, and place of birth. However, the rights have remained de
Jure and have not been translated into de facto rights. As such, women have been
denied social, economic, civil and political rights in many spheres. An important area,
where women have been inadequately represented is in the political sphere.53
The committee on the status of women was appointed as early as 1976. The
draft national policy on empowerment of women was envisaged equal flow of benefits
in physical and financial terms to women. A National Commission for Women was
appointed. The constitution of India guarantees certain rights and privileges to women
as fundamental rights and directive principles. It confers on man and women equal
rights and opportunities in political, economic and social spheres.
Women related Legislations
The constitution imposes a fundamental duty on every citizen to give up all

practices derogatory to the prestige of the women. The safe guard women rights and
prevent their exploitation the government has enacted a number of women specific and
women related acts. The constitution of India adopted equality of women as early as
1950. The Central Social Welfare Board was set-up in 1953; Child Marriage Restraint
52
C.K. Jain, op.cit., 1993, p. 13.
53
Saroj Choudhary, “Political Participation and Representation of Women in Indian Politics”, International
Journal of Behavioural Social and Movement Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 4, October 2012, p. 203.
158
Acts of 1951; the Special Marriage Act of 1954 (Amended 1984). The Hindu
Succession Act of 1956 (later Amended 1976 and 1986), the Dowry Prohibition Act of
1961; the Maternity Benefit Act of 1966 (Amended 1976); Medical Termination of
Pregnancy Act of 1971; the Equal Remuneration of Act of 1976 (amended 1984); the
Indian Evidence Act, 1983; Family Court Act, 1984; Indecent Representation of
Women Prohibition Act 1987; Indian Marriage Act, 1995 (amended 1996); the New
Bill 2001 for Protecting Women against Violence, etc. were passed;54 The Protection
of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005 defines the expression “domestic
violence to include actual abuse or threat of abuse-physical, sexual, verbal, emotional
or economic violence etc.55
Women and Panchayati Raj
Panchayati Raj Institutions in India have their roots since time immemorial. The
system has evolved through the ages, acquiring a definite programme or action.
Rajasthan was the first state in the country to adopt Panchayati Raj. Rajasthan
government passed the Rajasthan Panchayati and was formally inaugurated by the
Pandit Nehru at Nagour on 2nd October 1959. In this Act, three tier systems of
Panchayati Raj Institutions were created. Zila Parishad at district level, Panchayat
Samiti at block level and Gram Panchayts at village level were constituted under this
Act. Women who constitute almost half of India’s total population, have been given an
opportunity for participation in local affairs as not less than third of the posts of
Chairpersons have been reserved in their favour. This provision would bring in
qualitative change in the composition of local bodies and make women and weaker
sections equal partners in the nation’s progress and development.56 The committee on
status of woman in India (1974) not only recommended representation of women in
PRIs but also established of statutory women Panchayats at village level as a
transitional measure for managing the programmes for women and children.57
The historic 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution, interlaid,

54
Nagaraju Battu, Empowerment of Women in India: New Strategies, New Delhi: Regal Publications
2014, p. 49.
55
Shashi Goel, Domestic Violence Against Women, Jaipur: Literary Circle, 2013, p. 26.
56
J.L. Singh, Women and Panchayati Raj, New Delhi: Sunrise Publications, 2007, pp. 284-285.
57
Ibid.,
159
the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every Panchayats and urban
rural and urban areas. The opportunity of sharing of power on equal terms with men
improvements in the status of women.58
The Constitution’s 110th Amendment Bill 2009, provides reservation for women
from 33 per cent to 50 per cent in PRIs. The Bill seeks to amend the Article 243D to
enhance the quantum of reservation for women from one-third to one-half of the total
seats in the Panchayats. Similar reservation shall be provided among the total number
of offices of chairpersons.59 However, Articles 325 and 326 of the Constitution of India
guarantee political equality-equal right to participation in political activities and right to
vote respectively. While the latter has been accessed, exercised and enjoyed by a large
number of women, the former i.e., right to equal political participation is still a distant
dream. Lack of space for participation in political bodies has not only resulted in their
presence in meagre numbers in these decision making bodies but also in the neglect of
their issues and experiences in policy making.60
By 1970 the political atmosphere began to change and many leading political
parties realized the importance of women. Thus the efforts of the early leaders like
Jotibha Phule, B.R.Ambedkar, E.V. Ramaswami and the leaders of the later period like
Sharat Patil, Sharat Joshi and Vandana Shiva not only fuelled the women’s movement
but also intensely motivated the Indian women by touching their inner core of
consciousness. No doubt, women of India are highly active today in this area. Sarojini
Naidu, Vijay Lakshami Pandit, Sucheta Kriplani were the torch bearer for the women
of India. Mrs. Vijay Lakshmi Pandit was the first Indian Women to hold position in the
cabinet and paved the way for other women. The most important name in the category
of women politicians is Mrs. Indira Gandhi. She was the first women Prime Minister of
independent India. Today her daughter-in-law Ms. Sonia Gandhi is following her
footsteps and leading the Indian National Congress. Other women who have played a
pivotal role in politics of India are Sheila Dixit, Uma Bharti, Jayalalitha, Vasundhra
Raje, Mamata Banerjee and Mayawati,61 Anandiben Patel, Mehbooba Mufti and
Nirmala Sitaraman.
58
V. Mohini Giri, “Women and Politics” in Yashoda Bhat and C. N. Mangala (eds.), Beyond the
Threshold: Indian Women on the Move, Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1995, p. 24.
59
Kuldeep Fadia, “Women’s Empowerment in India”, Indian Journal of Public Administration,
Vol. 60, No. 3, July-September 2014, p. 543.
60
Baseline Report on Women and Political Participation in India Prepared by NIAS et al. and
Coordinated by IWRAW Asia Pacific Advanced Unedited Version, p.1.
61
Subrat Biswal, “Women and Political Participation”, Third Concept, Vol. 28, No. 328, June 2014, p. 12.
160
Thus, women have served in the both houses of parliament and in the state
legislatures and many women have become heads of different department in the
government. Women have also been appointed as India’s diplomats and envoys in
different countries. 62
Political Participation of Indian Women
Demographically, according to the 2011 census, total population of the country

was 121,01,93,422. Out of this 48% were females that are nearly 50 per cent of the
population. According to 1901 census, the sex ratio of females (Per 1000 Males) was
972 and according to the 2011 census, it has declined to 943. This declining trend is
because of the apathy towards the girl child. In fact in 1991, the sex ratio had decreased
to 927 and thereafter there was a slight improvement in 2011. The table shows
decennial sex ratio in India.
Table 3.1
Decennial Sex Ratio in India (Females per 1000 Males)
Year Female per 1000 Males
1901 972
1911 964
1921 955
1931 950
1941 945
1951 946
1961 941
1971 930
1981 934
1991 927
2001 933
2011 943
62
Bhawana Jharta, op.cit.,2016, pp. 82-83.
161
980
972
Female per 1000 Males
970
964
960
955
950
946
950
943
941
940
934
945
933
930
927
930
920
910
900
1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
Years
Fig. 3.1: Decennial Sex Ratio in India (Females per 1000 Males)
Women and Education
If you educate a man you educate an individual, however, if you educate a woman you
educate a whole family. Women empowered means mother India empowered”.
Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru
Education means an all round drawing out of the best in child and man-body,
mind and spirit. Education plays a vital role in playing human beings proper equipment
to lead a gracious and harmonious life. Education is a fundamental means to bring any
desired change in society, which is an accepted fact through the world. This can be
attained only if schools become real centres of learning. Education not only helps in the
development of personality of the child but also determines his future. Education gives
solutions for any type of problems. Through education we promote values and good
habits and awareness towards corruption, terrorism and disease. Education strength to
the persons, they get knowledge and distinguish between right and wrong with the help
of education.63
Women constitute almost half of the population in the world. But the
hegemonic masculine ideology made them suffer a lot, as they were denied equal
opportunities in different parts of world. The rise of feminist idea has, however, led to
tremendous improvement of women condition throughout the world in recent times.
63
Jitendra Kumar and Sangeeta, “Status of Women Education in India”, Educationia Confab, Vol. 2,
No. 4, April 2013, p. 163.
162
Access of education has been one of the most pressing demands of these women’s
rights movements. Women education in India has also been a major preoccupation of
both the government and civil society as educated women can play a very important
role in the development of the country. India is poised to emerge as one of the most
developed nation by 2020, more literate knowledgeable and economically at the
forefront. No doubt, women will play a vital role in any country. In India, this is yet to
meet the requirements despite reforms. Little has been achieved in the area of women
empowerment but for this to happen, this sector must experience a chain of reforms.64
Education is one of the most important sources of women’s empowerment.

Concerning political empowerment, no doubt that educated women are better informed
about their legal rights and how to exercise them and thus are more politically active
and can participate equally in societal and political decision-making processes.65
According to Gandhi’s words, “One step for women, ten steps for nation”, as such the
role and participation of women in the society cannot be ignored. Education helps girls
and women to know their rights and to gain confidence to claim them.66
In spite of the forceful intervention by a bastion of female privilege, feminist

critics, constitutional guarantees, protecting laws and various efforts by the government
through certain schemes and programmes over the years and above all, the United
Nations enormous pressure with regard to the upliftment of women in terms of
education, is still an enigma in India for several reasons. The 2011 census report
indicates that literacy among women as only 65.46 per cent it is virtually disheartening
to observe that the literacy rate of women in India is even much lower to national
average i.e. 74.04. The growth of women’s education in rural areas is very slow. This
obviously means that still large womenfolk of our country are illiterate, the weak,
backward and exploited. Moreover, education is also not available to all equally.
Gender inequality is reinforced in education, which is proved by the fact that the
literacy rate for the women is only 65.46 per cent against 82.14 per cent of men as per
2011 census. 67
64
Ibid.,
65
Nagaraju Battu, op.cit., 2014, pp. 228-230.
66
Chandni Sinha, “Education and Empowerment of Women”, Third Concept, Vol. 21, No. 243,
May 2007, pp. 49-50.
67
Jitendra Kumar and Sangeeta, op.cit., 2013, pp. 172-173.
163
Table 3.2
Literacy Rate in India
Year Persons Males (%) Females (%)
1901 5.3 9.8 0.7
1911 5.9 10.6 1.1
1921 7.2 12.2 1.8
1931 9.5 15.6 2.9
1941 16.1 24.9 7.3
1951 16.7 24.9 7.3
1961 24.0 34.4 14.0
1971 29.5 39.5 18.7
1981 36.2 46.9 24.8
1991 52.1 63.9 39.2
2001 65.38 76.0 54.0
2011 74.04 82.14 65.46
Literacy Rate in India 1901-2011
80
74.04
Literacy Rate
70
65.38
60
52.1
50
40
36.2
30
29.5
16.1
24
20
7.2
5.3
16.7
5.9
10
9.5
0
1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011
Fig. 3.2: Literacy Rate in India 1901-2011.
164
The Table 3.2 reveals that in pre-independence period literacy rate for women
had a very poor spurt in comparison to literacy rate of man. This is witnessed from the
fact that literacy rate of women has risen from 0.7 per cent to 7.3 per cent where as the
literacy rate of men has risen from 9.8 per cent to 24.9 per cent in the first four decades.
During the post-independence period literacy rates have shown a substantial increase in
general. However the literacy rate of male has almost tripled over the period, i.e. 24.9
per cent in 1951 and 76 per cent in 2001. Surprisingly, the female literacy rate has
increased at a faster pace than the male literacy during the decade 1981-2001.
In the year 2011 the difference between the two was, the female literacy
(65.46%) and male literacy (82.14%), this rate is very small as compared to the year
1901 (0.7%) to 2011 (65.46%). From this analysis one can infer that still the female
literacy rate (only half of the female population are literates) is lacking behind male
literacy (three-fourth of the male population are literates). The higher rate of illiteracy
of women is undoubtedly attributing for women dependence on men and to play a
subordinate role. The lack of education is the root cause for women’s exploitation and
negligence. Only literacy can help women to understand the Indian’s constitutional and
legislative provisions that are made to strengthen them.
Thus promoting education among women is of great importance in
empowering them to accomplish their goals at par with men in different spheres of life.
After the independence period the female literacy rate was increased. Education is a
basic requirement and fundamental right for the citizens of a free nation. It also brings a
reduction in inequalities and functions as a means of improving their status with the
family.
Education Equality
Another area in which women’s equality has shown major improvement as a
result of adult literacy programmes is the area of enrolment of boys and girls in
schools.
165
Table 3.3
State Wise Percentage of Female Literacy in India
Percentage of Female Percentage of Male
Sr.No. Name of the State
Literacy Literacy
1 Andhra Pradesh 59.74 75.56
2 Arunachal Pradesh 59.57 73.69
3 Assam 67.27 78.81
4 Bihar 53.33 73.39
5 Chattisgarh 60.59 81.45
6 Goa 81.84 92.81
7 Gujarat 70.73 87.23
8 Haryana 66.77 85.38
9 Himachal Pradesh 76.60 90.83
10 Jammu and Kashmir 58.01 78.26
11 Jharkhand 56.21 78.45
12 Karnataka 68.13 82.85
13 Kerala 91.98 96.02
14 Madhya Pradesh 60.02 80.53
15 Maharashtra 75.48 89.82
16 Manipur 73.17 86.49
17 Meghalaya 73.78 77.17
18 Mizoram 89.40 93.72
19 Nagaland 76.69 83.29
20 Orissa 64.36 82.40
21 Punjab 71.34 81.48
22 Rajasthan 52.66 80.51
23 Sikkim 76.43 87.29
24 Tamil Nadu 73.86 86.81
25 Tripura 83.15 92.18
26 Uttar Pradesh 59.26 79.24
27 Uttarakhand 70.70 88.33
28 West Bengal 71.16 82.67
29 Delhi 80.93 91.03
Union Territories
1 Andaman Nicobar Islands 81.84 90.11
2 Chandigarh 81.38 90.54
3 Dadra & Nagar Haveli 65.93 86.46
4 Daman & Diu 79.59 91.48
5 Lakshadweep 88.25 96.11
6 Pondicherry 81.22 92.12
All India 65.46 82.14
166
The Table 3.3 depicts that the state wise female literacy rate had an average of
65.46 per cent in all India basis in 2011 census, the high literacy rate is 92.0 per cent in
Kerala and least literacy rate is 52.7 per cent in Rajasthan in 2011 census, while
comparing literacy rate of female in 2011 census, there is increase of 11 per cent from
54.16 per cent to 65.46 per cent. Women’s are growing well in the last 10 years.
Government of India has been taken various steps and plans especially for women in
every moment. The table shows that Kerala and the Mizoram shows the smallest
difference in terms of female literacy with their male counterpart. In Kerala female
literacy is (91.98%) with a difference of 4.22 per cent from the male literacy (i.e.
96.02%). Similarly, in Mizoram female literacy is (89.40%) with a difference of 4.32
per cent from the male literacy (i.e.93.72%). Thus, Kerala is having the highest female
literacy in India. Tamil Nadu state female literacy is (73.86%) with difference (12.95%)
from the male literacy (i.e. 86.81%) in India. Rajasthan (52.66 %) is having the
minimum of female literacy in India. As a result, data shows that even after seventy
years of independence, women occupy a secondary position in our social hierarchy.
Inspire of being aware of her position, women can’t transform the situation due to lack
of education. Therefore, women’s empowerment can’t be effected unless we persuade
the importance of women’s education.
Political Status of Indian Women
Political participation of Indian women though in a miniature form started with

the freedom movement. Mahatma Gandhi was mostly instrumental for arousing
political consciousness in poor, illiterate women and making them take part in the
freedom movement. Political participation defined as voluntary participation in
political affairs through membership, voting and partaking in the activities of the
political parties, legislative bodies and politically motivated movements. The
constitution of India guarantees adult franchise and provides the framework for women
to participate actively in politics. The Article 15 of the constitution prohibits
discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. It is a pity
that women have not substantially availed of the constitutional provisions. The
successive election statistics shows that the number of women, who exercise their
franchise, has increased from election to election. For the last two decades almost equal
167
numbers of men and women have gone to the polling booths to vote.68 The number of
women filing their nomination papers in any election, national or state is only a fraction
of the corresponding number of men. Some withdraw at the last moment and the
contesting candidates become fewer in number. Ultimately, the number of women
winning elections will be so small that their percentage in the legislative body will be
nominal.69 Women participation and representation in Lok Sabha is given below.
Table 3.4
Women Representation in Lok Sabha (1952-2014)
General Election Total Seats No. of Women %age of Women
1952 499 22 4.41
1957 500 27 5.40
1962 503 34 6.76
1967 523 31 5.93
1971 521 22 4.22
1977 544 19 3.29
1980 544 28 5.15
1984 544 44 8.9
1989 544 27 5.22
1991 544 39 7.2
1996 543 39 7.18
1998 543 43 7.92
1999 543 49 9.02
2004 543 45 8.28
2009 543 59 10.86
2014 543 61 11.23
68
69
Ibid.,
168
12
11.23
%age of Women
9.02
8.9
10.86
10
7.92
7.2
8
6.76
8.28
5.93
5.4
7.18
6
5.15
5.22
4
4.41
4.22
3.29
2
0
1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1984 1989 1991 1996 1998 1999 2004 2009 2014
Fig. 3.3: Women Representation in Lok Sabha (1952-2014)
The Table 3.4 shows that the first Lok Sabha was held in 1952 where only 22
women members were elected out of total 499 members, which was just 4.4 per cent.
Though, the number of women representation were increased in second and third
election of Lok Sabha from 27 to 34 respectively, but starts declining from the fourth
election held in 1967. The number was increased only in the year 1996 (i.e. in the
eleventh election of Lok Sabha), where 39 women candidates were elected. In 1999
polls, 284 women had contested the election and 49 were elected and in 2004 election,
355 women contested the election of whom, 45 won. A record of 61 women candidates
have been elected in the sixteenth Lok Sabha election (2014), which account to 11.23
per cent of total, the highest ever since independence. Women representation in the
present 16th Lok Sabha has gone up to 61, which are the highest ever.
However as India has over half of the population of women, this number is still
too small. No doubt, the parliament had the privilege of having many prominent
women as its members, over the years who have championed the cause of women in
the house but parliament still needs more women MPs for safeguarding the women’s
rights and interests. It may be mentioned here that the women in two houses of
parliament largely belong to the privileged middle class and are educated. Many of
them are wives daughter, sister, daughter-in-law and relatives of prominent politicians.
169
The right to vote can be said to be the starting point in the struggle of women for their
political equality and participation. Therefore, the political participation of women by
way of voting has been growing but with variations. The following table reveals the
percentage of female voting in Lok Sabha election in 1952-2014.
Table 3.5
Voting Turnout Lok Sabha
General Election Men’s Turnout Women’s Turnout Difference in

(Year) (%age) (%age) Turnout
(%age)
1952 53.00 37.10 15.9
1957 56.0 38.8 17.2
1962 63.3 46.6 16.7
1967 66.7 55.5 11.2
1971 60.9 49.1 11.8
1977 65.6 54.9 10.7
1980 62.1 51.2 10.9
1984 68.1 58.6 9.5
1989 66.1 57.3 8.8
1991 61.5 51.3 10.2
1996 62.0 53.4 8.6
1998 65.7 57.6 8.1
1999 63.9 55.6 8.3
2004 61.6 53.6 8.0
2009 61.0 55.8 5.2
2014 67.1 65.7 1.4
Table 3.5 presents the percentage of female voting in different lok sabha
elections. In 1952 general elections, women’s voting was 37.10 per cent as compared to
170
56 per cent of men. The difference in the turnout was 15.9 per cent. Only in half
dozen out of fourteen general elections, women’s voting percentage has crossed 55 per
cent, which highlights their potential participation in the voting level. In 1967, 1977,
1989, 1998, 1999 and 2014 elections women witnessed an increase in the voting
percentage. In the table 3.5 reveals that 2014 elections have witnessed the record
increase in the voting percentage of women compared to men. According to the
Election Commission data (Statistical Report, 1952-2009), women’s voting percentage
has increased from 55.8 to 65.7 per cent in the last election. There is an increase of
nearly 10 per cent. During the same period, the voting percentages of men have also
increased but percentage of increase is lower compared to women. Therefore, there is a
common assumption that increase in men’s voting percentage, also leads to the rise in
the women’s voting percentage. However, the data clearly refutes this assumption.
Despite of decrease in the voting percentage of men, in 1999, 2004 and 2009 election,
there was an increase in women’s voting percentage.
Further, according to different National Election Study 2009, Women’s voting

percentage has been higher in the assembly elections than general elections.
Significantly, recent assembly elections have witnessed more voting percentage of
women than men. The average women’s voting percentage in assembly and general
elections has been 53 per cent compared to 63 per cent for men. There is narrowing of
gender gap in voter turnout. In 2009, it was only 5 per cent which is now just 1.4 per
cent. However, data depicts the narrowing gap between men and women in the voting
percentage. It has brought the gender gap to the historic low. Therefore, women have
successfully broken the barrier of gender marginalisation at least in exercising their
voting rights. Increased women’s voting percentage over different elections does
indicate the growing enthusiasm and participation of women in the elections.
Nevertheless, participation is limited to barely voting and not able to convert it into
substantial numbers of women in Lok Sabha. Participation as contestants in electoral
arena is still a distant dream for the majority of women.
Women as Contestants: the table depicts the total percentage of women who have
contested the Lok Sabha elections since 1952 till 2014.
171
Table 3.6
Women as Contestants during Various Lok Sabha Elections
Year Males Females Total %age of Males %age of Females

Winning Winning
1952 1831 43 1874 26.05 51.16
1957 1473 45 1518 31.7 60.00
1962 1915 70 1985 24.0 50.00
1967 2302 67 2369 21.3 44.80
1971 2698 86 2784 18.5 24.40
1977 2369 70 2439 22.1 27.10
1980 4478 142 4620 11.5 19.7
1984 5406 164 5574 9.2 25.60
1989 5962 198 6160 8.5 13.60
1991 8374 325 8699 5.9 12.00
1996 13353 599 13952 3.8 6.70
1998 4476 274 4750 11.2 15.70
1999 3976 278 4254 12.3 17.30
2004 5080 355 5435 9.8 12.30
2009 2514 556 8070 6.44 10.61
2014 7527 636 8163 6.39 9.74
The Table 3.6 depicts that the number of women contesting election has always
been low. The highest number of women contestants has been merely 636 in 2014,
while the number of male contestants has always been in thousand, the highest being
13,353 in 1996. Yet, it is encouraging to note that the percentage of winners among
women has consistently been more than that of the men, although the fact that more
often than not, the losing seats are offered to women candidates by the respective
political parties, for instance, in 1996, only 3.8 per cent of male candidates won in
172
comparison to 6.7 per cent of female candidates. Likewise, the percentage of winners
was 11.2 per cent for men and 15.7 per cent for women in 1998, 12.3 per cent and 17.3
per cent in 1999, 6.44 per cent and 10.61 per cent in 2009 and 6.39 per cent and 9.74
per cent, respectively in 2014 (16th Lok Sabha).
In the Sixteenth Lok Sabha women representation has negligible improvement.

In the fifteenth lok Sabha there were 61 elected candidates, in the present Lok Sabha
the total number of women members 62. The BJP’s score comes to the higher, women
MPs out of the 58 contestants, 28 are from BJP. Party fielded 35 candidates. The
Trinamol Congress (TMC) comes second with 11 out of 24 candidates emerging
victorious. Out of the total 8070 candidates 556 women contested the election across
the country, in 2009. Whereas, 636 candidates contested the election out of total 8163
candidates in 2014. Some of them belong to those families who have political back
ground. Sonia Gandhi, Maneka Gandhi, Dimple Yadav, Harsimran Badal, Susham
Swaraj, Poonam Mahajan et.al. Common women have meagre share in the political
power.
Political parties during the election campaign propagate 33 per cent reservation
for the women in the national and state legislatures. But the numerical strength of
women parliamentarians indicates the difference between the perception and practices
of the political leaders. Half of the women population is represented by only 11 per
cent in the Parliament. Under representation of the women also reflects that women
issues are represented by their counterparts. Sometime they are not able to understand
these issues. Although the number of women contestants is very less in comparison to
men but their percentage of winnability is higher than to men. Thus, the winnability of
women remained higher in every Lok Sabha election than that of men.
National Parties
Political Parties play a very important role in representative democracy.

Political parties are the links between the people and the representative machinery of
government. Political parties provide the necessary platform for the people with diverse
cultural, religious, caste, community, socio-economic, political interests for promoting
and protecting their interests. The important salient feature of the Indian party system is
the existence of various types of parties. The main categories of political parties in
India are national and state or regional.70 In a multi-party democracy, such as India the
70
R. Yadagiri, “Growth of Regional Political Parties in India: Influence and Impact on Federal
System”, in D. Sunder Ram (ed.), Federal System and Coalition Government in India-Conflict and
Consensus in Centre-State Relations, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2007, pp. 142-143.
173
role of political parties in elections in mobilizing people opinion and also in governance
process cannot be over emphasized.71 Therefore, the backing of a political party for the
success of a candidate in election is also imperative. The following table shows the
seats allocated to women contestants in general election by the national political
parties.
Table 3.7
Seats Allotted to Women Contestants in General Elections by National Parties
National 2004 2009 2014

Parties Contested Won Contested Won Contested Won
All India 355 45 556 59 668 61
Congress 45 12 43 23 57 4
BJP 30 10 44 13 37 28
Others 280 23 469 23 574 29
Table 3.7 reveals that the number of women candidates who contested the
elections has increased and almost doubled from 355 in general elections held in 2004
to 668 in general elections of 2014. But the number of women candidates fielded by
national parties, except for the Bharatiya Janta Party, has remained almost the same
during this intervening period. Thus national parties have followed a discriminatory
and gender exclusionist policy in allotment of seats to women in elections for Lok
Sabha over the years and discouraged active participation in formal politics. The policy
of exclusion of women in granting seats at the national and state level is not only being
followed by national parties, but also by regional political parties that are in completion
in various states of the country. The political decision to not allot seats to women by
political parties at the national and state level electoral has been attributed to lack of
“winnability” of women. However, an analysis of the success rates of women
candidates in Indian general elections as compared to men reveals that it has been
higher in the last three general elections.
71
Government of India, Women Members of Rajya Sabha, New Delhi: Rajya Sabha Secretariat, 2009,
p. 9.
174
Rajya Sabha
The women’s participation in upper house of parliament i.e. Rajya Sabha is

concerned; it is shows the table that the percentage of women’s participation in this
house is not satisfactory.
Table 3.8
Women Members in Rajya Sabha
Total Number of Number of
Year %age of Women
Seats Women Members
1952 219 16 7.3
1957 237 18 7.6
1962 238 18 7.6
1967 240 20 8.3
1971 243 17 7.0
1977 244 25 10.2
1980 244 24 9.8
1985 244 28 11.4
1990 245 38 15.5
1996 223 19 8.6
1998 223 19 8.6
2004 245 27 11.1
2009 245 22 8.97
2014 245 29 11.83
Sources: Election Commission of India.
18
%age of Women
15.5
16
14
11.83
12
11.4
10.2
11.1
10
8.3
7.6
8.97
9.8
8.6
8
8.6
7
7.6
6
7.3
4
2
0
1952 1957 1962 1967 1971 1977 1980 1985 1990 1996 1998 2004 2009 2014
Fig. 3.4: Women Members in Rajya Sabha
175
Table 3.8 shows that the representation of women in Rajya Sabha has ranged
from 16 to 29 which are 7.3 per cent to 11.83 per cent in 2011, of the total strength of
the house. It was in 1990, there were 38 women representatives out of a total 245
members in Rajya Sabha accounting to 15.5 per cent, the hightest ever independence.
Thus, the low representation of women in the decision-making organizations is due to
the political parties that harbour very conservative view about women. Different parties
though champion the cause of women in their manifesto, but during election time they
give tickets mostly to men and only to few elite women.
Council of Ministers
The following Table provides a clear picture as to their level of representation

in the Union Council of Ministers between 1985 and 2014 is shown.
Table 3.9
The Representation of Women in the Union Council of Ministers
Number of Minister Number of Women Minister

Year Cabinet Minister Deputy Cabinet Minister of Deputy
Minister of State Minister Minister State Minister
1985 15 25 0 1 3 0
1990 17 17 5 0 1 1
1995 12 37 3 1 4 1
1996 18 21 0 0 1 0
1997 20 24 0 0 5 0
1998 21 21 0 0 3 0
2001 30 7 35 3 2 4
2002 31 45 0 2 5 0
2004 28 38 0 1 6 0
2009 34 45 0 3 5 0
2014 23 23 0 6 1 0
In the Table 3.9 reveals that women have remained poorly represented in
council of Ministers. Since Independence, we had so far 15 women chief ministers and
176
23 women governors. Only one women so served as president of India but so far we
had no women as vice- president and chief justice of India. Only one woman has got
the opportunity to serve as chief election commissioner and one as chairperson UPSC
but none as CAG.
Political Participation of Women in Himachal Pradesh
their participation in state legislative assembly, parliament and other prominent
decision making bodies is very low. Their participation in voting is almost equal to
their male counterparts and sometimes, it is even more than that of men. Women
participation at grassroots level to some extent is also better due to the 33 per cent
reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and municipalities. Himachal
Pradesh Government has further undertaken a historic step by raising the reservation
limit for women in PRIs and Municipalities from the existing 33 per cent of the total
number of seats. It was on 8th April 2008, Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj
(Amendment) Bill was presented and passed in the house, and then Himachal became
the third state after Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh to give 50 per cent reservation to
women in Panchayati Raj Institutions. This will definitely help in empowering women
and in creating sensitivity to women related development issues.72
However, their overall participation and representation in the politics of the

state is not still upto the mark in the state legislative assembly, parliament and other
decision making bodies. It is in this context, an attempt has been made to analyse the
participation of women in voting, their representation in state legislative assembly,
parliament (Lok-Sabha and Rajya Sabha) and Panchayati Raj Institutions.
Participation of Women in Voting
In a democracy, voting determines the sovereign will of the people. It is the

right to vote by which the people vote a government in and out. Voting is the means for
choosing leaders, for determining who shall govern. Participation of voters at the time
of election indicates their involvement in the political process. In a country like India
72
Approach, New Delhi: Regal Publications, 2013, p. 296.
177
most of the citizens participate in governmental affairs only through voting. Therefore,
voting is the most widespread and regularized political activity and in terms of the
overall impact of the citizenry on governmental performance, it may be the single most
important act. It is the simplest most common and least demanding but an effective
mode of political participation. It represents a mass involvement of most citizens at
scheduled times. As a part of the electoral process, it exerts great pressure upon the
leaders, hence is called a blunt but powerful instrument of control upon the government
and decision-makers. The citizens of a democratic country have the right to participate
in governing that country by means of voting.73 The table below shows the voter’s
turnout in different assembly elections in Himachal Pradesh from 1972-2012.
Table 3.10
Women Voter’s Turnout in Different Assembly Elections in Himachal Pradesh
Voters (Lakh) Voters Turnout (Lakh)
Year Men Women Total Men %age Women %age Total %age
1972 929337 876111 1805448 508416 54.71 393335 44.90 901751 49.95
1977 1027616 969713 1997329 638849 62.16 531045 54.76 1169894 58.57
1982 1101563 1109961 2211524 807311 73.29 764263 68.85 1571574 71.06
1985 1173219 1183713 2356932 843623 71.91 814803 68.83 1658426 70.36
1990 1512419 1481280 2993699 1054484 69.72 973927 65.75 2028411 67.76
1993 1653296 1624329 3277625 1188656 71.90 1154957 71.10 2343613 71.50
1998 1827060 1801804 3628864 1283632 70.26 1301152 72.21 2584784 71.23
2003 2081015 2020078 4101093 1522140 73.14 1533570 75.92 3055710 74.51
2007 2336839 2267604 4604443 1597473 68.36 1678296 74.01 3297252 71.61
2012 2373378 2234980 4608359 1646899 69.39 1702953 76.20 3349852 72.69
73
178
Table 3.10 presents that women voter’s turnout in different assembly elections
in Himachal Pradesh over the years. The data clearly reveals that women electors have
outnumbered their male counterparts in exercising their voting rights especially in the
recent years the women voters and their turnout have increased over the years in
Himachal Pradesh. In the assembly election of 1982 and 1985, the number of women
voters increased as compared to the men voters. Further, the percentage of voting
turnout of women is more than the men in the assembly elections of 2003, 2007 and
2012. This indicates that over the years, more women have exercised their right to vote
and choose the government of their choice for the governance. It can be attributed to
the increased awareness amongst women about their voting rights and their desire to be
a part of decision making process.
Women’s Representation in the State Legislative Assembly
Women’s representation in the state legislative assembly, territorial council
remained appallingly low before 1972. Women who have been the members of the
state legislative assembly, territorial council before 1972 are: Umavati, Satyavati Dang,
Devindra Kumari, Subhadra Amin Chand and Sarla Sharma. Uma Vati was elected to
Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly after the integration of Part ‘C’ state of
Bilaspur with Himachal Pradesh in 1954. Satyavati Dang was nominated to the
territorial council (1957-1962), Devindra Kumari was elected to the territorial
council/legislative assembly (1962-1967), Sarla Sharma became member of Himachal
Pradesh legislative assembly after the re-organization of the state of Punjab in 1966.
There was no women member in the state legislature from 1967-1971.74 Table shows
that the participation of women in voting during the different assembly elections from
1972 onwards in Himachal Pradesh.
74
Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly, Who’s Who Members of Himachal Pradesh Legislative
Assembly 1952-1971, Shimla: Legislative Assembly Secretariat.
179
Table 3.11
Women’s Representation in Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly 1972-2012
Contestants Success
No. of
Rate of
Total Winning Political
Year Women
Seats Women Party
Total Men Women %age Contestants
Contestants
%age
1972 68 297 290 7 1.34 4 INC 4 57.14
1977 68 330 321 9 2.72 1 JP 1 11.11
INC 2
1982 68 441 432 9 2.04 3 33.33
JP 1
1985 68 294 284 10 3.40 3 INC 3 30.00

BJP 3
1990 68 446 428 18 4.03 4 INC 1 22.22
JD 1
1993 68 416 399 17 4.08 3 INC 3 17.64
INC 4
1998 68 369 344 25 6.78 6 24.00
BJP 2
2003 68 408 377 31 7.60 4 INC 4 12.90
INC 1
2007 68 336 311 25 7.44 5 20.00
BJP 4
INC 2
2012 68 459 425 34 7.40 3 8.82
BJP 1
In the Table 3.10 depicts that over the year’s women’s representation in the
legislative assembly is not very satisfactory, as very less number of women contested
the elections as compared to their male counterparts. The number of winning women
contestants ever remained one to six. Till date, the highest number of winning women
contestants was six in the assembly elections held in the year of 1998 and the lowest
number of winning women contestants was only one in the year of 1977. Thus, the
number of winning women contestants never exceeded from six. But if we see the
winning rate of women contestants, it is satisfactory as the data show that in the year of
1982 and 1985, it is 33.33 per cent and 30.00 per cent respectively. But, in the year
2012, it went very low to 8.82 per cent. It is rather a disappointing and discouraging
number of women contestants in comparison to their strength. The political parties
seem very reluctant to field women candidates and a very few women are put up by
180
them as candidates in the elections. Though, some women contested elections as
independent candidates but they never won any seats. Thus, contesting election still
remains a male prerogative.
Table 3.12
Women Members in Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly/Territorial Council

(1952-2012)
Total
Women Political
Year No. of Name of Candidate Constituency
Members Party
Seats
1952 43 1 Smt. Uma Vati Geharwin Independent
1957 45 1 Smt. Satya Vati Dang Nominated Congress
1962 58 3 Sarla Sharma Barsar Congress
Subhdra Amin Chand Nominated Congress
Devindra Kumari Chamba Congress
1972 68 5 Ms. Chandresh Kumari Bamson Congress
Sarla Sharma Kutlehar Congress
Padma Bhattiyat Congress
Lata Lahaul & Spiti Congress
Theog Congress
*Vidya Stokes
1977 68 1 Shyama Sharma Nahan Janta Party
Chandresh Kumari Thural Congress
1985 68 3 Asha Kumari Banikhet Congress
Sushma Sharma Chintpurni BJP
Ms.Leela Gopalpur BJP
1993 68 4 Krishna Mohini Solan Congress
**Anita Verma Hamirpur Congress
***Krishna Mohini Congress
Solan
Urmila Thakur Hamirpur Congress
Shahpur BJP
Sarveen Choudhary
Asha Kumari Banikhet BJP
Ms.Nirmla Devi Pragpur BJP
181
Anita Verma Hamirpur Congress
Chandresh Kumari Dharamsala Congress

Urmil Thakur Hamirpur BJP
Vinod Kumari Doon BJP
Renu Chadha Banikhet BJP
2012 68 3 Asha Kumari Dalhousie Congress
Source: Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly, Who’s Who Members of Himachal Pradesh
* Vidya Stokes was elected in the by- election held on 29-5-1974.
** Anita Verma was elected in a by- election.
*** Krishna Mohini was unseated by the Supreme Court Judgement in 1999.
Note: The Elections to Territorial Council were held in 1957 and 1962.
Table 3.12 shows that the constituency and party wise women members of
Himachal Pradesh legislative assembly/territorial council from 1952-2012.
Subsequently, women’s representation in the Himachal Pradesh state legislative
assembly has improved to some extent. In 1998-2012, there were maximum seven
women members in the legislative assembly.
Women in the State Council of Ministers
Like legislative Assembly, women’s representation in the council of ministers

also remained very low in the State. There was no woman in the council of ministers
from 1952 to 1971 and there has been a very few women ministers from 1972 to 2012.
Sarla Sharma and Shayama Sharma remained ministers of state in 1972 and 1977
respectively. Chandresh Kumari was made deputy minister in 1977 and minister of
state in 1984. In 1985, Vidya Stokes was appointed as first woman speaker of the state
and she also remained the leader of opposition from 1990 to 1992 and in 2007. Leela
Sharma was made parliamentary secretary in 1990. In 1995, after the expansion of
council of minister, Asha Kumari and Viplov Thakur were inducted as minister of state
and Anita Verma was made parliamentary secretary. In 1998, two women, Urmil
Thakur and Sarveen Chaudhary were made parliamentary secretaries. In 2003, in the
Virbhadra government, for the first time three women were appointed as cabinet
182
ministers. These were Vidya Stokes, Asha Kumari and Chandresh Kumari. But, later
on Asha Kumari had to resign due to a judicial case lying in the Hon’ble court and
Chandresh Kumari had to lose the ministry due to the downsizing of the council of
ministers to 15 per cent of the total number of members of the State Legislative
Assembly, according to the 91st Constitutional Amendment Act of 2003. In 2005, Anita
Verma was made Parliamentary Secretary and was dropped after four months. In this
way, the representation of women again got reduced to one in the eleven member’s
Council of Ministers. In the (BJP) Dhumal government of 2007, only one woman,
Sarveen Chaudhary included in the council of ministers as a cabinet minister, while
Urmila Thakur was made parliamentary secretary. After 2012 Vidhan Sabha election,
Vidya Stokes was made cabinet minister and no other women member could find place
in the state cabinet.75
Women’s Representation in Parliament
Like state legislative assembly women’s representation in the parliament also

remained very low from Himachal Pradesh. There are four seats in the Lok Sabha and
three seats in Rajya Sabha.
Lok Sabha
Table shows women’s representation in Lok Sabha respectively from Himachal

Pradesh since 1952 to till date.
Table 3.13
Women’s Representation in Lok Sabha from Himachal Pradesh
S. General Election Name of Women MPs Constituenc

No. y
1. 1st General Election (1952-1957) Raj KumariAmrit Kaur Mandi-
Mahasu
2. 8th General Election (1984-1989) Smt. Chandresh Kumari Kangra
3. 14th General Election (2004-2009) Smt. Pratibha Singh Mandi
4. 15th Lok Sabha By–Election on 23-06 Smt. Pratibha Singh Mandi
-2013
75
Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly, Who’s Who Members of Himachal Pradesh Lok Sabha
1952-2012, Shimla: Legislative Assembly Secretariat.
183
Table 3.13 reveals that Himachal Pradesh is far behind in women’s
representation to Lok Sabha. During 2004, only two women candidates from Himachal
Pradesh namely Smt. Pratibha Singh and Ms. Rameshwari Kanwar contested the
election for the Lower House of Union Parliament. Smt. Pratibha Singh contested from
Mandi parliamentary constituency on Indian National Congress ticket securing 3,
57,623 votes and was declared elected, whereas Ms. Rameshwari Kanwar another
women candidate contested from Hamirpur parliamentary constituency as Independent
Candidate and secured only 5,566 votes and lost the election. During 2009, only
women candidates Nirmala Sharma contested the election for Lok Sabha from Kangra
constituency and lost the election. Pritibha Singh was elected in the bye-election held
on 2013. During 2014 only two women candidates from Himachal Pradesh namely
Smt. Pratibha Singh and Ms. Urmila Sharma contested the election for the lower house
of union parliamentary and lost the election. All women’s who were elected to the Lok
Sabha from the state belong to the Congress Party. In 2014 Lok Sabha Election women
voted (65.83%) more than men (64.55%). In Hamirpur constituency their voting
percentage was highest (71.73%), while men’s share only 69.61 per cent. In Kangra,
women voted 67.32 per cent and men 62.00 in Shimla constituency women were a little
behind with 62.05 per cent than men’s 65.10 per cent. In Himachal Pradesh women are
positively expressing their political will and wisdom.
Rajya Sabha
Table shows women’s representation in Rajya Sabha respectively from

Himachal Pradesh since 1952 to till date given below.
Table 3.14
Women’s Representation in Rajya Sabha from Himachal Pradesh
S. No Period Name of MPs in Rajya Sabha
1. 1956-1962 Smt. Leela Devi
2. 1968-1974 Smt. SatyaVati Dang
3. 1978-1984 Smt. Mohinder Kaur
4. 1980-1986 Smt. Uma Malhotra
5. 1996-2002 Ms. Chandresh Kumari
6. 2006-2012 Smt.Viplove Thakur
7. 2010-2016 Smt. Bimla Kashyap
8. 2014-2020 Smt.Viplov Thakur
184
Table 3.14 presents that women participation from Himachal Pradesh in Rajya
Sabha is also very low. Only eight women of this state have represented the upper
house of the parliament. Leela Devi (1956-62) of Mandi was the first women to
represent the State in the Rajya Sabha. After that, Satyawati Dang (1968-74), a
prominent politician of State; Mohinder Kaur (1964-67 and 1978-84); Usha Malhotra
(1980-86); and Chandres Kumari (1996-2002) remained members of the Rajya Sabha.
Viplop Thakur (2006-2012); and Bimla Ksahyap (2006-2016) became member of
Rajya Sabha. Further, Viplov Thakur got an opportunity to become the member of the
Rajya Sabha in 2014-2020. Chandresh Kumari is the only woman in Himachal who
has got an opportunity to be a member of both the House of Parliament i.e., Lok sabha
as well as the state legislative assembly. She also remained a cabinet and deputy
minister in the state cabinet. At the national level party politics, she also remained the
president of all India Mahila Congress. This shows that women’s representation from
Himachal Pradesh has remained comparatively better in the Rajya Sabha than in the
Lok Sabha. However, the overall, representation of women in parliament from
Himachal Pradesh is very marginal and unsatisfactory.
Representations of Women in Panchayati Raj Institutions
The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendment Acts (1993) are a very
revolutionary landmark in the history of women’s participation in politics in India.
These amendment acts have provided 33 per cent reservation of seats for women in the
Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and Municipalities. This has laid down a strong
foundation for women’s participation in decision making at the grass-roots level. These
amendments have worked as a break-through towards ensuring equal access and more
participation of women in the political power structure. The Panchayati Raj Institutions
and Municipalities are playing a very significant role in the process of enhancing
women’s participation in public life at the local levels. In consonance of the 73rd and
74th Constitutional Amendment Act, Himachal Pradesh Government has also passed its
Panchayati Raj and Municipalities Act in 1994 and first elections to the Panchayati Raj
and Municipalities, according to this new Act were held in December 1995. Till date,
five general elections have held to the Panchayat, at village level and urban bodies in
the state in the years 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015.76
76
Bhawana Jharta, “Women in the Politics of Himachal Pradesh: An Analysis”, Himachal Pradesh
University Journal, July 2011, pp. 9-10.
185
The latest Amendment to Panchayati Raj Act (2008) provided 50 per cent
reservation of seats for women in Panchayats at village level and urban local bodies,
which is a historical step for the political empowerment of women in this hill state. In
2010, the elections to Panchayats at village level and urban local bodies were held as
per the provisions laid down in the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Amendment Act,
2008, vide which 50 per cent seats were reserved for women in Panchayats at village
level and urban local bodies.77 The experiment of 50 per cent reservation of seats for
women in Panchayat at village level and urban local bodies has been successful in the
state. Before 1995, women’s representation in Panchayats at village level and
Municipalities was maximum upto two women in all the bodies. After 1995, it has
increased to minimum 33 percent and now 50 per cent, since 2010 elections to the
panchayats at village level and urban local bodies. The representation of women in
these institutions has shown an increasing trend. In the last five elections to the
Panchayats at village level and urban local bodies, women have been more than the
fixed quota allotted to them.
In order to ensure equal participation and representation of women in

Panchayats at village level and Municipalities, the government of Himachal Pradesh
has taken an important step in this direction. The State Assembly has passed
unanimously the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj (Amendment) Bill, 2008 on April 8,
2008, raising the reservation limit for women in Panchayats at village level from the
existing 33 per cent to 50 percent.78 It has also passed the Himachal Pradesh Municipal
Corporation Bill, 2008, and Himachal Pradesh Municipal (Amendment) bill, 2008 to
provide 50 per cent reservation for women in place of the existing 33 per cent in
Municipal Corporation, other municipalities and urban local bodies. These historic
amendments were brought about by the government, so as to enhance participation of
women in politics at the grassroots level. This step was taken by the BJP Government
led by Prof. Prem Kumar Dhumal, to ensure greater participation of women at grass-
root level politics, which with passage of time will train them for higher level political
arena. At present, there are 3226 Gram Sabha, 78 Panchayat Samitis and 12 Zila
Parishads constituted in the state. Women’s representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh
is given below:
77
Ibid.,
78
Ibid.,
186
Table 3.15

1995-2000 2000-2005
%age of %age of
Post Men Women Total Men Women Total
Women Women
Panchayat
12252 6013 18265 32.92 11727 6822 18549 36.78
Members
Panchayat
1952 970 2922 33.19 2011 1026 3037 33.78
Pradhan
BDC
1103 558 1661 33.59 1090 562 1658 33.89
Members
BDC
49 23 72 31.91 48 27 75 36.00
Chairpersons
ZP Members 168 84 252 33.33 164 87 251 34.66
ZP
8 4 12 33.33 8 4 12 33.33
Chairperson
Source: Himachal Pradesh Directorate of Panchayati Raj, Shimla
Table 3.16
2005-2010 2010-2015
Post Men Women Total %age of Men Women Total %age

Women of
Women
Panchayat 11951 7462 19413 38.43 8096 11317 19413 58.30

Members
Panchayat 2131 1112 3243 34.28 1604 1639 3243 50.53

Pradhan
BDC Members 1097 579 1676 34.54 819 863 1682 51.30
BDC 41 34 75 45.33 35 42 77 54.54

Chairpersons
ZP Members 166 85 251 33.86 123 128 251 51.00
ZP Chairperson 5 7 12 58.33 6 6 12 50.00
Source: Himachal Pradesh Directorate of Panchayati Raj, Shimla.
187
Table 3.17
Women’s Representation in PRIs in Himachal Pradesh Year: 2015 to till Date
Post Men Women Total %age of

Women
Panchayat Members 8570 11778 20348 57.88
Panchayat Pradhan 1585 1631 3226 50.55
BDC Members 811 862 1673 51.52
BDC Chairpersons 36 42 78 53.84
ZP Members 123 127 250 50.8
ZP Chairperson 6 6 12 50.00
Source: Himachal Pradesh Directorate of Panchayati Raj, Shimla .
Table 3.15, 3.16 and 3.17 shows women’s representation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions in Himachal Pradesh since 1995-2015. The data in the table reveals that the
percentage share of women for the post of Panchayat members was 32.92 per cent in
the year 1995, which increased to 36.78 per cent in 2000 and further increased to 38.43
per cent in 2005. The percentage of women who were elected for the post of Pradhan
was 33.19 per cent in the elections of 1995, 33.78 per cent in the elections of 2000 and
34.28 per cent in the elections held in the year 2005. Thus, the recent elections indicate
more representation of women than the reservation provision of 33 percentages. For the
post of BDC member, the percentage share of women has been found almost same in
all the three elections. However, the percentage share of women who were elected for
the post of Chairperson of BDC has increased from 31.94 per cent in1995 to 45.33 per
cent in the year 2005. The data also reveals for the post of Zila Parishad member has
been almost as per the provision of reservation of 33 per cent except in 2000, when
34.66 per cent women were elected to this post in the state. The percentage share of
women who were elected for the post of chairperson-Zila Parishad increased from
33.33 per cent in the years of 1995 and 2000 to 58.33 per cent in the year 2005. Before
1995, women’s representation in local self-governments was up to two women in all
the bodies. After 1995, it has increased to minimum 33 per cent and 50 per cent, since
2010 elections to the PRIs and urban local bodies.
In 2010-11 election in PRIs it has been proved that the participation of women
has increased considerably. At all the three tiers in Himachal Pradesh, women
participated. At the Gram Panchayat level total women contestants were 11317
188
(58.30%), Panchayat Samiti contested 863 (51.31%) and Zila Praishad level contestants
were 128 (51%). The Pradhan of Gram Panchayat were between 1639 (50.54%), at
Panchayat Samiti Level 42 (54.54%) and Zila Parishad the total chairpersons were 6
(50%).
Similarly in 2015 election in PRIs, it has been proved that the participation of
women has considerable increase due to fifty per cent of reservation. Therefore, at the
Gram Panchayat level total women contestants were 11778 (57.88%), Panchayat Samiti
contested 862 (51.52%) and Zila Praishad level contestants were 127 (50.08%). The
chairpersons of Gram Panchayat were between 1631 (50.55%), at Panchayat Samiti
Level 42 (53.84%) and Zila Parishad the total chairpersons were 6 (50%).
Thus, it was observed that women’s representation have increased in the

elections. Some women have also been noticed winning from the unreserved/general
seats. This shows the increasing interest and awareness of women towards politics at
the grassroots level, which is a significant development towards the political
empowerment of rural women.
Women and Health
Health status of women is very low in India, as compared to many developing

countries. Ill-health mal nutrition, under nourishment, and lack of proper pre-natal and
antenatal care characterize Indian women. The World Bank in its recent report pointed
out, that maternal mortality is very high in India. About 25 per cent maternal deaths in
the World take place in India. It is observed that the maternal mortality is very high in
the beginning of the 20th century. It was estimated that maternal mortality was more
than 1000 for one-lakh deliveries.79 Therefore, the health of women and girls is of
particular concern because in many society, they are disadvantaged by discrimination
rooted in socio-cultural factors. Some socio-cultural and political factors that prevent
women and girls to benefit from good health services and attaining the best possible
level of health includes an exclusive focus on women’s reproductive roles; and
potential or actual experience of physical, sexual and emotional violence. While
poverty is an important barrier to positive health outcomes for both men and women,
poverty tends to yield a higher burden on women and girls health.80 Due to successful
implementation of various health programmes, the health of the people of the state has
improved. Special attention has been paid to the provision of health and medical care
79
Nagaraju Battu, op.cit., 2014, p. 51.
80
189
services in the remotest rural areas of the Pradesh. Disease control and eradication
programmes have given rich dividends. Total number of medical institutions in
government sector stood at 3, 911 on March 2016.81
Life Expectancy at Birth
Life expectancy at birth for a population can be understood as the average

number of years that a child born in the year is expected to live when exposed to the
prevailing risks of death at various ages. It reflects and summarises the current
age-specific death rates that in turn depend on the mortality profile. Life expectancy at
birth is considered as comprehensive measure of mortality, and is often used as a
measure of health development. Both male and female life expectancy at birth in
Himachal Pradesh was high than the overall nation’s life expectancy during the period
from 1981-1985 to 2006-2010. (below the table)
Table 3.18
Life Expectancy at Birth, Himachal Pradesh and India
(per thousand)
Himachal Pradesh India

Period
Male (%) Female (%) Male (%) Female (%)
1981-1985 58.5 62.9 55.9 55.9
1986-1990 62.4 62.8 57.7 58.1
1993-1997 64.6 65.2 60.4 61.8
1997-2001 65.5 66.1 61.3 63.0
1998-2002 65.7 66.3 61.6 63.3
1999-2003 65.8 66.6 61.8 63.5
2000-2004 65.1 66.8 62.1 63.7
2001-2005 66.3 67.1 62.3 63.9
2002-2006 66.5 67.3 62.6 64.2
2006-2010 67.7 72.4 64.6 67.7
Source: Health and Family Welfare Department Himachal Pradesh and Economic Survey of India
The table 3.18 shows that life expectancy for men and women in Himachal
Pradesh has been higher than that of all India Level. Himachal Pradesh women’s life
expecting marked 62.9 years during 1981-1985 as against the 55.9 years of the all India
level. The life expectancy of Himachal Pradesh women reached 72.4 years during
2006-2010, while the national average came only up to 67.7 years. The table also
81
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Statistical Abstract of Himachal Pradesh, Shimla: Department of
Economics and Statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2015-2016.
190
indicates that in Himachal Pradesh itself the rise in the life expecting of women has
surpassed that of men during the period of 1981-2010.
Birth and Death Rate in Himachal Pradesh
The mortality level in a population is an important indicator of its health and

well-being. The infant mortality rate is an important measure of the well-being of
infants, children and pregnant women because it is associated with a variety of factors,
such as maternal health, quality and access to medical care, socio-economic conditions
and public health practices. 82
Birth Rate
The birth rate in Himachal Pradesh was also much lower than that of the all
India average. The following table provides the data regarding the birth rates in
Himachal Pradesh and India.
Table 3.19
Birth Rate in Himachal Pradesh and India
1971 37.3 36.9
1981 31.5 33.9
1991 28.5 29.5
2000 21.1 25.8
2001 20.7 25.4
2002 20.7 25.0
2003 20.6 24.8
2004 19.2 24.1
2005 20.0 23.8
2006 18.8 23.5
2007 17.4 23.1
2008 17.7 22.8
2009 17.2 22.5
2010 16.9 22.1
2011 16.5 21.8
2012 16.2 21.6
2013 16.0 21.4
2014 16.4 21.0
Source: Sample Registration System, Bulletin Registrar General, India or Himachal Pradesh
82
191
Table 3.19 depicts that Himachal Pradesh birth rate during 1971 period marked
37.3, whereas the same in the all India Level was 36.9 per thousand. During the 2004
period the birth rate of Himachal Pradesh was 19.2 per thousand against the all India
rate of 24.1. During the 2014 period the birth rate in Himachal Pradesh is 16.4 per
thousand, while the same with regard to India was 21 per thousand. It is found that the
birth rate of Himachal Pradesh came down to 16.4 per thousand, whereas the same in
India stood at 21 per thousand.
Death Rate
The following table provides the data regarding the death rates in Himachal
Pradesh and India.
Table 3.20
Death Rates, Himachal Pradesh and India
(Per thousand)

1971 15.6 14.9
1981 11.1 12.5
1991 8.9 9.8
2000 7.2 8.5
2001 7.1 8.4
2002 7.5 8.1
2003 7.1 8.0
2004 6.8 7.5
2005 6.9 7.6
2006 6.8 7.5
2007 7.1 7.4
2008 7.4 7.4
2009 7.2 7.3
2010 6.9 7.2
2011 6.7 7.1
2012 6.7 7.0
2013 6.7 7.0
2014 6.7 6.7
Source: Sample Registration System, Bulletin Registrar General or Economic Survey of Himachal
Pradesh.
192
The Table 3.20, shows that during 1971 period the death rate of Himachal
Pradesh stands at 15.6 per thousand, whereas the same in India was 14.9. During the
2004 period the death rate in Himachal Pradesh registered 6.8 per thousand as against
the national rate of 7.5. In the 2014 period, the rate in Himachal Pradesh comes down
to 6.7, whereas the all India rate moved to 6.7 per thousand.
Infant Mortality
Infant Mortality is a sensitive indicator of the health situations in a society.

Infant mortality is very high in India. Infant mortality is affected by both biological and
environmental factors. Therefore, the age of mother, order of births, and spacing of
children play a significant role in determining the level of mortality in a society. 83
Table 3.21
Infant Mortality Rates, Himachal Pradesh and India
(Per thousand)

1971 118 129
1981 71 110
1991 75 80
2001 54 66
2006 50 57
2007 47 55
2008 44 53
2009 45 50
2010 40 47
2011 38 44
2012 36 42
2013 35 40
2014 32 37
Source: Health and Family Welfare Department, Himachal Pradesh or Economic Survey of India
The above Table 3.21, reveals the fact that infant mortality rate in Himachal
Pradesh came down 32 per thousand in 2014 from 118 per thousand in 1951.
Therefore, it can be compared to the all India rate of 129 per thousand in 1971 and 37
83
Nagaraju Battu, op.cit., 2014, p.52.
193
per 1000 in 2014. While Himachal succeeded in bringing down infant mortality rate
from 118 per thousand to 32, the all India rate comes down only to 37 from 129 over a
period. It is definitely a notable achievement not only for the entire society but more
particularly for the womenfolk in Himachal Pradesh.
Violence against Women
Women in India a better half of Indian society, today are becoming the most
vulnerable section, as far as their safety and security is concerned. Violence against
women in India is an issue rooted in societal norms and economic dependence.
Discriminatory practices are underlined by laws favouring men. Inadequate policing
and judicial practices deny female victims proper protection and justice, it is pertinent
to note that a crime against women is committed every three minutes in India.84 The
table clearly shows that the crime against women has increasing trend in Himachal
Pradesh and India.
Table 3.22
Violence against Women in Himachal Pradesh and India
Year Reported Violence in Himachal Pradesh Reported Violence in India

2008 1106 195856
2009 1083 203804
2010 1145 213585
2011 1112 213585
2012 1024 244270
2013 1523 244270
2014 1576 337922
Source: The National Crime Records, Bureau of India 2014 and Director General of Police, Shimla:
Himachal Pradesh.
Table 3.22 shows that in Himachal Pradesh crime against women has
increasedover the years, as total numbers of crime against women reported has gone
from 1106 in 2008 to 1576 in 2014. According to the National Crime Records Bureau
of India, reported incidents of crime against women were a total of 3 37 922 in 2014. It
has increased in Himachal Pradesh and India.
84
Anju Sharma, “ Violence and Safety Scenario of Women- A World Wide Concern”, in Mamta
Mokta (ed.), Women Safety & Security: Issues Challenges, Chandigarh: Mohindra Publishing House,
2015, p. 200.
194
Therefore, it was noted that education has helped Himachal Pradesh women to
reduce infant mortality considerably and improve the health conditions of women.
Thus compared to the status of women belonging to India, the women of Himachal
Pradesh enjoy not only better educational and health facilities but also better indices of
standard of living. Death rate connected with delivery has also come down
considerably. As far as the security of women is concerned, transport facilities and
accommodations are of paramount importance. Agriculture is the main occupation of
the people of the state. About 69 per cent of the main workers are engaged in
agricultural pursuits. Agriculture is the best with the disadvantage of small holdings.
The villages in Himachal Pradesh are inter-linked with transport facilities.
Government Schemes for Women Empowerment
The Government of India has been trying to empower the women through
various schemes some of schemes related to women empowerment in India are:
Central Social Welfare Board (CSWB) 1953: this scheme launched to

promote social welfare activities and appliance welfare programmes for women and
children through spontaneous organizations.
Development of Women and Children in Rural Areas (DWCRA), 1982: this

scheme launched by the government to improve the socio-economic status of the poor
women in the rural areas.
Support to Training and Employment Programme for Women (STEP)

1986: This programme with the aim of developing skills of women for self and
employment. The main targets of this scheme are rural women and urban poor. This
scheme provides funds to help the women and poor. Funds are released to NGOs and
not to the state governments.
The Rashtriya Mahila Kosh (RMK) 1993: National Credit Fund for Women
was set up in 1993 to make credit available for lower income women in India.
Swadhar (1995): This scheme support women to become independent.

Swadhar makes women to be strong and independent by spirit, by thoughts and by
action and provide full control over their lives rather than be the victim. 85
85
Welfare Schemes for Women in India, https://en.m.Wikipedia.org., Accessed on 01-10- 2015.
195
The National Plan of Action for the Girl Child (1991-2000): The plan of
action is to ensure survival, protection and development of the girl child with the
ultimate objective of building up a better future for the girl child.
National Commission for Women (1992): In January 1992 the government

set-up this statutory body with a specific mandate to study and monitor all matters
relating to the constitutional and legal safeguards provided for women, review the
existing legislation to suggest amendments whereas necessary etc.
Reservation for Women in Local Self-Government (1992): The 73rd

Constitutional Amendment Act passed in 1992 by parliament ensured one-third of the
total seats for women in all elected offices in local, whether in rural areas or urban
areas. 86
Antyodaya Anna Yojana (2000): The government of India launched the

scheme called Antyodaya Anna Yojana with effect from 25th December 2000. The
scheme was implemented in Tamil Nadu with effect from 1st November 2001 in urban
areas from 1st December 2001 in rural areas and collectors are over all incharge for the
implementation of this scheme in the District. The objective of the scheme is to ensure
food security to the poorest of the poor. Originally at the time of introduction of
Antyodaya Anna Yajana scheme, each beneficiary was given 25 kg. per month at the
rate of Rs. 3/- per kg., this has been increased to 35 kg. of rice per card, per month at
the rate of Rs. 2/- per kg. through fair priceshop from November 2006 onwards. 87
The National Policy for the Empowerment of Women (2001): The

Development of Women and Child Development in the Ministry of Human Resource
Development have prepared a “National Policy for the Empowerment of Women in the
Year 2001”. The goal of this policy is to bring about the advancement, development
and empowerment of women. 88
Distance Education Programme for Women’s Empowerment (2000): With

a view to achieve education for all by 2000. The National literacy mission came up
with different plans and strategies. The specific objectives of an adult education are
86
Mamta Mokta (ed.), Dimensions of Gender Inequality in Society, Chandigarh: Shree Ram Lal House,
2016, p. 259.
87
88
Mamta Mokta, op.cit., 2016, p. 259.
196
acquiring the skills necessary for improving the economic status and well-being of
women, imbibing the value of women’s equality empowerment.89
Swayam Siddha (2001): This scheme organizing women into self-help group.
Empowerment of women through SHGs is the needs of the hours. It is basically
concerned with equality, participation, influencing decision and access to opportunity.
It has been realized that organizing of women group is one of the most effective tools
for involving women in the development process and this task can be fully performed
by the involvement of self-help groups in women’s empowerment.90
National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) (2005): The National Rural Health
Mission (NRHM) was launched by the Government of India in April 2005, with a view
to bringing about dramatic improvement in the health system and the health status of
the people, especially those who live in the rural areas of the country. The mission
seeks to provide universal access to equitable, affordable and quality health care, which
is accountable at the same time responsive to the needs of the people. The NRHM also
aims to achieve the goals set out under the National Health Policy and the Millennium
Development Goals during the mission period.91
UJJAWALA (2007): Ujjawala is a Compressive Central Sector Scheme to

combat trafficking, launched on 4th December 2007. The scheme has five components
such as Prevention, Rescue, Rehabilitation and Re-Integration of Victims of
Trafficking and Commercial Sexual Exploitation.
The Mother and Child Tracking System (MCTS) (2009): This program
helps to monitor the health care department to ensure that all mothers and children have
access all the required services and medical care, during pregnancy and delivery. Also
the system maintains a database of all pregnancies registered and all births from 2009,
December.
The Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojana-Conditional Maternity Benefit

Plan (IGMSY-CMB) (2010): This scheme sponsored by the central Government for
pregnant women age 19 and over, for their first two live births. This program provides
89
Ajit Kumar Sinha (ed.), New Dimensions of Women Empowerment, New Delhi: Deep and Deep
90
Ibid., p. 87.
91
Shahin Razi, “Rural Infrastructure-A Gateway to Rural Prosperity”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 61, No.12,
2013, p. 31.
197
money to help better health and nutrition of the pregnant women/- in 3 instalments.
Any government employee doesn’t come under this scheme.
Priyadarshini (2011), Priyadarshini is a pilot programme for women

empowerment. This scheme offers women in seven districts, access to self-help groups
and promotion of livelihood opportunities.92
The Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for Empowerment of Adolescent Girls-Sabla

(RGSEAG) (2012), this scheme targets adolescent girls of 11-18. The scheme offers a
package of benefits for improving their health and nutrition. This program offers many
services on central level to help women to become self supporting, to get nutritional
supplementation, education, education of health, life skills and various types of
vocational training.
Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUP) (2016): The Pardhan Mantri

Ujjwala Yojana is a welfare program of the government of India, launched by Indian
Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2016. The stated objective of program is providing
50,000,000 LPG connections to women from families below the poverty lines. As on
3rd April 2017, twenty million LPG connections had been completed. It is guided by a
strong commitment to bring in changes in lives of poor women.93
Himachal Pradesh State Government Initiatives for Women Empowerment
Government of Himachal Pradesh also initiated programmes/schemes for

women empowerment these programmes appended below:
Women State Homes: Women and wayward girls Women State Home is
being run at Mashobra (Shimla) by the department. The main purpose of this scheme is
to provide shelter, food, clothing, education and vocational training to the young girls,
widows, deserted, destitute and women, who are in moral danger. For rehabilitation of
such women, after leaving State Home, Financial Assistance of Rs.20,000 per women
is provided. In case of marriage, assistance of Rs. 51,000 also provided to women.
Mukhya Mantri Kanyadaan Yojna: Under this scheme, marriage grant of Rs.
40,000 is given to the parents/ guardians of the girls to solemnize her marriage
provided their annual income does not exceed Rs. 35,000. During 2015-16 a budget
92
93
Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana, https:// en.m. Wikipedia.org., Accessed on 04-08-2017.
198
provision of 566.25 lakh has been kept for this purpose, out of which an amount of
378.98 lakh has been spent and 1516 beneficiaries were covered up to December 2015.
Self-Empowerment Scheme for Women: Under this scheme 5,000 provided

to the women, whose annual income is less than Rs. 35,000 for carrying income
generating activities.
Widow Re-marriage Scheme: The state government is implementing widow

re-marriage Scheme for rehabilitation of young widows by increasing them to enter
into wedlock. Under this scheme and amount of Rs.50,000 is provided as a grant for the
couple.
Mother Teressa Asahay Matri Sambal Yojna: Under this scheme Rs.3000
per child per annum given is to the destitute women belonging to the BPL families or
having income less than Rs. 35,000 for the maintenance of their children, till they attain
the age of 18 years. The assistance will be provided only for two children.
Indira Gandhi Matritva Sahyog Yojna : Under this scheme free institutional
deliveries of expectant mothers, irrespective of their income are being done in all
government hospitals in the state.
Mata Shabri Mahila Sashaktikaran Yojna: Under this scheme is to provide

relief from drudgery to women belonging to BPL families or those SC/ST families,
whose annual income is less than Rs. 35,000 by providing gas connections. Under this
scheme, 50 per cent subsidy, subject to a maximum of 1,300 is eligible women for
purchase of gas connection. As per schematic norms every year 75, SC/ST women in
each assembly constituency should be benefited and total 5,100 women in the state are
benefited.
Vishesh Mahila Utthan Yojna: State government has started “Vishesh Mahila
Utthan Yojna” as 100 per cent State Plan Scheme for training and rehabilitation of
women in mortal danger in the state. There is a provision to provide stipend Rs.3,000
per month per trainee through the department of women and child development.
Financial Assistance and Support Services to Victims of Rape Scheme

2012: The scheme aims to provide financial assistance and support services such as
counselling, medical aid, legal assistance, education and vocational training; depending
199
upon the needs of rape victims. An affected woman shall be entitled to financial
assistance and restorative support/ services adding up to a maximum amount of Rs.
75,000 additional assistance of Rs. 25,000 can also be given in a special cases. During
the current financial year 2015-16, there is a budget provision of 66.00 lakh and upto
December 2015, 30 women have been benefited.
Beti Bachao Beti Padhao Scheme: This scheme has been launched on 21st
January 2015 in 100 districts of India with the objective of preventing gender biased
sex selective elimination ensuring survival, protection and education of the girl child.
The scheme is an initiative to arrest and reverse (improve) the decline in child sex ratio.
In the state, this scheme is implemented in Una district, were the child sex ratio was
reported lowest. Through this process, efforts are made to create awareness among
masses about the adverse effects of declining sex ratio.
Beti Hai Anmol Yojna: With a view to change negative family and community
attitude towards the girl child at birth and to improve enrolment and retention of girl
children in schools, Beti Hai Anmol Scheme is being implemented in the state on 5th
July 2010. Under this scheme Post Birth Grant of Rs. 10,000 is provided to two girls
only belonging to BPL families and scholarships are provided from 1st Class to 10+2
Classes for their education. The State Government has made 50 per cent increase in
scholarship rates on 23rd July 2015, with a new rates of scholarships ranging from Rs.
450 to Rs.2, 250 per annum. For the year 2015-16, there is a budget provision of 946.65
lakh and an amount of 518.70 lakh has been spent upto December 2015 and 16, 111
girls have been benefited.
Kishori Shakti Yojna: This scheme is implemented to improve their nutrition

and health status, spread awareness among them about health, hygiene, nutrition
Adolescent Reproductive and Sexual Health(ARSH) and family and child care, upgrade
their home-based skills, life skills and vocational skills. The scheme was hundred per
cent central sponsored scheme upto financial year 2014-15 which has been revised to
90:10 between the centre and the state from current financial year 2015-16. The scheme
is functioning in 8 Districts of the state viz. Shimla, Sirmour, Kinnaur, Mandi,
Hamirpur, Bilaspur, Una and Lahaul and Spiti.
200
Rajiv Gandhi Scheme for Empowerment of Adolescent Girls: Rajeev
Gandhi Scheme for empowerment of Adolescent Girls (RGSEAG)–SABLA is a central
sponsored scheme for empowerment of the adolescent girls (AGs from the age 11-18).
The main objectives of the scheme is to improve their nutrition and health status,
spread awareness among them about health, hygiene, nutrition, Adolescent
Reproductive and Sexual Health (ARSH), and family and child care, upgrades their
home-based skills, life skills and vocational skills. The cost sharing ratio of nutrition
component of the scheme was 50:50 and non-nutrition component was 100 percent
central share upto financial year 2014-15, which has been revised to 90:10 between the
centre and state from current financial year 2015-16. This scheme has been started in
four districts viz. Solan, Kullu, Chamba and Kangra. Nutrition and non-nutrition are
two major components of the scheme.94
State Commission for Women: State women commission has been set up in
the state for redressal of grievance of women and to make them aware about their legal
rights. This commission is providing counselling services and legal aid to women. The
commission also looks into the complaint of violence and atrocities against women.
State Level Council for Empowerment of Women: State level council for
empowerment has been set up in the state for effective implementation and monitoring
of national policy for empowerment of women.95
Five Year Plans and Women Empowerment:
First Five Year Plan (1951-56): First five year plan set up the central social
welfare board in 1953 to promote welfare work through voluntary organizations,
charitable trusts etc.
Second Five Year Plan (1956-61): Second five year plan supported the
development of Mahila Mandals to work at the grassroots.
94
Government of Himachal Pradesh, Economic Survey, Shimla: Economic and Statistics Department
95
Economics and Statistics Government of Himachal Pradesh, 2014, pp. 12-15.
201
Third Five Year Plan (1961-1966): Women education was recognized as most
important and main welfare indicator in third five year plan. More thrust was given for
the programmes relating to their health, mother and child welfare, health education,
nutrition and family planning.96
Fourth Five Year Plan (1969-1974): In the fourth five year plan, special focus
was made towards women education and family welfare.
Fifth Five Year Plan (1974-78): There was a major shift in the approach
towards women, from welfare to development.
Sixth Five Year Plan (1980-1985): Sixth five year plan accepted women’s
development as a separate economic agenda took a multi-disciplinary approach with a
three-pronged thrust on health, education and employment.
Seventh Five Year Plan (1985-1990): It had the objective of bringing women
into the mainstream of national development.
Eighth Five Year Plan (1992-97): It saw a paradigm shift from development to
empowerment and benefits to women in the core sectors of education, health and
employment. Outlay for women rose from Rs. 4 crore in the first five year plan to Rs.
2000 crore in the eighth.97
Ninth Five Year Plan (1997-2002): In the 9th five year plan the effective steps
were taken by central government for social economic and educational development of
women. In this five year plan, thirty per cent funds were kept reserved for the
development of women through self help groups. Adequate attention was given
towards women health. Many programmes were stated for improvement of women
nutrition such as mid-day meal.
Tenth Five Year Plan (2002-2007): Tenth five year plan suggests specific
strategies, policies and programmes for the empowerment of women.98
96
Anju Pal, “Women Empowerment in India: Globalization and Opportunities”, in Meenu Agrawal
(ed.), Women Empowerment and Globalization: A Modern Perspective, New Delhi: Kanishka
97
Ibid.,
98
Ibid, p.344.
202
Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-2012): In the eleventh five year plan 2007-
2012 twenty five main sectors have been identified, wherein women development has
been given the place in two sectors viz., social justice and women empowerment,
women and child development, forty one members working committee has been
constituted for women empowerment.99
Twelfth Five Year Plan 2012-2017: The twelfth five year plan entitled as
faster, sustainable and more inclusive growth. Twelfth five year plan has emphasized
on single women by providing ‘quota’ in jobs. Moreover, women’s inclusion in
inclusive growth is only possible, when inclusive democracy turned to be reality not the
myth.100
99
Public Welfare Plan of Government of India, Directorate of Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, Advertisement, New Delhi, p. 24.
100
Satarupa Pal, “Women in Twelfth Five Year Plan in India: An Analysis”, A Journal of Humanities,
Vol. 2, No.I, 2013, pp.121-124.
203
CHAPTER-IV
SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL VARIABLES IN THE

PARTICIPATION OF THE WOMEN
Women play an important role in the development of society. Women’s

economic status, political awareness and ideology invariably determines her place in
society. Moreover, social mores and values affect mankind’s attitude towards women.
Indeed, the position of women in society can be used as a yardstick for the evaluation
of any age. Jawaharlal Nehru was the opinion that the awakening of women is essential
for the general awakening of mankind. Once women are awakened, the family, the
village and the whole nation are inevitable influenced by their attitude. Political
consciousness is essential for the awakening of women. Therefore, all those who are
aware of the importance of the development of women realize, how important, it is for
women to be conscious and active in the political sphere.1
The socio-economic background of the respondents is an important variable in

determining their social status in the community. Karl Mannheim (1936) in this
connection has remarked that “the opinions, statements, prepositions and systems of
ideas are not taken at their face values but are interpreted in the light of the life
situation of the one, who expresses them.” Our thinking and behaviour pattern are
conditioned by our social experiences.2 The socio-economic conditions play an
important role in characterizing the social life and behaviour of an individual. The
socio-economic status of an individual affects the patterns of interaction in a society. It
is, therefore, essential to analyses the socio-economic background of the rural leaders
to understand the pattern of relationship between the rural local leaders and the
environment. In a developing society like ours, where forces of caste and kinship
influence the social life and acute disparity in standard of living and sub-culture among
various groups and regions exist, a study of the socio-economic conditions of local
leaders would help reveal sociologically significant dimensions. 3
1
M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.), Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Swaraj Prakashan,
1999, p.137.
2
3
S.S.Chahar (ed.), Governance at Grassroots Level in India, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2005,
p. 399.
205
Social background is still more significant in the context of leadership, because
it does not only decide the descriptive status style of life and class position, values and
aspirations but also the capacity of leaders of sustain struggle for power and authority.
In an ascription-oriented society as Indian, the social existence of an individual
becomes all the more significant in nature and structure of leadership.4 Democracy is
never complete unless active involvement and participation of people at all levels is
assured.5 Panchayati Raj is regarded as the heart and soul of Indian democracy. The
health and strength of Indian democracy depends on its sound functioning. It is an
agency of social progress, economic prosperity and political development.
Leadership plays an important role in shaping the social, political and

economic life of rural communities. Leadership is an extremely complex social
phenomenon.6 Participation of women in the Panchayati Raj Institution is considered
essential not only for ensuring political participation in the democratic process but also
for realizing the developmental goals for women. The first step for the political
empowerment of women has been initiated with 33 per cent of seats being reserved for
women in the Panchayati Raj Institutions under the amended Panchayati Raj Act. Now
local self government reserved for women 50 per cent, will be local elections. 7
Participation of women in Panchayati Raj Institutions has been recognized as a

step towards equality.8 Political empowerment refers to the equitable representation of
women in decision-making structures, both formal and informal, and their voice in the
formulation of policies affecting their societies. It is for the first time in Indian history
that women are covering a wide spectrum of activity and entering almost every field of
life. They are now challenging male science and knowledge; they are interpreting
religion, rewriting history, breaking the age old silence, opposing injustice, inequality
and the oppression against them. Political empowerment of women is a part of the
overall empowerment process, political participation is a major path to women’s
4
Ibid., pp. 399-400.
5
Ibid., p. 351.
6
M. R. Biju, Dynamics of New Panchayati Raj System: Reflections and Retrospections, New Delhi:
7
Thapai Ananda, et al., “Political Participation of Women in India- An Overview”, International
Journal of Advanced Research, Vol.1, No. 10, 2013, p. 632.
8
206
empowerment as well as participation in the decision-making process lead to
empowerment in the true sense.9 The collected information and data were classified on
the basis of age, caste, religion, marital status, education, occupation, landholding and
family size and political involvement of women.
Age
Age is an important characteristic of human being. It refers to physical and

psychological maturity of a person and also serves as an indication of his/her
experience knowledge and worldly wisdom.10 Age was a significant factor not only in
case of career advancement but the benefit of experience does not come from anything
other than personal experience. Experience tells the individual what to do, how and in
what order to do it, and which other individuals to draw into the handing of particular
matters. In Indian culture also, age has been associated with experience and wisdom.
And it was well known, wisdom was the highest form of knowledge required to
perform any kind of functions whether public or private.11 This is one of the most
important factors that determine rural leadership. But with a new system of PRIs along
with lowering of voting age from 21 to 18 years in the constitutional amendment act,
has brought some changes in the leadership pattern of rural India. It is believed that,
there will be significant strength of association between age as a continuous variable on
one hand, and political orientation, political identification and political activity on the
other hand. Traditionally speaking, it was the prerogative of the elders to hold
important position in the villages, respect for age in rural society was the projection of
behaviour in our family setup.12 The implementation of 73rd Constitutional Amendment
Act has brought some change in the leadership pattern.13 Age is considered to be an
important factor, as it affects not only the behavioural pattern of the individual but also
9
10
Manjunath S. Hosagur, “Role of Panchayats in Rural Development: A Political Study”, Third
Concept, Vol. 26, No. 300-301, February-March 2012, p. 41.
11
Anupama Singh, Bureaucracy at the Grassroots Level in India, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
2006, p. 26.
12
Arun Kumar Singh, Political Orientation of People in Rural India, New Delhi: Mittal Publications,
1987, p. 42.
13
B.S. Bhargava, Grassroots Leadership, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1978, p.18.
207
influences one’s ideas and views. As one grows up, one gets exposed to the prevailing
social and cultural patterns and develops a particular kind of attitude.14
In an Indian structure age has great significance in view of prestige and

experience. It is an important characteristic of human beings. It does not only refer to
physical maturity of man but also saves as an indication of his experience, knowledge
and worldly wisdom. Without equating seniority in age with political wisdom, it can be
vouchsafed that ruling is an art involving a high degree of judgement, which can be
acquired mainly through experience.15 Age is one of the important variables in the
understanding of women’s status in society. With change in age the women’s status and
role also changes. 16 Traditionally the leadership was with few privileged persons of the
society and now the younger strata of population are also taking a keen interest in the
political process particularly in the grass root institutions. This factor is also significant
in the terms of experience and maturity of judgment.17 According to K.C. Vidya, the
presence of younger women is a sign of change from the traditional attitude, which
tended to keep younger women away from public life of village communities. The
opinion that, the younger generation lacks political experience does not hold well in the
case of women, since the majority of their involvement in the political sphere is itself
new.18
Rural society is predominantly traditional and conservative, but the need of the
hour is an orientation towards the progress and change. Such changes can be initiated
and promoted only by the young leaders.19 In the tradition-bound and patriarchal Indian
society, social mobility of women usually occurs very marginally and therefore, entry
of the young unmarried women in politics was restrictive. But the situation has been
changed after the new dispensation, which inducts younger women in rural politics.20
The age wise composition of the respondents has been given below.
14
Reena Singh, Gender Composition Values, Preference and Behaviour, New Delhi: Rawat
15
S.S Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p. 400.
16
S.K. Singh and A.K. Singh, OBC Women: Status and Educational Empowerment, Lucknow: New
Royal Book Company, 2004, p.143.
17
B.S. Bhargava, op.cit., 1978, p.18.
18
K.C.Vidya, Political Empowerment of Women at the Grassroots, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
2007, p. 103
19
Ibid.,p. 20.
20
208
Table: 4.1
Age Wise Classification of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Age in Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Years
1 18-30 46 31.73 9 6.16 55 18.90
2 31-40 72 49.66 74 50.69 146 50.17
3 41-50 23 15.86 41 28.09 64 22.00
4 Above 50 4 2.75 22 15.06 26 8.93
Total 145 100
50.69 146 100 291 100
60
49.66
50
31.73
40
Percentage (%)
28.09
30 Mandi
15.86
15.06
Kangra
20
6.16
2.75
10
0
18-30 31-40 41-50 Above 50
Age in Years
Fig.4.1 Age Wise Classification of the Respondents

Fig.4.1:
Table 4.1 shows that out of the total, 291 respondents were interviewed, out of
which 55 respondents were from the age group of 18 to 30 years,
years which constitute
18.90 per cent of the total sample, while 146 respondents were from the age group of
31 to 40 years, which constitute 50.17 per cent of the total sample. There were 64
respondents who were from the age group of 41 to 50 years, which constitute 22.00 per
cent of the total sample. Similarly, from the age group of above 50 years,
years the number of
209
In district Mandi out of the total 145 respondents were interviewed, out of
which 46 respondents were from the age group of 18 to 30 years which constitute 31.73
per cent of the total sample, while 72 respondents were from the age group of 31 to 40
years which constitute 49.66 per cent of the total sample. There were 23 respondents
who were from the age group of 41 to 50 years, which constitute 15.86 per cent of the
total sample. Similarly, from the age group of above 50 years the number of
Similarly, in district Kangra out of the total 146 respondents were interviewed,
out of which 9 respondents were from the age group of 18 to 30 years, which constitute
6.16 per cent of the total sample, while 74 respondents were from the age group of 31
to 40 years which constitute 50.69 per cent of the total sample. There were 41
respondents, who were from the age group of 41 to 50 years, which constitute 28.09 per
cent of the total sample. Similarly, from the age group of above 50 years the number of
The comparative analysis of two districts reveals that as far as the age factor
was concerned there was little variation in the age group of women respondents in two
districts. The old women had very little share in the participation of politics. The study
reveals that the younger generation takes more interest in the politics.
Caste
Caste is known as jati in common parlance. Caste as a system of social relations

has been a central point in Hindu society for several centuries. A lot of conjectures,
controversies and explanations have come up about its origin, nature and role in Indian
society. It has been claimed that it is an all-encompassing system, an ideology, which
would govern all other relations. Its central notion is hierarchy based on the ideas of
pollution and purity. A caste is an endogamous group, that is, its members marry within
the caste. A man is born in a caste and remains in that forever. Members of a caste used
to have a particular occupation on a hereditary basis. Caste occupies a particular rank in
the hierarchy of castes, hence some are superior to it and some are inferior. At the top
are Brahmans and at the bottom are the untouchable castes.21
Caste defined as a small group of persons characterized by endogamy,

hereditary membership, and a specific style of life, which sometimes includes the
21
K. L. Sharma, Indian Social Structure and Change, Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2007, p. 159.
210
pursuit by tradition of a particular occupation and was usually associated with a more
or less distinct ritual status in a hierarchical status. The Indian society was highly
stratified into the age-old division of castes and sub-castes. The Indian caste system
manifests itself as a vertical structure, in which individual castes were hierarchically
graded and kept permanently apart, and at the same time, were linked by well-defined
expectation and obligations which integrate them into the village social system.22
Historically, according to the verna scheme of cast grouping, there were four
varnas; the Brahmins (Priests), the Kshatriyas (Warriors), the Vaishyas (Business and
Trade) and the Shudras (Craftsman) ranking of this classification was generally agreed
upon and by custom and consensus. Brahmins had been placed above all, followed by
Kshatriyas, Vaishayas and Shudras in that order. The caste structure in Indian context
cannot be completely overruled, since it has deep roots in our history. The Indian
society was greatly divided into various castes and sub-castes. The main purpose of this
query was to see, whether all castes were well represented in the bureaucracy or not. 23
According to Rajni Kothari, “Caste is a stratification system in which distances

are rigidly maintained through endogamy, population and the legitimacy of rituals.” In
a democratic system virtually any kind of social identity may be used as a basis for
mobilising political support and it is difficult to deny that caste continues to play major
part in this system.24 Caste has been very widely discussed in the modern sociological
analysis. It has been regarded as the main determinant of political behaviour in India.
An eminent scholar, Andre Beteille explained that social exclusion was maintained
through the rules of purity and pollution, which have been roots in Hindu Religion.25 It
is an important variable of an individual’s ascribed status. The Indian society is
hierarchically divided based on caste. The position of a caste in the hierarchy is
independent of its economic status. Caste determines social prestige and also associated
with different types of social practices.26
Caste has played an instrumental role in raising issues related to the more
marginalised among women. In a highly hierarchical society, women belonging to the
lower castes have lesser access to public fora, which is compounded by their gender.
22
Anupama Singh, op.cit., 2006, p.28.
23
Ibid.,
24
Rajni Kothari, Caste in Indian Politics, Bombay: Orient Longman, 1973, p.8.
25
Andre Beteille, Ideology and Social Science, United Kingdom: Penguin Books 2006, p. 43.
26
211
This exclusion makes it difficult for these women to represent and articulate the voices
of their constituency and their demands are often overlooked or subsumed by the
dominant sections of the society. Social divisions on the basis of caste often limit the
potential for gender solidarity between women, thereby thwarting attempts at
developing a common political agenda. Caste is a significant variable in the functioning
of the Indian political system. In ancient India, the caste Panchayats used to deal with
the matters pertaining to their castes only and also to the matter of wider importance
affecting the whole village that was dealt by the village council. This was the manner in
which the British transferred the political functions. In the independent India, the
provisions of constitutional safeguard to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
have given a new lease of life to the caste.27
Caste has been the most powerful institution in rural power structure in India.28
On attribute of caste, the leader should belong to the dominant caste, which is usually
the most numerous and economically dominant caste group.29 According to A. R.
Desai, “Caste largely determines the function, the status, available opportunities as well
as handicaps for individuals.30 The influence of caste is marked more in rural society.
Caste plays a significant role in moulding the emergence of leadership at the village
level. It has been observed that the people belonging to the ‘dominant castes’ have
usually been found elected to these grassroots level institutions. 31
The Constitution of independent India has established the rule of law

throughout the entire country. All citizens are equal and subject to the same authority.
Birth-based privileges have been abolished. Religion, language, region, caste or
community are no longer the basis of special powers and privileges, the weaker
sections of society, the scheduled castes (SC), the scheduled tribes (ST) and the Other
Backward Classes (OBC) have been given special concessions to bridge the gap
between them and the upper castes and classes32. Dominated caste always played more
important role in local socio-economic condition, however reservation have given the
chance to determine their destiny. The 73rd Amendment Act has provided ample of
opportunity to the lowers castes i.e. SCs and STs etc. to ensure their participation in
27
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, p. 103.
28
R.S. Singh, Rural Elite Entrepreneurship and Social Change, Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1985, p. 60.
29
Dharam Raj Singh, Rural Leadership Among Scheduled Castes, Allahabad: Chugh Publications, 1985, p. 28.
30
A.R. Desai, Rural Sociology in India, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1969, p. 39.
31
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, p. 103.
32
K.L. Sharma, op.cit., 2007, p.8.
212
decision making process. Caste system is a hereditary classification of people in a
society. The status of a person gets pre-determined
pre in a caste system. The social
stratification that categories people into different groups called caste,
caste is usually based
on your family tree. The caste wise composition of the respondents has been given
below.
Table 4.2
Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of Caste
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Sr.No Caste Mandi Kangra
1 General 65 44.83 46 31.51 111 38.15
2 SCs 72 49.66 37 25.34 109 37.46
3 STs 3 2.06 13 8.90 16 5.49
4 OBCs 5 3.45 50 34.25 55 18.90
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
49.66
44.83
50 Mandi
45
34.25
Kangra
31.51
40
25.34
Percentage (%)
35
30
25
20
8.9
15
3.45
2.06
10
5
0
General SCs STs OBCs
Caste
Fig. 4.2: Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of Caste
The table 4.2 indicate that in all 291 respondents were interviewed through a
questionnaire in which the information regarding caste factor in the society has been
presented. Out of the total 291,
291 respondents 111 respondents were from the general
category, which constitutes 38.15 per cent of the total sample. Whereas,
Whereas there were 109
213
respondents from Scheduled Caste which constitute 37.46 per cent of the sample, while
there were 16 respondents from Schedule Tribe, which constitute 5.49 per cent of the
the total sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents 65 respondents were from the general
respondents from Scheduled Caste, which constitute 49.66 per cent of the sample,
while there were 3 respondents from Schedule Tribe, which constitute 2.06 per cent of
the sample and there were 5 respondents from OBCs, which constitute 3.45 per cent of
the total sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents 46 respondents were from the general
respondents from scheduled caste, which constitute 25.34 per cent of the sample, while
there were 13 respondents from schedule tribe, which constitute 8.90 per cent of the
the total sample.
From the above analysis it appears that the share of general category of the
(31.51%). And Scheduled Caste share is concerned, district Mandi has higher (49.66%)
to district Kangra (25.34%). As far as the OBCs share was concerned district Kangra
had higher share in comparison to district Mandi. The Scheduled Tribes have very
nominal existence in both districts. It appears that the share of STs was still very low. It
may be due to less population of their groups. It was observed during the field study,
that there were mainly two dominant castes in the districts i.e. Brahmin and Rajput in
the general category. People were still graded on their caste position and this was truer
of hilly areas of Himachal Pradesh.
Education
Education plays a very important role in the development of a nation by

transforming the attitudes and inculcating democratic values.33 Durkheim defined
education as the action exercised by the older generations upon those, who were not yet
33
Anupama Singh, Contemporary Discourses on Gender Justice, New Delhi: SSDN Publishers, 2016,
p. 53.
214
ready for social life. Its objective was to awaken and develop in the child those
physical, intellectual and moral states, which were required to him both by his society
as a whole and by the milieu for which he was specially destined. Education, in fact,
helps in social and occupational mobility for the members in social hierarchy.
Educational attainments, to a large extent determine the nature and type of job
opportunities. Johnson rightly argues that there was a broad tendency for people with
higher education to have higher-ranking occupations.34
Education in a broad sense, from infancy to adulthood, was thus a vital means
of social control, and its significance has been greatly enhanced in the last two decades
by the rapid expansion of education at all levels in the developing countries. Through
education, new generations learn the social norms and the penalties for infringing them;
they were instructed also in their station and its duties within the system of social
differentiation and stratification.35 Women constitute almost half of the population of
the world. Education for women is the best way to improve the health, nutrition and
economic status of a household that constitute a micro unit of a nation’s economy.36
Education has far reaching input on the march of women towards empowerment.
Education is the key to all ways and means of women’s empowerment. Virtually, it
opens new vistas to overall achievement of women and consequently leads to their
empowerment.37
Education is one of the important variables which determine the status of

women. Taking into account the different literacy rate, the enrolment for higher and
vocational education, and the dropout rate, one can find out the extent of discrimination
which prevails in a given society at a given period of time. Kamla Bhasin (1973) opines
that the difference in the position of men and women cannot reduce as long as there is a
disparity between the two at the educational level. Traditionally, in India, the
educational opportunities were not open to all the segments and caste groups. Further,
due to the patriarchal social structure, the women were patriarchal social structure, the
women were discriminated against and hence, even among the upper castes, only a few
women got the opportunity to get educated.
34
Anupama Singh, op.cit., 2006, p. 30.
35
Ibid., p. 42.
36
M. Tarique Anwer, “Development of Female Education”, Third Concept, Vol. 31, No. 362, April
2017, p. 25.
37
Chandni Sinha, “Education and Empowerment of Women”, Third Concept, Vol. 21, No. 243, May
2007, p. 51.
215
During the first half of the 19th century, education for women was limited only
to a small number of aristocratic families, who imparted education to their women, so
that they could help them the management of their huge estates. The charter Act of
1813 passed by the East India Company provided them with more opportunities to send
their children to schools and colleges. Missionaries and a few philanthropic
Englishmen entered this field and began rendering support to the establishment of
special schools for girls. Among the Indians, who took a keen interest in women’s
education were Ram Mohan Roy, and Iswar Chandra Vidya Sagar (1813-1854).
However the education was confined to a few privileged women. At the time of
Indian’s independence in 1947, not only was a large percentage of its population
illiterate, but there was a marked discrimination so far as imparting education to the
men and women were concerned.38 In this context, it can be argued that lack of women
education can be an impediment to the country’s economic development. In India
women achieved for less education that of men. The growth of women’s education in
rural areas is very slow. This obviously means that still large womenfolk of our country
are illiterate, the weak, backward and exploited.
Education is the most powerful tool of change of women position in society.

Education also brings a reduction in inequalities and functions as a means of improving
their status within the family. 39 To provide the education to everyone, Education For
All (EFA) programme was launched in 2002 by the Government of India after its 86th
Constitutional Amendment, made education from age 6-14 the fundamental right of
every Indian child. But position of girl’s education is not improving according to
determined parameter for women.40 Article 21-A of the constitution of India and its
consequent legislation, the Right of Children to free and Compulsory Education (RTE)
Act, 2009, which became operative in the country on 1st April 2010, makes it
incumbent on government to provide free and compulsory education to children of 6 to
14 years of age.41
Higher Education in India is provided by both the public and private sector.
India has the largest number of higher educational institutions. According to the data
published by the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India, the
38
39
40
Sunil Kumar Sain and Sudhir Sudam Kaware, “A Present Status of Women Education in India”,
Educationia Confab, Vol. 2, No. 9, September 2013, p. 50.
41
Shailendar Sharma, “Access to Education”, Yojana, Vol. 60, January 2016, p. 49.
216
number of Universities/University-level institutions has increased 18 times from 27 in
1950 to 504 in 2009. The sector boasts of 42 Central Universities, 243 State
Universities, 53 State Private Universities, 130 Deemed Universities, 33 Institutions of
National importance (established under Acts of Parliament) and five Institutions
(Established under various State legislations). The number of colleges has also
registered a manifold increase with just 578 in 1950 growing to be more than 30,000 in
2011.42
Education is the process that liberates mind. It is liberation from all forms of
darkness and ignorance. Women’s literacy is essential for economic viability and
independence. Acquisition of knowledge is one of the prerequisites of human
development. Today all development agencies agree on the importance of educating
women in order to promote and maintain family education, health, nutrition and general
well-being. The aim of education should be to train women in such a way that they
apply their acquired knowledge to the pursuits of daily life and fit them for the position
they have to fill. Education for women should always be directed towards their holistic
development. Education enhances a women’s sense of her own health needs and
perspectives, and her power to make any health and family planning decisions.43 It is
considered an important variable not only for widening mental horizon of the
individual but also it helps a person to make use of rational and scientific approach to
different problems.44 Therefore, according to census report 2011, in Himachal Pradesh
the literacy rate of women is 75.93 per cent and that of men is 89.53 per cent. As per
the census report 2011, in India the literacy rate of women is 65.46 per cent and that of
men is 82.14 per cent. There has been a sincere effort to improve the education
attainment of women by both government and voluntary organizations. The changes in
the policies and in-frastructural supports on primary, secondary and higher education
reflect the initiatives of the government of India towards women education.45 Higher
educational level of citizen is an important prerequisite for greater role in political
process. Education enables one to act rationally. Some previsions study shows that
higher education leads to greater commitment. In the opinion of Jorgan, education is
not to be regarded as an important factor for political participation. Duverger is
42
Jyoti Gautam, “Gender Issues in Higher Education”, Third Concept, Vol. 29, No. 345, November
2015, pp. 20-21.
43
44
45
217
convinced that education is the most decisive
decisive factor for women’s political
participation.46 Table shows the educational levels of the respondents.
Table 4.3
Educational Levels of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Educational Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Qualification
1 Illiterate 00 00 4 2.74 4 1.37
2 Primary 14 9.65 17 11.64 31 10.66
3 Middle 16 11.04 28 19.18 44 15.12
4 Matric 52 35.86 44 30.14 96 32.99
5 Plus Two 45 31.03 33 22.60 78 26.81
6 Graduation 8 5.52 13 8.90 21 7.22
Post
7 8 5.52 4 2.74 12 4.12
Graduation
8 Others 2 1.38 3 2.06 5 1.71
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
35.86
31.03
30.14
40
Mandi
22.6
Percentage (%)
19.18
30 Kangra
11.64
11.04
20
9.65
8.9
5.52
5.52
2.74
2.74
2.06
1.38
10
0
Fig. 4.3: Educational Levels of the Respondents
Table 4.3 depicts that out of 291 respondents there were 4 respondents who
were illiterate, which constitute 1.37 per cent of the total sample,
sample while 31 respondents
46
Usha Kiran, Participation of Women in Indian Politics:
Politics Gender Justice and Political Challenge,
122.
218
were having educational qualification level up to primary which constitute 10.66 per
cent of the sample, 44 respondents were with middle standard which constitute 15.12
per cent of the total sample. Whereas 96 respondents were matriculates which
constitute 32.99 per cent of the sample, 78 respondents were upto ten plus two which
constitute 26.81 per cent of the sample and 21 respondents were graduates which
constitute 7.22 per cent of the sample. There were 12 respondents were post graduates
which constitute 4.12 per cent of the sample. There were only 5 respondents having
some other type of educational qualification, which constitute 1.71 per cent of the
sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, there were 14 respondents were

having educational qualification level up to primary, which constitute 9.65 per cent of
the sample, 16 respondents were with middle standard, which constitute 11.04 per cent
of the total sample. Whereas 52 respondents were matriculates, which constitute 35.86
per cent of the sample, 45 respondents were up to ten plus two, which constitute 31.03
per cent of the sample and 8 respondents were graduates, which constitute 5.52 per cent
of the sample. There were 8 respondents were post graduates, which constitute 5.52 per
cent of the sample. There were only 2 respondents having some other type of
educational qualification, which constitute 1.38 per cent of the sample.
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, there were 4 respondents

who were illiterate, which constitute 2.74 per cent of the total sample, while 17
respondents were having educational qualification level up to primary, which constitute
11.64 per cent of the sample, 28 respondents were with middle standard, which
constitute 19.18 per cent of the total sample. Whereas 44 respondents were
matriculates, which constitute 30.14 per cent of the sample, 33 respondents were upto
ten plus two which constitute 22.60 per cent of the sample and 13 respondents were
graduates, which constitute 8.90 per cent of the sample. There were 4 respondents were
post graduates, which constitute 2.74 per cent of the sample. There were only 3
respondents having some other type of educational qualification which constitute 2.06
The comparative analysis of both districts reveals that the education level of
respondents of Mandi was higher than that of Kangra. Majority of the respondents were
educated up to matriculation level. The analysis of education standard also proves that
the majority of the leadership in state politics is in the hands of educated elected
219
women. In rural area educational system is not well developed. Hence educational level
and their understanding of the current issues were very poor.
Marital Status
Marriage is an important occasion in human life. In the Hindu society, marriage

is supposed to be a religious obligation. After marriage there is a transition in the status
of men and women with attendant rights and obligations.47 India is characterized by the
presence of a large number of endogamous castes, tribes and religious communities
with different types of marriage practices. The pattern of marriage of India is largely
governed by three important regulations, namely, (i) Endogamy marrying with the
group of birth (ii) Exogamy marrying our and (iii) Consanguineous or sapinda
marriage. The regulation of consanguineous marriage does not permit marriage
between two individual related to a common male ancestor upto the seventh generation
on the father’s ride and the fifth, there is a greater incidence of consanguineous
marriages specially among the population of the Southern States, Muslims groups,
Parsees and various communities.48
Marriage is legal relationship between a man and woman. Though it is a legal

contract in almost all societies, it is also a social relationship. Indeed, in all societies
marriage is generally social. It is relatively a stable relationship between man and
woman including social norms evolved for having children. It is an old institution,
common throughout most of the civilized world. Traditionally, marriage was more than
a linkage of two individuals, and even now, in our culture, girls actually marry the
whole family.49 There are two broad types of marriage, namely, monogamy and
polygamy. Monogamy refers to marriage of one man with one woman, and this is in
general the ideal form of marriage. Polygamy refers to both polygamy and polyandry.
The former refers to marriage of more than one woman to one man, and the latter is
marriage of one woman with more than one man.50
The psychological framework views marriage as an occurrence that makes it

possible to have a close intimate relationship with a number of the opposite sex. In
addition, the case for early marriage lies in the fact that nature of each spouse is such
that, it is gives rise to a congenial relationship between husband and wife unlike in the
47
48
Priyanka Tomer, Indian Women, New Delhi: Shree Publishers, 2006, p. 52.
49
M.R. Biju (ed.), Dynamics of Modern Democracy: The Indian Experience, Vol. 2, New Delhi:
Kanishka Publishing House, 2009, p. 353.
50
K.L. Sharma, op.cit., 2007, p. 144.
220
case of late marriages, when the man and women will have developed set attitudes. But
from the physiological point of view, Velde (1976) maintains that marriage is the
permanent form of monogamous erotic relationship. Sexual urges cannot be ignored
from marriage. It is one of the marital right and duties.51 Johnson (1970) argues that
wherever we look in history or in the contemporary world, whether at civilized people
or the most primitive, we find that social life is molded to a great extent by social
institutions like marriage. There is no society on record, which is without this
institution, whatever the cultural pattern may be. The idea of marriage, however, differs
from society to society and conditioned always by time and place. As a culturally and
socially recognized institution, people almost believe that family and sexual relation
should be within legal marriage. Marriage brings love, affection, happiness, etc. It is
absolutely a sacred bond of individuals and there is need to remark the marriage intact,
marriage has to be made a permanent bond between two individuals.52
The cultural impact of marriage is universal. A study of marital status is of

much sociological significance in a traditional male dominated and endogamous social
system. In Indian society, the married people command great respect, wider public and
social life than those of unmarried.53 According to Desai, “The members of these rural
societies marry at an earlier age than those of the urban societies.”54 The knowledge
about the marital status of the respondents becomes imperative in regard to the present
study. The marital status-wise distribution of the respondents is given in table:
Table 4.4
Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of their Marital Status
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Marital
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Status
1 Married 143 98.62 137 93.84 280 96.22
2 Unmarried 1 0.69 00 00 1 0.34
3 Widow 1 0.69 9 6.16 10 3.44
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
51
M.R. Biju, op.cit., 2009, p. 353.
52
Ibid.,
53
54
A.R. Desai, Rural Sociology in India, Bombay: Popular Parkashan, 1992, p. 21.
221
98.62
93.84
100 Mandi
Kangra
80
Percentage (%)
60
40
6.16
20
0.69
0.69
0
0
Married Unmarried Widow
Marital Status
Fig. 4.4: Classification of the Respondents on the Basis of their Marital Status
The table 4.4 indicate that out of 291 respondents 280 respondents were
married, which constitute 96.22 per cent of the total sample, whereas 1 respondent was
unmarried which constitute 0.34 per cent of the sample. There were 10 respondents
were widow, which constitutes 3.44 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents 143 respondents were married,

married which
constitute 98.62 per cent of the total
tot sample, whereas 1 respondent was unmarried,
unmarried
which constitute 0.69 per cent of the sample. There were one respondent was widow,
widow
which constitutes 0.69 per cent of the sample.
As far as inn district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 137 respondents were
married, which constitute 93.84 per cent of the total sample
sampl and there were 9
respondents was widow, which constitutes 6.16 per cent of the sample.
Thus, the comparative analysis of table indicate that the majority of the
respondents in the whole sample in both districts were married which indicated that
more married women was getting family support to join politics. Marital status of the
women enjoys more freedom as compared to the unmarried women. Due to patriarchal
character, familyy members and society does not permit girl to actively involved in the
public issues. The findings of the study indicated
indicate that married women have more
acceptability as women leaders in the society as compared to unmarried women
leaders.
222
Type of Family
Family holds a central position in social life. It is the family which lays the
foundations of the child’s personality and his emotional stability. The quality of the
generation is determined more especially by the family. India is one such nation where
agriculture is the main occupation for its population, and size of a family has a role to
fulfil in order of birth. Large families are one of the characteristics of the third world
nations. Family size tends to be particularly large in the communities, whose
subsistence economy is agriculture, where kinship ties are strong and large families are
taken as symbols of social prestige. The size of the family and number of children
count a lot in every one’s life. The limited size family can help to create conditions in
which happier families can grow and parents can be able to give their children the due
care. The large size of the family entails heavier responsibilities and burdens in meeting
the obligations of the family towards feeding, clothing, education, housing
accommodation, entertainments etc. In the Indian society two types of families are
identified viz., the Joint family and the nuclear family. 55 The type of family also affects
the political behaviour and participation of women in politics. In the family structure
generally distinction is made between joint family and nuclear family. The joint family
is associated with a traditional, agricultural society, where conservatism and family
status tend to dominate over individual interest. On the other hand, the nuclear family is
more a development of a mobile, industrialised society permit of a greater degree of
flexibility and self- expression among its members.56
Women generally occupy a subordinate position, joint family system teaches

interdependence, sharing and caring, conformity to traditional norms and honour of the
family. Though due to various factors of social change, joint family system is giving
way to nuclear family system, still the emotional ties of extended family continue to
play an important role in the social life of an individual.57 Therefore, the Hindu joint
family is the grandest symbol of cooperation. A man and a woman join to make a
home. They raise families and work to pool their earnings. They live under the
common roof and they ask for no registration from the government or from the
55
S.S Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, pp. 402- 403.
56
Hazel D, Lima, Women in Rural Government: A Study of Maharashtra, New Delhi: Concept
57
Archana Kaushik, Welfare and Development Administration in India, New Delhi: Global Vision
Publishing House, 2013, pp. 89-90.
223
community. The basic unit of our democracy will be the individual family.58 Data in
this regard are presented in Table 4.5
4.
Table 4.5
Family Structure of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Family Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Structure
1 Nuclear 69 47.59 63 43.15 132 45.36
2 Joint 76 52.41 83 56.85 159 54.64
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
56.85
52.41
Mandi
47.59
43.15
60 Kangra
50
Percentage (%)
40
30
20
10
0
Nuclear Joint
Family Structure
Fig.4.5: Family Structure of the Respondents
Table 4.55 shows that all 291 respondents were interviewed, out of 132
respondents were living in nuclear family system,
system which constitutes 45.36 per cent of
the total sample, whereas, 159 respondents were living in the joint family. The
percentages of such respondents were 54.64 of the total sample.
As far as district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents,

sample, whereas
hereas 76 respondents were living in the joint family,
family which constitute 52.41
per cent of the total sample.
58
S. K. Dey, Panchayati Raj: A Synthesis,
Synthesis, Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1961, pp. 102-103.
102
224
sample, whereas 83 respondents were living in the joint family. The percentages of
such respondents were 56.85 of the total sample.
From the comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that joint family
system is still prevailing in the rural and urban areas of Mandi and Kangra districts. It is
not possible for a woman to choose joint family or nuclear family especially in the rural
areas, where the system of joint family is still common. It was observed that in a
sample where all the respondents come from agricultural households, the greater
number would live in joint families. There seems no big difference between styles of
family life in terms of percentage in both districts.
Number of Children
The number of children affects political participation of women to a great

extent. As proper grooming and settlement of children is considered an important role
and responsibility of mothers in Indian society. Women are always found to be
occupied with their children’s proper growth and development. More children mean
more family responsibilities for women and the less spare time, they can have to take
part in political activities.59 According to Marcia Lee few women hold public office
and one of the factors which affect women’s political behaviour is children. Children at
home have both short range and long range effects. In the short-run, child care prevents
women from fully participating in politics in their twenties, thirties and early forties,
especially in the more time demanding activities such as running for public office. In
the long-run, after the children are grown up women’s entrance into politics at the
decision-making level becomes difficult because of their lack of political knowledge-
how and connections to effectively compete with the more experienced men, who have
been active all along. In short, most men interested in politics get a head start and it is
very difficult for women to catch up.60 The number of children a woman has no direct
impact on her right and ability to participate in political activities. But certain policies
adopted by the state as a family planning measure has indirectly affected women’s
59
60
Marcia Manning Lee, “Why Few Women Hold Public Office: Democracy and Sexual Roles”,
Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 91, No. 2, 1976, pp. 304-10.
225
potential to participate in political activities. The number of children that a citizen
c has
can impede his/her participation in elections.61
Table 4.6
Classification of Respondents for the Basis of Number of Children
No. of Respondents
Number of Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Children
1 None 6 4.14 1 0.69 7 2.41
2 One 14 9.66 20 13.69 34 11.68
3 Two 103 71.03 89 60.96 192 65.98
4 Three 16 11.03 29 19.87 45 15.46
5 Above Three 6 4.14 7 4.79 13 4.47
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
71.03
80 Mandi
60.96
70 Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
19.87
13.69
30
11.03
9.66
20
4.79
4.14
4.14
0.69
10
0
None One Two Three Above Three
Number of Children
Fig.4.6: Classification of Respondents for the Basis of Number of Children
Table 4.6 reveals that out of 291 respondents, 7 respondents were having no
child, which constitute 2.41 per cent of the total sample, 34 respondents were having
single child which constitute 11.68 per cent of the sample, whereas 192 and 45
respondents were having two and three children respectively. The percentage of such
respondents was 65.98 and 15.46 of the sample. And 13 respondents were having more
than three children they constituted about 4.47
61
S. Lal, Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Kunal Books, 2010, p.110.
226
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents 6 respondents were having no child,
child which constitute 9.66 per cent of the sample, whereas 103 and 16 respondents
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents 1 respondents were having no child,

child, which constitute 13.69 per cent of the sample, whereas 89 and 29 respondents
The comparative analysis of both districts revels that majority of the

respondents were having two children. Although family planning programmes are
popular in these days, yet illiteracy and unawareness about the consequences of
overpopulation still exist among the people of Himachal Pradesh. It has been observed
that educated people were thinking about the benefits of small families and younger
leaders have adopted two children norm strictly. The stigma of childlessness is no
longer a deterrent of women’s social participation. The policy of reservation seems to
have opened doors for fruitful contribution on the part of such women.
Occupation
Occupation is also one of the important variables which determine familial

social standing. This is due to the fact that not only different occupations have different
prestige but are also associated with different privileges and economic benefits. It is
believed that those who are owner/cultivators have power and better life opportunities
than those who are agricultural labourers because they depend for their livelihood on
the landlords.62 In the traditional social structure, the allocation of the occupation and
role was based on caste and the values of ritual superiority and inferiority attached to it.
The emergence of secular occupation in Indian society is recent phenomena and their
openness to scheduled castes is still a more recent feature. However, the process of
62
227
occupational change and mobility among these communities and caste was accelerated
only after the state enacted the policy of safeguards and reservations.63
Modern societies are characterized by the presence of numbers of occupations,

whose members perform a variety of specialized functions. These include doctors,
lawyers, engineer, agriculturalists and host of others. Occupation is also the most
important variables in determining the socio-economic status of a person in the
society.64 Man’s functional status in society and style of life, and class position depends
upon his occupation. Though one works for income, arising out of it, his occupation
also determines his status, power and prestige in society. The nature and level of an
occupation also determines the functional utility of man.65
Occupation of the rural society is one of the important factors contributing to

the emergence of a leader. Persons of only those occupations can afford to be leader,
who get leisure time and can also stay in the village. Only agriculturalists, labourers
and traditional occupation holders get opportunity to stay in the village. While among
these occupation holders the agriculturist class gets more leisure time than other
classes. Moreover service-holders usually do not get spare time and sometimes they are
also debarred from fighting elections.66 Hence occupation is an important indicator of a
person’s position in society. Varying degree of power and prestige is attached with
each occupation and this determines one’s status in the society.67 Being important in
the distribution of status and prestige, occupation is a good measure of socio-economic
mobility as well.68 Majority of the people in Himachal Pradesh live in rural areas. They
are dependent upon agriculture for their livelihood. Farming is the main occupation of
the people in village of Himachal Pradesh. Apart from agriculture and horticulture,
business, daily wages earner and government jobs are also important in Himachal
Pradesh. Occupational status of an individual woman is also one of the most important
variables in determining the socio-economic character of the women. In the present
63
Dharam Raj Singh, op.cit., 1985, pp. 41-42.
64
Usha Sharma and B. M. Sharma, Women and Profession, New Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers,
1995, p. 68.
65
66
S.N. Mishra, Pattern of Emerging Leadership in Rural India, Patna: Associated Book Agencies,
1977, pp. 62-63.
67
Reena Singh, op.cit., 2001, p.58.
68
Madan Lal Goel, Political Participation in a Developing Nation: India, Bombay: Asia Publishing
House, 1974, p.116.
228
study attempts has been made to know about the occupation
occupation of the respondents in the
Table 4.7.
Table 4.7
Occupational Patterns of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Occupational Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Pattern
1 Agriculture 113 77.93 100 68.49 213 73.19
2 Horticulture 6 4.14 00 00 6 2.06
3 Business 15 10.34 22 15.07 37 12.72
4 Others 11 7.59 24 16.44 35 12.03
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
77.93
68.49
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
30
16.44
15.07
10.34
20
7.59
4.14
10
0
0
Agriculture Horticulture Business Others
Occupational Patterns
Fig.4. Occupational Patterns of the Respondents

Fig.4.7:
Table 4.7 shows that the occupation distribution of the respondents. It is clear
from the table that out of 291 respondents, 213 respondents were engaged in agriculture
which constitutes 73.19 per cent of the total sample, whereas 6 respondents engaged in
horticulture which constitutes 2.06 per cent of the total sample. There were 37
respondents were from the business,
busine which constitute 12.72 per cent of the sample and
229
35 respondents were having occupation other than above, which constitute 12.03 per
cent of the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 113 respondents were engaged in

agriculture, which constitute 77.93 per cent of the total sample, whereas 6 respondents
engaged in horticulture, which constitute 4.14 per cent of the total sample. There were
15 respondents were from the business, which constitute 10.34 per cent of the sample
and 11 respondents were having occupation other than above, which constitute 7.59 per
cent of the sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 100 respondents were engaged in

agriculture, which constitute 68.49 per cent of the total sample, whereas no respondents
engaged in horticulture of the total sample. There were 22 respondents were from the
business, which constitute 15.07 per cent of the sample and 24 respondents were having
occupation other than above, which constitute 16.44 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of Mandi and Kangra districts reveals that the number
of respondents on agriculture based profession was higher in district Mandi than that of
district Kangra. Whereas, people engaged in business activities and small scale
industries were higher in district Kangra than that of district Mandi. But overall,
majority of the respondents were in agriculture. It is clear from this table that leadership
in India as well as in Himachal Pradesh is dominated by the agricultural class and
particularly by the women leadership. This is the fact that the economy of Himachal
Pradesh is dependent upon agriculture.
Income
Annual income of an individual is supplemented by occupation. The economic

status of the family has been studied through an investigation of the husband’s
occupation, income and extent of family land holding.69 Annual income of the women
contestants needs to be reckoned with. But as most of the women leaders are
housewives by occupation they have no income of their own and consequently, they
had to spent money from the sundry sources of their families.70 Income is very
69
K.C. Vidya., op.cit., 2007, p.109
70
D. Sundar Ram (ed.), op.cit., 2009, p. 121
230
important indicator to judge the status and influence of the respondents on the society.
People who had good financial position in the rural areas wield good influence in the
village. Lack of financial institutions in the past had made the people dependent on the
money lenders in the villages. After the independence, banking facilities were available
to the rural people. Now, the exploitation by the money lenders has been reduced to a
greater extent. With the upcoming of co-operative credit institutions poor people got
their financial needs fulfilled through these institutions.71 Agriculture plays a vital role
in India’s economy, as 54.6 per cent of the population is engaged in agriculture and
allied activities and it contributes 17.4 per cent of the country’s Gross Value Added.72
In Himachal Pradesh, the economy of state is highly dependent on three sources:
agriculture, hydro-electric powers and tourism. Agriculture is the main source of
income and employment in Himachal Pradesh. Agriculture in Himachal Pradesh
provides direct employment to about 62 per cent of its people. Hydro power and
tourism is also one of the major sources of income generation for the state. The
economy of the state also appears to be in a resilient mode in terms of growth. As per
advance estimates the Growth Rate of Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) during of
2016-17 will be 6.8 per cent against 7.9 per cent at the national level. GSDP or state
income is the most important indicator for measuring the economic growth of a state.
According to the quick estimates based on the new series, Per Capita Income of the
Himachal Pradesh at current prices in 2015-16 stood at Rs. 94,178.73 Income of family
is an important determinant in the election of the state. It is generally said that, money
plays an important role in electoral process of the state politics. The criterion adopted
here for determining the economic status of respondents was to enquire about their
annual income from all sources. The amount of income largely determines the status of
the family in the society and also affects their participation and involvement in politics.
The table shows that distribution of the respondents by their annual income.
71
O.C. Sud, Administration Problems of Rural Development, Delhi: Kanishka Publishing House,
1992, p.102.
72
Government of India, Annual Report, Department of Agriculture, Cooperation and Farmers, New
Delhi: Welfare Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare Government of India, 2015-16, p.1.
73
231
Table 4.8
Distribution of the Respondents of the Basis of Annual Income
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Sr.No Annual Income Mandi Kangra
1 5000-15000 20 13.79 32 21.92 52 17.87
2 15000-25000 31 21.38 44 30.14 75 25.77
3 25000-50000 48 33.10 21 14.39 69 23.71
4 50000-75000 15 10.35 7 4.79 22 7.56
5 75000-one Lac 14 9.66 7 4.79 21 7.22
6 Above one Lac 17 11.72 35 23.97 52 17.87
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
33.1
30.14
35 Mandi
Kangra
23.97
30
21.92
21.38
25
Percentag (%)
14.39
13.79
20 11.72
10.35
9.66
15
4.79
4.79
10
0
75000-one
Above one
15000
15000-
25000-
50000-
5000-
25000
50000
75000
Lac
Lac
Annual Income
Fig.4.8: Distribution of the Respondents of the Basis of Annual Income
Table 4.8 depicts that out of 291 respondents, 52 respondents were having
15000, which constitute 17.87 per cent of the total sample,
while 75 respondents were having income Rs.15000-25000, which constitutes 25.77
per cent of the sample, whereas 69 respondents were having income Rs. 25000-50000,
25000
which constitute 23.71 per cent of the sample,
sample while 22 respondents were having
havin
75000, which constitute 7.56 per cent of the sample. There
were 21 respondents were having Rs.75000-One
Rs.75000 Lac, which constitute 7.22 per cent of
232
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 20 respondents were having annual

income Rs. 5000-15000, which constitute 13.79 per cent of the total sample, while 31
respondents were having income Rs.15000-25000, which constitutes 21.38 per cent of
the sample, whereas 48 respondents were having income Rs. 25000-50000, which
constitute 33.10 per cent of the sample, while 15 respondents were having annual
income Rs. 50000-75000, which constitute 10.35 per cent of the sample. There were 14
respondents were having Rs.75000-One Lac, which constitute 9.66 per cent of the
sample and 17 respondents were having income above One Lac, which constitute 11.72
per cent of total sample.
Similarly, in district Kangra out of 146 respondents 32 respondents were

having annual income Rs. 5000-15000, which constitute 21.92 per cent of the total
sample, while 44 respondents were having income Rs.15000-25000, which constitutes
30.14 per cent of the sample, whereas 21 respondents were having income Rs. 25000-
50000, which constitute 14.39 per cent of the sample, while 7 respondents were having
annual income Rs. 50000-75000, which constitute 4.79 per cent of the sample. There
were 7 respondents were having Rs.75000-One Lac, which constitute 4.79 per cent of
The comparative analysis of Mandi and Kangra districts reveals that the power
of politics was in the hand of middle class society in both districts. The study reveals
that most of the respondents came under the low income group. Due to uneconomic
size of holding most of the poor people cultivate only field crops like maize, wheat etc.
They were not able to produce cash crops at large like vegetables such as cabbage,
cauliflower, potato, peas and tomato etc. Due to non-fertile and small land holding, lack
of irrigation facilities and their poor economic standards.
Land Holdings
Land is a major determinant of access to power in India. It is also one of the

most important parameters through which an individual’s/family’s social status is
measured in rural society. Traditionally, land is the source of socio-political status and
233
power in the Indian rural society.74 In India, for a long time land ownership played a
very significant role as an element of influence in community power structure, land
ownership is crucial factor in establishing dominance ownership of land not only
insured a stable and secure income but also symbolized high social and economic
status. Generally the pattern of land is concentrated in the hands of a relatively small
number of big owners (Landlord) as against a large number, who either owns very little
land or no land at all.
The power and prestige which land owning castes command, affect their social
and economic relations in the society.75 If land ownership is not always an
indispensable passport to high rank, it certainly facilities upward mobility.76 Land
constitutes the basic foundation of agrarian social structure in India. Whereas, it
determines the nature of occupational and economic activities and the rewards flowing
from them, it also serves as a pointer towards status and prestige in society.77 Land
ownership was a crucial factor in establishing dominance in the village. The pattern of
land ownership in rural India was such that bulk of the arable land was concentrated in
the hands of a relatively small number of big owners, as against a large number, who
either owned very little land or no land at all.78
Therefore, land holding is often considered to be the most important source of

power and prestige in rural Indian communities. It is believed that three conditions
normally facilitate the dominance of a caste, considerable amount of cultivable land,
numerical strength of the family and a high place in the local hierarchy. The system of
land ownership in the Indian village is such that most of the available land is
concentrated in the hands of a few persons as against a large number, who either own
very few land or no land at all. Both of these later types, of people are dependent on the
big owners for their livelihood.79 Himachal Pradesh is a hilly state and majority of
population is engaged in agricultural based profession. About 70 per cent of total state
population earns their livelihood from this sector. Out of the total geographical area of
55.67 lac hectares, the area of operational holding is about 9.55 lac hectares and is
74
R. Indira and Deepak Kumar Behera (eds.), Gender and Society in India: Rural and Tribal Studies,
Vol. 2, New Delhi: Manak Publications, 1999, p.112.
75
S.S. Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, pp. 406.
76
M.N. Srinivas, Social Change in Modern India, New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1982, pp. 12-13.
77
Dharam Raj Singh, op.cit., 1985, p. 38
78
K.C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, p.110.
79
D.S. Chaudhary, Emerging Rural Leadership in an Indian State: A Case Study of Rajasthan, Rohtak:
Manthan Publications, 1981, pp. 55-56.
234
operated by 9.61 lac farmers. The average holding size is about 1.00 hectare. About 10
per cent of the total GSDP comes from agriculture
agriculture and its allied sectors.
Table 4.9
Size of Land Holding of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Land Grand Total
Sr.No Holding Mandi Kangra
(Bighas)
1 0-10 111 76.55 112 76.71 223 76.63
2 11-20 24 16.55 18 12.33 42 14.43
3 21-30 6 4.14 6 4.11 12 4.13
4 31-40 3 2.07 2 1.37 5 1.72
5 Above 40 1 0.69 8 5.48 9 3.09
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
76.55
76.71
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
16.55
30
12.33
20
5.48
4.14
4.11
2.07
1.37
0.69
10
0
0-10 11-20 21-30 31-40 Above 40
Size of Land Holding
Fig.4. Size of Land Holding of the Respondents

Fig.4.9:
The table 4.9 indicate that out of 291 respondents, 223 respondents whose total
size of land holding was 0-10
0 bighas, which constitute 76.63 per cent of the total
sample, whereas 42 respondents whose size of land holding was 11-20
11 bighas, which
constitute 14.43 per cent of the sample,
sample while 12 respondents whose size of land
holding was 21-30
30 bighas,
bighas which constitute 4.13 per cent of the sample. There were 5
respondents who were having land 31-40
31 bighas, which constitute 1.72 per cent of the
235
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 111 respondents whose total size of
land holding was 0-10 bighas, which constitute 76.55 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 24 respondents whose size of land holding was 11-20 bighas, which constitute
16.55 per cent of the sample, while 6 respondents whose size of land holding 21-30
bighas, which constitute 4.14 per cent of the sample. There were 3 respondents who
were having land 31-40 bighas, which constitute 2.07 per cent of the sample and 1
respondent who was having land above 40 bighas, which constitute 0.69 per cent of the
sample.
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 112 respondents, whose

total size of land holding was 0-10 bighas, which constitute 76.71 per cent of the total
sample, whereas 18 respondents whose size of land holding was 11-20 bighas, which
constitute 12.33 per cent of the sample, while 6 respondents whose size of land holding
land 21-30 bighas, which constitute 4.11 per cent of the sample. There were 2
respondents who were having land 31-40 bighas, which constitute 1.37 per cent of the
The comparative study of two district reveals that the size of land holding in the
study areas was very small. Majority of the respondents at all levels were found holding
land below 10 bighas. However, the size of the land holding of the respondents in
Kangra district was slightly better than that of the district Mandi. This shows that
majority of women political activists in Mandi and Kangra districts have their own
land. But the size of land holding is not very large. It was observed that due to the
growth of population, the size of land holding was going down day by day at village
level and poor people compel to sell their land for the requirement of some domestic
social needs. It is evident that the high land holding farmers are minority in comparison
with the large number of small farmers and agricultural labourers, who constitute the
back-bone of the rural population.
Role of Newspaper
Newspaper is a collection of news from all over the world which keeps us up-
to-date about everything going outside. Now-a-days the newspaper has been a necessity
236
of the life. It gives us all about what is happening in our own country as well as whole
world. It is essential to be aware of with day to day happening in the society as well as
at the governmental level. Attempt was made to analyse the awareness of the
respondents in the day to day life. Table shows that the respondents take interest in
reading newspapers daily.
Table 4.10
Respondents
spondents Awareness Role of Newspapers
No. of Respondents
Regarding Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
Newspapers
1 Yes 115 79.31 104 71.24 219 75.26
2 No 26 17.93 35 23.97 61 20.96
3 No Opinion 4 2.76 7 4.79 11 3.78
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
79.31
71.24
80 Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
23.97
40
17.93
30
20
4.79
2.76
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.10
10: Respondents Awareness Role of Newspapers
Table 4.10 shows that 291 respondents were interviewed regarding their habits
of reading newspapers. Out of which 219 respondents responded positively,
positively which
constitute
te 75.26 per cent of the sample and there were 61 respondents replied
negatively.
y. The percentage of such was 20.96 of the total sample. While 11 respondents
who gave no opinion, which constitute 3.78 per cent of the sample.
237
As far as in district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondent’s 115
respondents who responds positively, constitute 79.31 per cent of the sample, which
whereas 26 respondents did not show any interest in the reading of newspapers. The
percentage of such respondents was 17.93 of the sample respectively. There were 4
respondents who gave no opinion, which constitute 2.76 per cent of the sample.
Respectively, in district Kangra 146 respondents were interviewed. Out of

which 104 respondents replied positively, which constitute 71.24 per cent of the
sample, whereas 35 respondents replied negatively, which constitute 23.97 per cent of
the sample. There were 7 respondents, who gave no opinion. The percentage of such
was 4.79 respectively.
The comparative analysis of the two district shows that the number of
respondents, who were in habit of reading newspaper was higher in district Mandi in
comparisons to district Kangra. Majority of the respondents take interest in the reading
of newspapers.
Role of Radio and Television
Media has been the source of shared images and messages relating to political
and social context. India is a multilingual, multiethnic and multi-religious country. In
India, internet and cable television have about meaningful change to public and private
spheres of life more quickly than education, industrialization or any other socio-
economic factor. Electronic media had no role to play for a decade after independence.
Print media and radio served as the primary means of political information and
mobilization. Mass media received a boost in September 1959, as a result of the
introduction of television to urban India. The emergence of television to post-colonial
India was characterized by competing visions, its deeply segmented political sphere
witnessed several rounds of intense debating between politicians and bureaucrats, who
were concerned with the efficacy of investing in television, considering only a few
could manage access to the medium.80
The government controlled national television network began as “modest

enterprise”, since viewers had access to one channel, while the bigger cities/metropolis
had access to two channels. In term of influencing civic and political engagement, its
influence was minimal, since the goals of the state regulated electronic media were
80
Sayantani Satpathi and Oindrila Roy, “The Impact of the Electronic Media on the Modern Indian Voter: A
Study of the Post Liberalization Era”, Global Media Journal, Summer Issue, June 2011, pp. 1-3.
238
restricted to educational and entertainment based programs. In 1991, the Indian
television network was deregulated and cable-satellite network emerged for the first
time from its modest beginning with two channels by June 2010. Moreover, there were
thirty three for hour news channels that would constantly engage in political and
economic debates and conduct opinion/exit polls in election years.81
Radio is a vehicle for projecting personality through which it attracts and hold
an audience. Radio is an efficiency instrument for getting a message to a large number
of people at the same time. Radio is a powerful instrument in the area of public
enlightenment. Not been constrained by the barriers of time space, illiteracy, and
electricity supply, radio is one of the ideal means of mass communication in both
developed and developing societies because it is easy to establish, own operate and
maintain, and does not demand much intellectual exertion from listeners. It is capable
of offering tutorial support and resources to stimulate discussions, reflections and
practical learning on the socio-economic, socio-political and cultural activities of a
society or a nation. The radio has different roles some of which are: Informing Role:
the radio performs the role of keeping women informed. It has an important job in
providing political information to women and the general public. Influencing role: the
media may not always be successful in telling people what to think, but are usually
successful in telling them, what to think about. Mobilising people: through
commentaries and programmes, the radio acts as secondary agents of mobilization. The
radio facilitates and enhances the process by which, individuals partake in collective
decision making. This role is one, the radio adapts through political programmes in
mobilizing women for participation.82
Thus, radio and television play a vital role in the life style of the people. At the
basic level, they inform people about the various things in various ways and through a
variety of programmes. Radio and the television are the most effective media to
achieve the much desired rural development. Radio and television constitute the
effective media for national awareness and the mood of advancement of the society, the
need of the society and the objective of the government as laid down in the national
interest of the country. In the present time television and radio have become an integral
81
Ibid.,
82
Adekoya, Helen Odunola, et al., “The Role of Radio in the Mobilization of Women towards Political
Participation: A Study of Ogun State Nigeria”, Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 5,
No. 24, 2015, p.13.
239
part of our life. The people who are sitting in the rural areas are the well aware of day
to day happenings in the state. In the present study, an attempt has been made to know
the opinion of the respondents,
respondents whether they see and hear news in television or in radio.
Table 4.11
Respondents Awareness Role of Radio and Television
No. of Respondents
Regarding Radio Grand Total
Sr.No Mandi Kangra
and Television
1 Yes 124 85.52 119 81.51 243 83.51
2 No 16 11.03 23 15.75 39 13.40
3 No Opinion 5 3.45 4 2.74 9 3.09
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
85.52
Mandi
81.51
100
Kangra
80
Percentage (%)
60
15.75
40
11.03
3.45
2.74
20
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.11: Respondents Awareness Role of Radio and Television
Table 4.11 reveals that 291 respondents were interviewed, out of which 243
respondents replied positively they were in habit of hearing news in the radio or in the
television, whereas only 39 respondents expressed their ignorance regarding news in
television or in radio
adio and while 9 respondents did not express their opinion. The
percentage of all the three types of respondents was 83.51, 13.40 and 3.09 respectively.
In district Mandi, out of which 145 respondents 124 respondents replied in

favour of hearing news either
er in radio or television which constitute 85.52 per cent of
240
the sample, whereas 16 respondents were not in habit of hearing news. The percentage
of such was 11.03 respectively. There were only 5 respondents who gave no opinion
As far as is district Kangra was concerned 146 respondents were interviewed.

Out of which 119 respondents were hearing regular news on the television or in the
radio. The percentage of such respondents was 81.51 of the sample, whereas 23
respondents which constitute 15.75 per cent of the total sample, were not the habit of
hearing news neither in television nor in radio. There were 4 respondents who did not
give their opinion, which constitute 2.74 per cent of the sample respectively.
The comparative analysis of two districts Mandi and Kangra depicts that in
district Mandi the respondents were slightly higher in habit of hearing news in
television or in the radio in compared to district Kangra. Hence, it has been revealed
that television and radio programmes are very effective in mobilizing women to
participate in politics. It was observed that there was a tendency among the rural
leaders to hear news in television and radio. These sources gave information about the
state, national and international level. Thus television and radio become an integral part
of our daily life.
Political Interest
Political participation is the hall-mark of democracy and modernization. In the

traditional society, government and politics are concerns of narrow elite. On the
contrary, the more advanced nations have accepted the principle of active citizenship.
The focus and nature of participation varies widely, social and economic modernisation
produces broadened participation. Participation increase individual’s political
knowledge, enhances the citizen’s subjective sense of governmental legitimacy, and
hastens individual self-realization. Thus, participation is to be valued not based solely
on policy results, but for the mere process itself, more than simply expressing a
preference, engaging in political activity with other citizens is a creative, enlightening
experience.83 Political participation apparently means roughly, what it means to
contemporary political scientists, the articulation of private interests in the public
sector. Individuals can exercise private influence over public policy by voting or by
aligning themselves with like-minded citizens in parties or interests groups.84
83
53, No. 1, February 1991, p. 190.
84
Joel. D. Schwartz, “Participation and Multisubjective Understanding: An Interpretivist Approach to
the Study of Political Participation”, The Journal of Politics, Vol. 46, 1984, pp. 1128-1129.
241
Political interest is the first
first and psychological component of political
participation. The interest of a person in political institutions, elections, the processes of
struggle for power, political events and national and local issues are important indices
of his psychological participation
ipation in political structure and process. The political
interest of a person does not only reflect his commitment and attachment to state and
polity but also expresses his will to participate and understand their complexities.85
Though, the power struggle is an incessant fact of democratic political life, life no all
members of political community are always and alike involved in it. People are
interested and involved in the country’s politics at all time.86 Mumtaz Soysal defines,defines
“Participation
Participation as all forms of action by which citizens ‘take part’ in the operation of
administration. The taking part refers to any level from macro to micro region or it may
be of any type e.g. advisory in nature or in participate through public or private bodies
or other organizations”.87
Table 4.12
Respondent’s Opinion Regarding Interest in Politics
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 85 58.62 94 64.38 179 61.51
2 No 42 28.96 32 21.92 74 25.43
3 No Opinion 18 12.42 20 13.70 38 13.06
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
64.38
70 58.62
60
Percentage (%)
50
40 28.96
30 21.92 Mandi
20 12.42 13.7 Kangra
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.12: Respondent’s Opinion Regarding Interest in Politics

85
Dharam Raj Singh, op.cit., 1985, p. 82.
86
M.M.S. Negi, “Voting Attitude of Women in Uttarakhand with Special Reference to Garhwal”, The
Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 72, No. 3, July-September 2011, pp. 803-804.
804.
87
Ramesh K. Arora and Meenakshi Hooja (eds.), Panchayati Raj, Participation and Decentralization,
Decentralization
New Delhi: Rawat Publications, 2009, pp. 114-115.
114
242
Table 4.12 depicts that out of 291 respondents, 179 respondents were interested
in politics, which constitute 61.51 per cent of the total sample, whereas 74 respondents
respondents did not give their opinion, which constitute 13.06 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents 85 respondents were interested in

politics, which constitute 58.62 per cent of the total sample, whereas 42 respondents
respondents did not give their opinion, which constitute 12.42 per cent.
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents 94 respondents were

interested in politics, which constitute 64.38 per cent of the total sample, whereas 32
respondents were not interested in politics, which constitute 21.92 per cent of the
sample, while 20 respondents did not give their opinion, which constitute 13.70 per
cent of the sample respectively.
The comparative analysis of both the districts reveals that vast majority of the
respondents in the whole sample 61.51 per cent, as well as individually in Mandi (58.62
%) and Kangra (64.38%) districts were interested in politics. However, the respondents
in Kangra district were found to be slightly more interested in politics, as compared to
Mandi district.
Political Background of Respondents Father/Husband
In a democratic society, participation gives the ordinary citizen a means of

voicing his/her opinion and showing his/her behaviour and action that they are able to
take on responsibilities. Her family decides women’s leadership and representation in
governance to a large extent. Women on getting support from the family work with
greater enthusiasm and vigour.88 According to Vijay Agneu, reveals that women took
to politics when they were supported by male family members and which in no way
disturbed the traditional male-female relationship of sex-based division of labour.
Women politicians perceived their participation in politics as being supportive of the
activity of their male family members and involved in nationalist activity with their
consent.89
88
S. Waseem Ahmad, et al., “Women’s Political Participation and Changing Pattern of Leadership in
Rural Areas of U.P”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 69, No.3, July- September 2008,
p. 664.
89
Vijay Agneu, Elite Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1986, p. 133.
243
Table 4.13
Politicall Participation of Respondents Father/Husband
F
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 57 39.31 53 36.30 110 37.80
2 No 67 46.21 69 47.26 136 46.74
3 No Opinion 21 14.48 24 16.44 45 15.46
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
47.26
46.21
50 Mandi
39.31
45 Kangra
36.3
40
Percentage (%)
35
30
16.44
25
14.48
20
15
10
5
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.13: Political Participation of Respondents Father/Husband
Table 4.13 shows that out of 291 respondents 110 respondents father/husband
participate in politics, which constitute 37.80 per cent of the total sample, whereas 136
respondents, the father/ husband had no participation in politics, which constitute 46.74
per cent of the sample, while 45 respondents gave no opinion on the question,
question which
constitute 15.46 per cent of the total sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 57 respondents father/husband

participates in politics, which constitute 39.31 per cent of the total sample,
sample whereas 67
respondents had no participation in politics,
244
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 53 respondents father/husband
participates in politics, which constitute 36.30 per cent of the total sample, whereas 69
respondents had no participation in politics, which constitute 47.26 per cent of the
respondent’s father and husband did not participate in politics. However, a few
respondents’ father and husband did participate in political activities. On the other
hand, a very lesser number of the respondents were completely active in politics.
Voting
In democratic political system, voting is one of the forms of political

participation.90 Voting is the most frequent citizen activity. It exerts influence over
leaders through pressure. Leaders adjust their policies in order to gain votes, and of
course, the vote determines who holds elective office. But it communicates little
information about voter preferences to leaders.91 Voting is the basic activity by which
the citizens get assimilated in the political process. Women in India have proved to be
good voters. The common women use their franchise like men. Women participation in
formal elections is to a great extent dependent on the mobilization efforts of the
political parties, general awareness among the community of the importance of
exercising franchise and overall political culture.92 Indian Constitution has given voting
rights to the Indian citizens irrespective of the caste, creed, religion and sex. 93
Voting has a tremendous strength and weakness and has impact for equalizing
and mobilizing women. Yet, it has to be noted that voting requires the least initiative
and interval motivation. Many times women treats the day of voting as a welcome
break from her dull and tiring routine and does not appear to have a notion of, why she
should vote for a particular candidate.
90
Wan Asnal, et al., “Political Attitude and Voting Behaviour”, International Journal of Humanities
and Management Sciences, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2013, p. 126.
91
Sidney Verba, et al., Participation and Political Equality: A Seven-Nation Comparison, New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1978, p. 313.
92
Rashmi Shrivastava, “Minority Representation of a Political Majority Group: Women in Indian
Democratic Process”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 66, No.2, April-June 2005, pp.
234-235.
93
Savita Thakur Joshi (ed.), op. cit., 1999, p.148.
245
Though, women’s participation in the political process has increased both in the
elections and their readiness to express their view on issues directly concerning their
life. But their ability to produce an impact on the political process has been negligible
because of the inadequate attention paid to their political education and mobilization by
both political parties and women’s organizations, as political parties see women voters
as appendages of the males. Political parties seem uniformly reluctant to field women
candidates. The high cost of electioneering is another deterrent to most women
candidates. Because of these factors there is an increasing tendency among women to
contest election as independent candidates.94 Political participation denotes such
activities by which the citizens share in choosing the government and directly or
indirectly in the formation of public policy. These activities are voting, seeking
information about the policy of political parties and of the government, attending
election meetings, contributing money to the party or election funds of its candidate,
enrolment in a party, canvassing for a party and working in campaigns. Among these,
making contributions to the party fund, enrolment in a party, canvassing and working in
campaigns are considered to be more active forms of participation. In a democracy, the
citizens’ participation in election is a basic norm. It is the right by which, they grant or
withdraw consent in a democracy.95 Table shows the participation in voting in different
past election.
Table 4.14
Respondents Views on Participation in Voting in Different Past Elections
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 134 92.41 137 93.84 271 93.13
2 No 8 5.52 7 4.79 15 5.15
3 No opinion 3 2.07 2 1.37 5 1.72
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
94
Rameshwari Pandya (ed.), op.cit., 2008, pp.570-571.
95
Sachchidananda, The Tribal Voter in Bihar, New Delhi: National Publishing House, 1976, p. 36.
246
93.84
92.41
100
Percentage (%) 80
60
Mandi
40
Kangra
5.52
4.79
2.07
1.37
20
0
Yes No No opinion
Response
Fig.4.14: Respondents Views on Participation in Voting in Different Past Elections

Election
The data in table 4.14

4 indicate that out of 291 respondents,
casted their vote in last election,
election which constitute 93.13 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 15 respondents did not cast their vote in the last election,
election which constitute 5.15
per cent of the sample.. There were 5 respondents, who did not give their opinion about
the cast of vote in election,
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 134 respondents casted their vote in
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 137 respondents casted their vote in
The comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that majority of

respondents, in Kangra district (93.84%) was higher,
higher who casted their vote as compared
compare
to Mandi district (92.41%).
(92.41%) It was observed that participation in voting is higher among
the respondents. Participation in Panchayat/Assembly
P election is understood to bring
immediate benefits and candidates are also closer to voters. Hence the turnout is
obviously higher.
247
Factors Influence on the Voting
The behaviour of voter is influenced by several factors such as religion, caste,

community, language, money, policy or ideology, purpose of the polls, extent of
franchise, political wave etc. The political parties and groups make use of these
variables for the sake of winning the battle of the ballot box. Despite making their
professions for enlightened secularism, politicians can be found making appeals to the
religious and communal sentiments of the people; they can also be found involved in
exploiting the factors of language or money to achieve the purpose of emerging
successful in the war of votes. Appeals are issued and canvassing campaigns conducted
in the name of a particular policy or ideology for the same purpose.
The interest of the voters and accordingly their behaviour at the time of voting
is also influenced by the nature or purpose of the elections or the extent of the suffrage.
The force of charisma has its own part to play, whereby the voters are influenced by a
slogan like “Garibi Hatao”, or “A vote for a pair of bullocks is vote for Panditji and
progress”, or “Indira means India, India means Indira”, or “Indira means Dictatorship,
“My heart beats for India” versus “Rajiv means Bofors” and the like. The role of all
these factors can be examined in the study of Indian electoral behaviour. There are
several factors responsible for voting behaviour in India. In India following are main
political and socio-economic factors, which act as determinants of voting behaviours in
our democratic system. 96 In elections there are so many factors which affect the voting
behaviour, such as candidate, religion, caste, education and political party etc. Table
shows the responses of the respondents regarding the factors, which they keep in mind
while casting their votes.
Table 4.15
Respondents Views Regarding Influence on the Voting
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Candidate 60 41.38 64 43.83 124 42.61
2 Religion 00 00 00 00 00 00
3 Caste 18 12.42 11 7.54 29 9.97
4 Education 21 14.48 29 19.86 50 17.18
5 Party 46 31.72 42 28.77 88 30.24
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
96
Biraj Hazarika, “Voting Behaviour in India and its Determinants”, Journal of Humanities and Social
Science, Vol. 20, No.10, October 2015, pp.22-25.
248
43.83
41.38
Mandi
45
Kangra
40
31.72
28.77
35
Percentage (%)
30
19.86
25
14.48
20
12.42
15
7.54
10
5
0
0
0
Candidate Religion Caste Education Party
Response
Respond Views Regarding Influence on the Voting

respondents 124 respondents casted their
votes in elections based on the merit of the candidate,
candidate which constitute 42.61 per cent
of the total sample, whereas 29 respondents casted their votes on the basis of caste,
caste
sample
candidate
which constitute
te 30.24 per cent of the sample.
As far as Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents,

cent of the total sample, whereas 18 respondents casted their
their votes on the basis of caste,
caste
candidate
As far as Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents,

cent of the total sample, whereas 11 respondents casted their votes on the basis of caste,
caste
249
The comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that in majority the
respondents casted their votes in elections, keeping in mind the merits of the candidate.
There were so many factors, which affected the voting behaviour such as caste, religion
political party and education of the candidate. It was observed that the respondents
gave less importance to other factors, while casting their votes.
Participation of Women in Campaign Activities
Campaign activity, like voting, produces collective outcomes. It involves the

citizen in conflictual situations. But some initiative is required of the citizen; campaign
activity is clearly a more difficult political act than mere voting.97 The election
campaign started vigorously as the day of polling approached nearer. The Art of
campaigning is an amalgam of strategy, technique and plat-form. Its long term object is
party-building by persuading the people to accept the party’s programme, while in the
short run, it seeks to mobilize them in support of party candidates in support of party
candidates at the time of election.98 Like voting, participation in election campaign is a
part of electoral process. Through this mode of action, citizens can exert more influence
upon the political actors than they could do by voting. The vote, it exerts a great deal of
pressure on the leaders. But it can communicate more information about the
participant’s preferences because campaign activities are always in close contact with
candidate.99
The election campaign provides another sphere for women to participate in the
political process. The campaign strategy plays an important part in the electoral
process. The partied have organised regular forums, cell to mobilise and campaign
among women. The handbills, posters and public meetings etc. emphasise specific
promises for women. Recognising the significance of women voters, many political
parties of late, are deploying their women workers as campaigners to deal with women
voters. Women campaigners are sent for house to house visits. They usually enjoy the
advantage of mixing freely with all the members of the family during such visits.
However, it is obvious that the numbers of women are engaged in this sort of activity.
They attend a meeting only for a short time. It appears that, broadcasts through radio
and television also have been effective among women to an extent. Propaganda,
97
Equality, New York: Harper and Row, 1972, p. 52.
98
B. B. Jena and J. K. Baral, Election Politics and Voting Behaviour in India, Delhi: Discovery
Publishing House, 1989, p.140.
99
K.S. Pandhy and Purna Chandra Satapathy, Tribal India, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1989, p. 103.
250
publicity slogans and symbols generally kindle the interest of the illiterate women
voters.100
Women’s participation in election campaigning is a multi-interaction activity

that requires investing time and moving in public spaces outside their household.
Political parties in India in recent times have engaged in intense election campaigns and
have relied heavily on both print and electronic media to put forward their agenda
among the voters and solicit votes for the party during elections. But traditional
campaign method like holding rallies and meetings, distributing party agenda leaflets,
door to door canvassing by party workers and supporters, and road shows by party
leaders, still remain the more popular methods. Women in India have been actively
participating in election campaigns but their levels of participation need to be
numerically estimated to get a fair assessment of their engagement in this process. For
analysing the levels and trends of women’s participation in electoral competition as
campaigners in the last two general elections as electoral participation, index was
constructed on the following variables: attending election meetings participated in
rallies, door to door canvassing, donations to parties and distributing party agenda
leaflets.101 Thus, the participation in campaign activity is an important index of political
involvement and activism on the part of the people. A person who canvasses for a party
or a candidate or takes active part in various campaign activities, they are more
involved politically than a person, who merely takes part in voting. Table shows the
participation of women activists in campaign activities.
Table 4.16
Respondents Views Regarding Participation of Women in Campaign Activities
Sr.No Campaign Activities Mandi Kangra Total
Door to Door Campaigning with
1 70 48.27 69 47.26 139 47.77
in Village/Town
Campaigning outside the
2 8 5.52 20 13.69 28 9.62
Village/Town
3 Preparing Sticking Posters 8 5.52 10 6.85 18 6.18
4 Addressing Public Meeting 7 4.83 8 5.48 15 5.16
5 All the above 52 35.86 39 26.72 91 31.27
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
100
Kalpana Roy, Women and their Environment, Vol.1, Delhi: Rajat Publications, 1999, pp. 241-242.
101
and Political Weekly, Vol. 46, No. 3, January 2011, pp. 50-51.
251
48.27
47.26
Mandi
50
Kangra
35.86
40
26.72
Percentage (%)
30
13.69
20
6.85
5.52
5.52
5.48
4.83
10
0
Door to Door Campaigning Preparing Addressing All the above
Campaigning outside the Sticking Public
with in Village/Town Posters Meeting
Village/Town
Response
Fig.4.16: Respondents Views Regarding Participation of Women in Campaign
Activities
Table 4.16 indicates that,

that the out of 291 respondents, 139 respondents took part
in door to door campaigning with in village/town,
village/town which constitute 47.77 per cent of
the total sample, 28 respondents took part in campaigning outside the village/town,
which constitute 9.62 per cent of the sample, whereas 18 respondentss who took part in
the activity of preparing and sticking posters and distributing pamphlets,
pamphlets which
constitute 6.18 per cent of the sample, while 15 respondents who took part in the
campaigning activities like addressing public meetings, which constitute 5.16 per cent
of the sample.. Further, there were 91 respondents who took part in all activities in
campaigning, which constitute 31.27 per cent of the sample.
As far as district Mandi,

Mandi out of 145 respondents, 70 respondents took part in
door to door campaigning with in village/town,
village/town which constitute 48.27 per cent of the
total sample, 8 respondents took part in campaigning outside the village/town,
village/town which
constitute 5.52
52 per cent of the sample, whereas 8 respondents
respondents who took part in the
activity of preparing and sticking posters and distributing pamphlets,
pamphlets which constitute
activities like addressing public meetings,
meetings which constitutee 4.83 per cent of the sample.
252
As far as district Kangra, out of 146 respondents, 69 respondents took part in

door to door campaigning with in village/town, which constitute 47.26 per cent of the
total sample, 20 respondents took part in campaigning outside the village/town, which
constitute 13.69 per cent of the sample, whereas 10 respondents who took part in the
activity of preparing and sticking posters and distributing pamphlets, which constitute
activities like addressing public meetings, which constitute 5.48 per cent of the sample.
respondents take part in door to door campaigning with in village/town. Mandi district
was highly active in take part in campaigning as compared to district Kangra. It was
observed that women took part in door to door campaigning to elections. A person who
canvases for a party or a candidate or took active part in various campaign activities,
they were more involved in politically. Many younger women were becoming involved
in politics in more informal ways, such as social media campaigns.
Winning the Election First Time
In the present study an attempt has been made to know the opinion of the
respondents’ views regarding, won the election in first time.
Table 4.17
Respondents Views With Regard to Winning the Election
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 120 82.76 126 86.30 246 84.53
2 No 22 15.17 16 10.96 38 13.06
3 No Opinion 3 2.07 4 2.74 7 2.41
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
253
86.3
82.76
90 Mandi
80
Kangra
70
Percentage (%)
60
50
40
15.17
10.96
30
2.74
2.07
20
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.17: Respondents Views With Regard to Winning the Election
Table 4.18 depicts that out of 291 respondents,

respondents 246 respondents won the
election first time, which constituted 84.53 per cent of the total sample, whereas 38
respondents who did not win the election,
election which constitute 13.06 per cent of the
sample. There were 7 respondents who gave no opinion,
opinion which constitute 2.41 per cent
of the total sample.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents 120 respondents won the election first
time, which constituted 82.76
76 per cent of the total sample, whereas 22 respondents who
In district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 126 respondents won the election first
time, which constituted 86.30 per cent of the total sample, whereas 16 respondents who

respondents won the election in first time. It was observed that they take interest in
politics.
Level of Political Participation
Participation in politics is a right of every individual in a democratic setup. No

Institution can work successfully unless people participate in it. Panchayati Raj
254
Institutions are the essentially institutions of concern masses for the masses and their
success depends on the people’s participation.102 The 73rd amendment act provided
reservation of seats for women and this has raised new hopes. Achieving the goal of
equal participation of women and men in decision-making will provide a balance that
more accurately reflects the composition society and is needed in order to strengthen
democracy and to promote its proper functioning. Women’s equal participation in
decision-making is not only a demand for simple justice or democracy but can also
seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to taken into account. Without
active participation women at all levels of decision-making, the goal of equality,
development and peace cannot be achieved.103 Political participation of women is an
important determinant of their modernization. It enables women to come out of the
shackles of tradition and secluded life. It also leads to greater social and political
awareness among women. Women in politics could effectively represent opinions of
other women and also understand and deal effectively with the problems of society in
general and women in particular. Political participation of women equips them with
political competence, organizational abilities and belief in egalitarianism and
democratic planning.104 In the present study an attempt has been made to know the
opinion of the respondents by the level of their participation.
Table 4.18
Level of Political Participation of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Village level 107 73.79 101 69.18 208 71.48
2 Block Level 20 13.79 20 13.69 40 13.74
3 District Level 18 12.42 25 17.13 43 14.78
4 State Level 00 00 00 00 00 00
5 National Level 00 00 00 00 00 00
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
102
D. Sundar Ram, “Rural Development”, Third Concept, Vol. 14, No. 158, April 2004, p. 41.
103
S. Nagendra Ambedkar and Shilaja Nagendra (eds.), Women Empowerment and Panchayati Raj,
Jaipur: ABD Publishers, 2005, p. 200.
104
R. Indira and Deepak Kumar Behera (eds.), op.cit., 1999, p.122.
255
73.79
69.18
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
17.13
30
13.79
13.69
12.42
20
10
0
0
0
0
0
Village level Block Level District Level State Level National
Level
Response
Fig.4.18: Level of Political Participation of the Respondents

per cent of the sample, while 43 respondents who were
were contested election at the district

level, which constitute 12.42
.42 per cent of the sample.
Similarly in district Kangra,

Kangra out of 146 respondents, 101 respondents contested
the election from the village level,
whereas 20 respondents contested the election from block level, which constitute 13.69

respondents contested election from the village level. It was observed that village level
participation of women were increased
increase after reservation. But national and state
s level
participation is very dismal.
256
Age at the Time of First
irst Election
Age is important factor, which has greater influence on affecting political

participation. There is a general view that young and middle aged participates actively
in institutions. In the opinion of Nie, Verba, and Kim, age has a greater impact on
political participation. According
According to them, participation arises in early year’s picks in
middle ages and falls in later ages. Narayan Pillai has same view, as age is an important
factor in participation.105 Table shows the age at which the respondents contested the
election for the first time.
Table 4.19
Respondents view
vie Regarding Age at the Time of First
irst Election
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Sr.No Years Mandi Kangra
1 18-25 17 11.73 1 0.69 18 6.19
2 26-40 101 69.65 84 57.53 185 63.57
3 41-55 24 16.55 49 33.56 73 25.09
4 Above 55 3 2.07 12 8.22 15 5.15
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
69.65
Mandi
70
57.53 Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40 33.56
30
16.55
20 11.73
8.22
10 0.69 2.07
0
18-25 26-40 41-55 Above 55
Age in Years
Fig.4.19: Respondents view Regarding Age at the Time of First Election
The table 4.19 shows that out of 291 respondents,

elections for the first time at the age of 18-25
18 years, which constitute
constitut 6.19 per cent of
105
Usha Kiran, op.cit., 2016, p.121.
257
the sample, whereas 185 respondents contested the elections for the first time at the age
contested election for the first time at the age of 41-55 years and 15 respondents
contested election for the first time at the age of above 55 years. The percentage of such
respondents was 25.09 and 5.15 of the sample respectively.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 17 respondents contested the elections

for the first time at the age of 18-25 years, which constitute 11.73 per cent of the
sample. Therefore, 101 respondents contested the elections for the first time at the age
cent and 3 respondents contested election for the first time at the age of above 55 years.
The percentage of such respondents was 2.07 of the sample respectively.
As far in district Kangra out of 146 respondents 1 respondent contested the

elections for the first time at the age of 18-25 years, which constitute 0.69 per cent of
the sample. Therefore, 84 respondents contested the elections for the first time at the
age of 26-40 years, which constitute 57.53 per cent. There were 49 respondents who
cent and 12 respondents contested election for the first time at the age of above 55
years. The percentage of such respondents was 8.22 of the sample respectively.
contested election for the first time at the age of 26-40 years. In district Mandi 69.65
per cent of the respondents contested election for the first time at the age 26-40 years,
as compared to district Kangra 57.53 percent.
Motivation Factor
The participation of women in politics is essential to promote the interest of the

nation through laws and policies. Women’s participation in politics is mainly
influenced by the attitude of women towards politics, attitude of family and above all
the society. Women could play a very effective role in the pre-independence period,
mainly because both the attitude of women as well as of their family’s was favourable.
Gandhi’s personality inspired confidence not only in women, but in their guardians-
husbands, fathers and brothers, who did not object to their women folk coming out of
their sheltered homes to march in the streets.106
106
G. Palanithurai, Contemporary Issues in Development Dynamics, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers,
1999, pp.197-200.
258
Consequently, one of the key factors that determine their high levels of
participation in casting their votes is women’s interest in politics. Women’s interest in
politics is a pre-requisite for encouraging higher participation of women in formal
politics. Individual socio-demographics including education and income, socio-cultural
norms and caste are also associated with women’s opportunities in political
participation. Women’s level of participation in electoral politics depends on their
societal background and the levels of liberty and freedom enjoyed by them. Thus
women who exercise their own discretion in deciding whom to vote for, shows a higher
level of electoral competition as voters in electoral competition than those, whose
decisions are influenced by family and friends.107
However, women in India enjoy a unique status of equality with the men as per
constitutional and legal provision. But the Indian women have come a long way to
achieve the present positions. Reservation has resulted in bringing a novel group of
women representative into Panchayati Raj Institutions. With the provision of 73rd
Amendment, women representatives have ample scope for involvement in the process
of local government.108 Women have taken initiatives to evolve an able leader, the
support of family, self-confidence and society were major factors promoting her.109
Table show the respondent’s opinion regarding motivation factor of respondents to
contest the election.
Table 4.20
Respondents Opinion With Regard Motivation Factors
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Your Own Decision 42 28.97 38 26.03 80 27.49
2 Family Members 59 40.69 62 42.47 121 41.58
3 Friends/Relatives 18 12.41 8 5.48 26 8.94
4 Political Party 14 9.66 15 10.27 29 9.96
5 Others 12 8.27 23 15.75 35 12.03
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
107
108
Dasarathi Bhuyan, “Particpation in Panchayati Raj”, Yojana, Vol. 52, October 2008, p. 36.
109
S. Waseem Ahmad, et al., op.cit., 2008, pp. 670-671.
259
42.47
40.69
Mandi
50
Kangra
28.97
26.03
40
Percentage (%)
15.75
30
12.41
10.27
9.66
8.27
20
5.48
10
0
Response
Fig.4.20: Respondents’
pondents’ Opinion With Regard Motivation Factors
The table 4.20 indicates that out of 291 respondents,

respondents 80 respondents believed
that they were motivated themselves,
themselves which constitute 27.49 per cent of the total
sample, whereas 121 respondents believed that family motivated them to contest the
elections, which constitute 41.58
41 per cent of the sample. The 26 respondents believed
that their friends and relatives motivated
motivate them to contest the elections, which constitute
8.94 per cent of the respondents. There were 29 respondents which believed that
political parties motivated them to contest the elections,
elections which constitute 9.96 per cent
of the sample and 35 respondents contested
contested the election due to some others factors like
reservation of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipalities,
Municipalities which
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents,

respondents 42 respondents believed that they
th
elections
friends and relatives motivated them to contest the elections,
elections which constitute 12.41 per
motivated them to contest the elections,
elections which constitute 9.66 per cent of the sample
seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipalities,
Municipalities which constitute
rict Kangra out of 146 respondents,

In district respondents 38 respondents believed that they
260
friends and relatives motivated them to contest the elections, which constitute 5.48 per
motivated them to contest the elections, which constitute 10.27 per cent of the sample
seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipalities, which constitute
The comparative analysis of two districts reveals that the number of respondents
who believed that they were motivated by their family. Mandi district respondents were
less motivated by their family as compared to district Kangra. It was observed that
women got motivation from the family and relatives. There were some other factors i.e.
interest and political parties. These factors influence women to take part in politics.
Elections Contested on the Seats
Democracy implies government of the people and it postulates a popular set up

based essentially on the good will and support of the electorate. Elections are an
essential and inseparable part of the democratic process, without them the will of the
people cannot be determined. When the term participation is involved, elections
continue to be the focal point to study the phenomenon of the participation. Elections to
representative institutions are the means for democratic freedom of society and modus
operandi of political development. Political participation has become an important tool
for the understanding of political process in democracy. Election not only provides an
opportunity to people for choosing their representatives but also gives them a scope for
participation. Elections are prominent, as they reveal aspects of the most contemporary
political setup and also dramatize the political system. Political participation depends
upon the nature of environment and demographic factors. The participation of the
citizen in the process of elections through the exercise of their voting rights lends
effective legitimacy to the political system. Participation in electoral process is a key
feature in political participation. In the context of voting behaviour, political
participation has acquired a new and dynamic connotation than generally understood in
traditional terminology.110
In a democracy, elections constitute a major political activity for the people.

Election is an important process in the politics of the country.111 Elections are a proven
means for modern societies to establish legitimate and relatively stable government.
110
111
Vina Mazumdar, Symbols of Power, Bombay: Allied Publishers Private Limited, 1979, p. 174.
261
They secure peoples participation in public affairs, ensure orderly transfer of power and
the authority of government with legitimacy. It provides
provide an opportunity to the people to
express their faith in the government from time to time and change it.
it When
W needed
much more significant, they highlight and dramatize a political system and open up
channels between the polity and the society, between the elite
elite and the masses and
between the individual and government. The Indian Constitution makers have given a
great importance to the electoral process. Therefore, many provisions have been made
in the constitution for a free and fair electoral process.112 The election system is a
political device through which,
which the modern state creates among its citizens a sense of
involvement and participation in public affairs.113 Table shows the categories of the
seats on which the respondents contested the election.
Table 4.21
Respondents View Regarding Elections Contested on the Seats
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
No. %Age No. %Age No. %Age
1 Reserved for Women 71 48.96 55 37.67 126 43.29
2 Reserved for SCs Women 67 46.21 39 26.71 106 36.43
3 Reserved for STs Women 2 1.38 11 7.54 13 4.47
4 Reserved for OBCs Women 5 3.45 41 28.08 46 15.81
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
48.96
46.21
37.67
50
45
28.08
40
26.71
Percentage (%)
35
30
25
20 Mandi
7.54
15
3.45
Kangra
1.38
10
5
0
Reserved for Reserved for Reserved for Reserved for
Women SCs Women STs Women OBCs Women
Response
Fig.4.21: Respondents View Regarding Elections Contested on the Seats
112
Tara, “Electoral Process in India”,
India Vidhanmala, Year 7, No.1, June 2014, p. 45.
113
Kalpana Roy, op.cit., 1999, p. 87.
262
It is clear from the above table 4.21 that out of 291 respondents, 126
respondents contested the election from the reserved seat for women, which constitute
43.29 per cent of the sample, while 106 respondents contested from the reserved for
SCs women, which constitute 36.43 per cent of the sample. There were 13 respondents
who contested elections from the reserved category for STs, which constitute 4.47 per
cent of the sample and 46 respondents contested election for OBCs women, which
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 71 respondents contested the election

sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 55 respondents contested the election

sample.
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals the categories of the seats
on, which the respondents contested the elections. Majority of the respondents in whole
sample 43.29 per cent, in Mandi district 48.46 per cent and in Kangra district 37.67 per
cent contested the elections from the reserved seats for women. This percentage further
increased in the respondents, who contested the elections from the seats reserved for
SCs women. It was observed that women generally get an opportunity to contest the
elections only on those seats, which are reserved for women.
The public rallies, protest, strikes and bandh calls are the important modes of
political participation. Participation in processions, rallies, demonstrations and
contacting party leaders and members of the bureaucracy are quite important activities
263
in the sense thatt these not only introduce a person into politics but also enable him to
influence decision-making.
making. Strikes, dharnas, riots, political assassinations, non-voting,
non
gheraos and other anomic activities,
activities which though old have been inducted into the
political process.114 Political participation through strikes/protests/ bandh call are such
activities, which include demonstration, riots and other form of civil violence through
which citizens try to pressurize or intimate the government.115 Table shows that,
that
responses of the respondents regarding their participating in public rallies.
Table 4.22
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 87 60.00 93 63.69 180 61.86
2 No 41 28.28 39 26.72 80 27.49
3 No Opinion 17 11.72 14 9.59 31 10.65
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
70 63.69
60 Mandi
60 Kangra
50
Percentage (%)
40
28.28 26.72
30
20 11.72
9.59
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.22: Participation in Strikes/Protest/Bandh Calls
114
S. Bhatnagar, Political Theory,, New Delhi: Meenakashi Prakashan, 1984, p. 280.
115
Ali Ashraf and L. N. Sharma, Political Sociology,
Sociology Madras: Universities Press, 1983, p. 144.
264
participated in strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitutes 61.86 per cent. However
80 respondents were not participated in strikes/protests/bandh calls. The percentage of
such respondents was 27.49. There were 31 respondents, did not give their opinion
about participation in strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitutes 10.65 per cent of
the sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 87 respondents participated in

strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitute the total sample 60.00 per cent. However
41 respondents did not participated in strikes/protests/bandh calls. The percentage of
such respondents was 28.28 per cent. Therefore, 17 respondents did not give their
opinion about participation in strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitute 11.72 per
cent of the sample.
In district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 93 respondents participated in

strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitute 63.69 per cent. There were 39 respondents
were not participated in strikes/protests/bandh calls, which constitutes 26.72 per cent of
the sample. However, 14 respondents did not give their opinion about participation in
strikes/protests/bandh calls. The percentage of such respondents was 9.59 per cent of
the total.
respondents participated in strike/protest/bandh calls. It was observed that these are the
important modes of political participation in political process.
Source of Political Information
Media is considered as the fourth pillar of the society and democratic medium
of information. Media has the power to pressurize and criticize the drawbacks of
democracy. The electronic media particularly television, has become the most
influential medium of mass communication in India. It is high time now that women
should get a respectable and dignified position in the Indian society. Awareness in the
women as well as society should be created and their equal rights should be effectively
implemented. In the era of globalization and with revolution in means of
communication and information technology, the media role has become more crucial
for women empowerment in India.116
116
Political Science, Vol. 72, No. 1, January-March 2011, pp. 98-101.
265
The mass media-often referred to as just, the media-are usually understood with
reference to the printed press and to radio and television broadcasters. In recent years,
the definition has perhaps become broader, encompassing internet, mobile phones,
social media, such as blogs and micro-blogs, social networking websites like facebook,
video-sharing sites, such as You Tube and others. There is no doubt that the media play
a very significant role in the life of all human societies. It provides the conduit
necessary for all kinds of communication that helps societies to exist and function.
In Modern democratic societies, which entails representative government, the
media play the very essential role of ensuring that information vital to the existence,
survival and development of constituents, available to them in a timely, equitable fair
and balanced manner. The media can also play a more specific part in enabling full
public participation in elections, not only by reporting on the performance of
government. Media also provides information about the constituencies and various
human development index parameters, offering chances for people to comment on the
work done by their elected representatives and providing feedbacks to the candidate.
Emerging as a potentially powerful force, electronic media has also been playing a
similar role to that of print media in conducting free and fair elections.117 It is of course
a well known fact that better informed persons would be more aware and will
participate more in politics than the less formed ones. Information enhances the
knowledge about politics, political objects and working of the political system. While
political parties are a good source of political information, people can get information’s
through a variety of media sources. Citizens learn about politics and the government
from the news, they watch on television, read newspapers and from on social media.
Media discounted the effect of mass communications on elections.118 Table gives a
description of the sources of political information of the respondents.
117
Gurpreet Randhawa, “Role of the Media in Indian Electoral Process”, Vidhanmala, Year 7, No. 1,
June 2014, pp. 70-71.
118
Rahul Verma and Shreyas Sardeshari, “Does Media Exposure Affect Voting Behaviours
and Political Preference in India”, Economic and Politically Weekly, Vol. 49, No. 39, September
2014, p. 83.
266
Table 4.23
Source of Political Information of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Members of the Family 38 26.21 25 17.13 63 21.65
2 News Papers 11 7.59 13 8.91 24 8.25
3 Radio 19 13.10 20 13.69 39 13.40
4 Television 58 40.00 65 44.52 123 42.27
5 Others 19 13.10 23 15.75 42 14.43
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
44.52
Mandi
50
40
Kangra
40
26.21
Percentage (%)
30
17.13
13.69
13.1
20
8.91
7.59
10
0
Members of the News Papers Radio Television
Family
Response
Fig.4.23: Source of Political Information of the Respondents
It is evident from the table 4.23 that out of 291 respondents,

provided political information through their family members,
members which constitute 21.65
information was reading newspapers,
newspapers which constitute 8.25 per cent of the sample.
sample
There were 39 respondents that seek
s political information from radio
adio, which constitute
13.40 percent of the sample.
sample Majority of the 123 respondents seek political information
from television, which constitute 42.27 per cent of the sample.
sample However, 42
267
cent of the sample.

cent of the sample.
As far as district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents, 25 respondents

cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of the both district reveals that the main sources of
political information were television, newspaper, radio and social media. In district
Kangra 44.52 per cent and in districts Mandi 40.00 per cent respondents seek
information from television followed by family members, reading newspaper, radio and
other sources. It was observed that in both districts majority of the respondents seek
information from television. These sources gave political information to the women
and made them aware about their rights and got information about the state, national
and international levels. It can have a huge influence on election outcomes.
Party Affiliation
A party in the most general sense of the word is a body of persons, who are
united in opinion or action, as distinguished from or opposed to the rest of a community
268
or association.119 Political parties are groups organized for the purpose of achieving and
exercising power within a political system. The roles of political parties are inevitable
in a parliamentary system. Parties are playing a key role in democracy in the world.
The 20th century saw the spread of political parties throughout the entire world. Modern
political parties are institutions that can function in widely divergent political
situations. 120 Maciver defined political party as “an association organised in support of
some principle or the policy, which by constitutional means endeavours to make the
determinant of the government”. This definition focussed attention on the associated
and the organised aspects of a political party, while bringing about the rational for its
existence in terms of some guiding principle or policy and linking the same to political
power as exercised by the government. Political parties are the closely connected with
government, and thus, in decision-making position. The parties furnish the government
with personnel. In order to socialise the masses effective, every political party must
have competent leadership. Party workers or cadres must establish contacts with the
people on a regular basis so as to aggregate and articulate their interests, educate them
politically, and thereby, secure their support for the party. The party officers and
workers aim at imbibing the ordinary members with the party spirit, imparting party
ideologies and motivating them to be active in implementation of party programmes.121
According to Sh. Narayan’s conception of the panchayats, is completely free

from the poison of political strife and is linked with his idea of a Partyless Democracy.
He supports his thesis by emphasising that if the political parties actively contest the
Panchayat Elections, they are bound to bring with them the political rivalry from the
centre down to the grass-roots, there by spoiling the peace in Indian village. Political
parties through their involvement in politics will focus on the attention of the rural
people on national issues. They will act as important media of modernization in
villages. Political parties can strengthen the roots of Indian democracy by involving in
the mainstream of Indian politics. Political parties have to act as a great instrument for
the politicization of the masses.122 Political parties are the sinews of Indian democratic
polity. They have profound effects on the process of social, economic and political
119
Edwin R.A. Seligman, “Parties, Political”, Encyclopedia of Social Science, New York: The
Macmillan Publishing Company, Vol. 11-12, 1959, p. 590.
120
New Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. William Benton, New York: William Benton Publishers, Vol. 14,
New York, 1943, p. 677.
121
Niroj Sinha, Women in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2006, p.142.
122
A.K. Majumdar and Bhanwar Singh, Panchayat Politics and Community Development, New Delhi:
Radha Publications, 1996, pp.118-134.
269
changes. Further, the working of the party system as well as the role of political leaders
significantly, influences the process of modernization so as crucial to developing
society like India. The development of Indian party system can be traced to the freedom
movement days, which resulted in the wide-ranging political recruitment, vast political
socialisation and mobilisation of the masses.123
A political party is probably the most potent instrument in facilitating political

participation. The party is a powerful reference group in its own right for the party
candidates and influences the electorate during the elections to vote for the party
candidate. People who affiliate with a party get more benefits than those, who do not
have affiliation with a political party. More often, the impact of political party and its
policies are visible on the party candidates.124 The Indian party system has witnessed,
several important transformations over the past sixty years. Due to the emergence of
new parties and decay of old parties, the party system has changed significantly today
since the time of independence.125 Political parties provide procedures for actions as
well as the motivation to act. They provide a set of valued objectives. Political parties
try to reinforce the existing political culture or try to change it. Party identification is
significant in shaping our political attitudes. Identifying a particular party by persons,
depends upon general factors. Participation in political activities involves time, energy
and resources. Political parties offer themselves as a mean to an individual for effective
and meaningful participation.126
Mainstream political parties became conscious of women as a constituency and

this was reflected in their election manifestoes and their considering women as
candidates with potential votes. However, this did not translate into more seats for
women in the political bodies and most parties resorted to tokenism and symbolism,
when it came to representation of women.127 The Indian political parties are categorized
into two main types- National Level and State Level Parties. The national parties are
those political parties, which participate in different elections all over India. For
123
Pratap Chandra Swain, “Dynamics of the Indian Party System”, The Indian Journal of Political
Science, Vol. 69, No. 1, January-March 2008, pp. 59- 60.
124
P.V. Krishna, “Participation and Awareness of Elected Women Representatives in PRIs”, Voice of
Research, Vol. 2, No.4, March 2014, p. 46.
125
Rajshree Dutta, “Measuring Party System Change in India: An Analysis at the National and at the
Level of States, 1952-2009”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol.72, No.3, July-
126
Kalpna Roy, op.cit., 1999, p. 150.
127
2014, pp. 48-50.
270
example, Indian National Congress, Bhartiya Janta Party, Samajwadi Party, Communist
Party, Communist Party of India (Marxist) and some other parties.128 Table deals with
party affiliation to leadership
leader at the politics.
Table 4.24
Parties Affiliation of the Respondents

Party Affiliation Mandi Kangra Total
Sr.No
(Membership)
%
No. % age No. % age No.
age
1 Indian National Congress 80 55.18 76 52.06 156 53.61
2 Bhartiya Janta Party 49 33.79 55 37.67 104 35.74
3 CPI 2 1.38 1 0.69 3 1.03
4 BSP 3 2.07 5 3.42 8 2.75
5 Others 11 7.58 9 6.16 20 6.87
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
55.18
52.06
60 Mandi
Kangra
50
37.67
33.79
Percentage (%)
40
30
20
7.58
6.16
3.42
10
2.07
1.38
0.69
0
Indian Bhartiya Janta CPI BSP Others
National Party
Congress Party Affiliation
Fig. 4.24: Parties Affiliation of the Respondents
128
Ramesh Kumar, “Political Parties in India and the United Sates: A Comparative Analysis”,
Analysis” The
Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 72, No. 2, April-June 2011, pp. 555-556.
556.
271
Table 4.24 shows that all 145 respondents were interviewed from Mandi district
and 146 respondents were interviewed in district Kangra. Out of 291 respondents, 156
respondents were affiliated with the Indian National Congress Party, which constitutes
53.61 per cent of the sample, whereas 104 respondents were affiliated with the BJP,
which constitute 35.74 per cent of the sample. There were hardly a few 3 respondents,
who were affiliated with CPI. The percentages of such respondents were 1.03 per cent
of the sample, while 8 respondents were affiliated with the BSP, which constitute 2.75
per cent of the sample. There were 20 respondents who were not active in any political
party, which constitute 6.87 per cent of the sample.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents 80 respondents were affiliated with

per cent of the sample. There were hardly a few 2 respondents, who were affiliated with
CPI. The percentages of such respondents were 1.38 per cent of the sample, while, 3
respondents were affiliated with the BSP which constitute 2.07 per cent of the sample.
There were 11 respondents who were not active in any political party, which constitute
In district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 76 respondents were affiliated with

per cent of the sample and 1 respondents who was affiliated with CPI, which constitute
0.69 per cent of the sample, while 5 respondents were affiliated with the BSP, which
constitute 3.42 per cent of the sample. There were 9 respondents who were not active in
any political party, which constitute 6.16 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of the both districts reveals that political party plays
an important role in determining women’s participation in politics. It is evident from
the table 4.24 that on an average percentage of the respondents got membership of
political parties. Majority of the respondents in both district were the members of the
Congress Party. It was observed that some respondents tried to hide their political
affiliation.
272
Type of Party Membership
Political parties play significant role in strengthening the process of democracy

and consolidating the foundations of democracy.129 Participation in a political party as
an active member is considered to be an indication of deep involvement in politics. In a
democratic society, a political party is the most important link to unite the people with
leadership. Political parties articulate interests and demands of the people and convert
them into policy formulations and thus perform the function of interest aggregation.130
Political parties also provide an opportunity to party activists to be elected as leaders
and install them as decision-makers to play an effective and vital role in the political
system.131 According to Milbrath, “Psychological identification with a party, formal
membership through payment of dues, and active participation in party affairs are the
three ways in which person can be a party member.”132 Political parties often attempt
to increase the participation of inactive groups. Political parties help citizens to
interpret political information and event. The articulate parties have high rate of people
participation. A personal contact with party workers is more impressive way to vote or
participate. Party identification also reflects the participation and it has an independent
effect on participation and also reduces participation disparity between social groups.
Clarity and attractiveness of issues mainly affect education day turnout and other
political activities. Flow of propaganda also influence the participation. Political
development and modernization, change the participatory patterns in new nations.
More modernized societies have higher political participation level than that of the less
modernized ones.133 Hence political parties generally have ordinary and active
members in their organizations. Ordinary members are passive members, who just get
enrolment in the party and do not participate actively in party activities whereas other
hand, active members are active party workers and take active part in party affairs.
Table shows that the type of party membership of the respondents.
129
Ibid.,
130
Gabriel A. Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach,
New Dehli: Amerind Publishers, 1975, pp. 98-100.
131
132
Lester W. Milbrath, Political Participation: How and Why do People Get Involved in Politics?, 1st
edition, Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965, p. 25.
133
Lester W. Milbrath and M.L. Goel, Political Participation How and Why do People Get Involved in
Politics, 2nd edition, Chicago: Rand McNally Publication, 1977, p. 33.
273
Table 4.25
Respondents Opinion about Type of Party Membership
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Active 80 55.17 84 57.53 164 56.36
2 Inactive 58 40.00 57 39.04 115 39.52
3 No Opinion 7 4.83 5 3.43 12 4.12
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
57.53 Mandi
60 55.17
Kangra
50
40 39.04
Percentage (%)
40
30
20
10 4.83 3.43
0
Active Inactive No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.25: Respondents Opinion about Type of Party Membership
Table 4.25 shows that out of 291 respondents, 164 respondents were the active
Whereas, 115 respondents who were inactive member of political parties,
parties which
opinion about the membership of political
politic parties, which constitute 4.12 per cent of the
sample.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents, 80 respondents were the active

274
opinion about the membership of political parties, which constitute 4.83 per cent of the
sample.
In district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 84 respondents were the active

constitute 39.04 per cent of the sample. There were 5 respondents who did not give
their opinion about the membership of political parties, which constitute 3.43 per cent
of the sample.
The comparative analysis of the both district reveals that in Kangra 57.53 per
cent of the respondents were active members of political parties as compare to Mandi
district (55.17%). It is found that in both districts women had active membership and
were office bearers of different political parties. Almost all political parties set up a
women’s cell or wing but they worked as ancillary bodies. Very few women were able
to capture seats of power. The number of women in the legislatures remained very
small. Very few women reached the position of party president or leader of legislative
party. More recently, major political parties have indeed made conscious efforts to
induct more women into the various levels of the party organisation.
Financial Contribution to a Party/ Candidate
The respondents made some financial contribution to a party/candidate. Table

shows the response of the respondents in this regard.
Table 4.26
Views Regarding Financial Contribution to a Party/Candidate
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 49 33.79 56 38.35 105 36.08
2 No 94 64.83 86 58.91 180 61.86
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 4 2.74 6 2.06
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
275
64.83 Mandi
70
Kangra
58.91
60
50
Percentage (%)
38.35
40 33.79
30
20
10 2.74
1.38
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.26: Views Regarding Financial Contribution to a Party/Candidate
It is evident of the table 4.26 that out of 291 respondents, 105 respondents who
contributed financially
ancially to a party/candidates,
party/ which constitute 36.08 per cent of the
total sample. Whereas 180 respondents did not contribute financially to any party or
who did not express any opinion about the financial contribution to a party
part or
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents, 49 respondents who contributed

cont
financially to a party/candidate
candidate, which constitute 33.79 per cent of the total sample.
Whereas, 94 respondents did not contribute financially to any party or candidate,
candidate which
constitute 64.83 per cent of the sample. There were 2 respondents who did not express
any opinion about the financial contribution to a party or candidate, which constitute
As far as in district Kangra,

Kangra out of 146 respondents, 56 respondents who
contributed financially to a party/candidate,
party/ which constitute 38.35 per cent of the total
sample. Whereas, 86 respondents did not contribute financially to any party or
who did not express any opinion about the financial contribution to a party or
The comparative
ve analysis of the two district reveals financial contributions
contribution to a
party or candidate. In district
strict Kangra (38.35%)
(38.35%) respondents who contributed
contribute financially
276
to a party or candidate as compared to Mandi district (33.79%). Majority of the
respondents did not contribute financially to any party/candidate. It was observed that
the majority of the respondents in the sample were not financially self-sufficient.
Membership of Voluntary Organisation
Voluntary Organizations are not merely the provider of social services to the
needy persons but are actively involved in accelerating the process of development. At
many places, they are an important link between the people and the administration. All
voluntary organisations are positive genuine, authentic and committed to development.
Voluntary organisations are charitable, service delivery, welfare oriented, relief and
rehabilitation type of voluntary organisation, which primarily work at the grass-roots
level to alleviate sufferings of the poor and the marginalised, to respond to failure in
government service by filling gaps in social services delivery and in the welfare of the
weaker sections.134
NGO denotes all organisations outside the governmental sector. These

institutions are known variously as voluntary organizations, non-governmental
organizations, community based organizations, self-help groups, etc. Self-governing
charitable initiative and non-governmental organisations engaged in or supporting
developmental efforts focuses on the poor, and emphasizes democratization,
decentralization and popular participation.135 The Table shows that membership of
voluntary organisation as follows:
Table 4.27
Respondents Views Regarding Membership of Voluntary Organisations
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 118 81.38 110 75.34 228 78.35
2 No 25 17.24 28 19.18 53 18.21
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 8 5.48 10 3.44
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
134
R. Srinivsan, “Emerging Trends in NGO Sector: A Study of Tamil Nadu”, The Indian Journal of
Political Science, Vol. 66, No.2, April-June 2005, pp. 273-274.
135
Ibid., p. 276.
277
Mandi
90 81.38
Kangra
75.34
80
70
Percentage (%)
60
50
40
30
17.24 19.18
20
5.48
10 1.38
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.27: Respondents Views Regarding Membership of Voluntary Organisations
Table 4.27 shows that out of 291 respondents, 228 respondents were members
of one or the other voluntary organisations,
organisation which constitute 78.35 per cent of the total
sample. Whereas, 53 respondents were not the members of voluntary organisations,
organisations
which constitute 18.21 per cent of the sample. There were 10 respondents who did not
give their opinion about the member of the voluntary organisations,
organisations which constitute
The district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents, 118 respondents
were members of one or the other voluntary
volunt organisations, which constitute 81.38 per
cent of the total sample. Whereas,
Whereas 25 respondents were not the members of voluntary
organisations, which constitute 17.24 per cent of the sample. There were 2 respondents
who did not give their opinion about the member of the voluntary organisations,
organisations which
Similarly district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents,

respondents 110
respondents were members of one or the other voluntary organisations,
organisation which
constitute 75.34 per cent of the total sample. Whereas 28 respondents were not the
members of voluntary organisations,
organisations which constitute 19.18 per cent of the sample,
while 8 respondents
ndents who did not give their opinion about the member of the voluntary
organisations, which constitute 5.48 per cent of the sample.
278
respondents were the members of one or other organisations. In district Mandi
percentage was higher with (81.38%) percent of the respondents who have the some
knowledge of the different economic and social organisations or associations working
for the welfare and uplift of women as compared to district Kangra (75.34%). It was
found that these organisation uplift women in all fields. There was a great influence of
family upon membership in voluntary organisations. Voluntary organisations attracted
rich people more than the poor. They solve their problems as well as, to serve the
weaker sections of the society.
Attending Party/Organisational Meetings
Attending party/organisational meetings is also one of the important modes of

political participation. Election meeting are one of the important media for approaching
the electorate collectively, which is used to inform the electorate about the party, its
programme and symbol, as also for introducing the candidates to the electorate. This is
also important because it gives an opportunity to the candidate and the party to
demonstrate to the rival candidates about their strength and the support that they
command. An effort is made to mobilize as large number of people to attend a public
136
meeting as possible. Praveen Rai analysed the levels and trends of women’s
participation in electoral competition as campaigners in the last two general elections,
an electoral participation index was constructed on following variables; attending
election meetings, participated in rallies, door to door canvassing, donations to parties
and distributing party agenda leaflets. Indian women are now actively participating in
campaign activities that are not more intensive but very much a form of active
participation as compared to voting in elections. One of the main reasons for increased
participation of women in election campaign activities is due to higher mobilisation by
political parties by including women in their campaign programmes. It seems that
political parties seem quite keen and enthusiastic in treating women as constituencies
and campaigners, but run shy of allotting adequate number of seats to them in elections
and in sharing political power.137 Table shows the participation of the respondents in
party or organisational meetings.
136
S.P. Varma and Iqbal Narain, Voting Behaviour in Changing Society, Delhi: National Publishing
House, 1973, p. 276.
137
Praveen Rai, op.cit, 2011, p. 51.
279
Table 4.28
Respondents Views on Attending Party/Organisational Meetings
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 103 71.03 100 68.49 203 69.75
2 No 28 19.31 37 25.34 65 22.34
3 No Opinion 14 9.66 9 6.17 23 7.91
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
Mandi
80 71.03
68.49 Kangra
70
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
30 25.34
19.31
20
9.66
6.17
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.28: Respondents Views on Attending Party/Organisational Meetings
attended party and organizational meeting regularly,
75 per cent of
the total sample. Whereas 65 respondents did not attend the meeting regularly,
regularly which
constitute 22.34 per cent of the sample. There were 23 respondents who had no opinion
about attending the meetings, which constitute 7.91
91 per cent of the sample.

respondents 103 respondents attended party and
organizational meeting regularly,
Whereas 28 respondents did not attend the meeting regularly,
per cent of the sample. There were 14 respondents who had no opinion about attending
the meetings, which constitute 9.66 per cent of the sample.
280
Similarly in district Kangra, out of 146 respondents, 100 respondents attended
party and organizational meeting regularly, which constitute 68.49 per cent of the total
sample. Whereas 37 respondents did not attend the meeting regularly, which constitute
25.34 per cent of the sample. There were 9 respondents who had no opinion about
attending the meetings, which constitute 6.17 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of the two district depicts that majority of respondents
attended the party/organizational meeting regularly. In district Mandi the number of
respondents (71.03%) attending party and organizational meeting, was higher as
compared to Kangra district 68.49%). It was found that majority of the respondents had
accepted that they raised their voice on various issues in the meetings.
Knowledge of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act
Seventy third Amendment to the Constitution of India provides a new

dimension to the old concept of Panchayati Raj in India. After Independence, the
community development programme was launched on 2nd October 1952. The
chairmanship of Sh. Balwantrai Mehta, which was appointed to evaluate the
programme, diagnosed that the programme has not evoked popular enthusiasm and
participation. It should be entrusted to the self-governing elected bodies at the
grassroots level. The committee recommended a three-tier structure of Gram
Panchayats, Panchayat Samitis and Zila Parishad at the village, block and district level
respectively. Following the recommendations of Balwantrai Mehta Study Group,
Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh became the leading states, where Panchayati Raj pattern
recommended by Balwantrai Mehta team was followed in 1959.138 The appointment of
Ashok Mehta Committee in 1977 by Janta Party government at centre to revitalize the
Panchayati Raj structure was the only major step taken in this direction, during this
period. This committee submitted its report in 1978, which was partially implemented
in some states, as the Janata Party government at the centre lost the power. Panchayati
Raj in India entered into its last but latest phase of revival from 1983 onwards. The
central government headed by Rajiv Gandhi made certain serious attempts to involve
PRIs in the mainstream of India politics. This process led to the formation of a series
of steps on the part of the Central Government in connection with PRIs, which include
138
M. P. Dubbey and Munni Padalia (eds.), Democratic Decentralisation and Panchayati Raj in India,
281
the appointment of G.V.K. Rao Committee (1985), L. M. Singhvi Committee (1986),
Chief Secretaries Conference (1988), Thungon Committee (1988) and the introduction
of constitution (Sixty-fourth) Amendment Bill, 1989. Therefore P. V. Narsimha Rao,
who became Prime Minister in 1991, was able to get the 73rd Amendment enacted in
1992 by building a consensus in its favour. The 73rd Amendment not only gave a
constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj Institutions but also provided for its uniform
structure in all the states. This amendment also made provisions for the increase in the
powers and resources of these institutions. 139 With a view to bring law relating to the
Panchayats in conformity with provisions of the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act,
the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1968 has replaced and the Himachal Pradesh
Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 was enacted with effect from April 23, 1994.140
Any institution’s innovation, which does not reach the common man and fails to
ameliorate the conditions of the people, does not serve anything, but results in futile
experiment. The Panchayati Raj system, looked at from a historical perspective, has
had its ups and downs. Various forces have worked against the system, despite its
inbuilt strength and advantages to suit the nation. For the successful working of the
Panchayati Raj system, people’s participation is considered very important and an
effort is always made to educate the masses for their full participation and active
involvement. So, people’s perception of Panchayati Raj is an important yardstick.
Absence of awareness of the system in general and the institutions as well as their
functions in particular would result in slow progress or no progress.141 The 73rd Act is
landmark legislation, which has brought empowerment of the Panchayati Raj
Institutions and has ensured the transfer of power from the state to the Panchayati Raj
Institutions to be exercised by the people.142 Thus empowering women is one of the
major issues of Indian polity and Himachal Pradesh government today. Women can be
empowered through the knowledge and the working of Gram Sabha under the
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994. The awareness of the new Panchayati Raj
Act is given in the table as follows:
139
Ibid., pp. 96-97.
140
Simi Agnihotri and Vijay Singh, “Women Empowerment through Reservation in Panchayati Raj
Institutions in Himachal Pradesh”, Indian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 60, No.3, July-
141
K.C Vidya, op.cit., 2007, pp.138-139.
142
Mathew C. Kunnumkal, “Grassroots Level Democracy in Indian an Assessment”, Yojana, Vol. 55,
February 2011, p. 6.
282
Table 4.29
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 57 39.31 60 41.09 117 40.21
2 No 61 42.07 64 43.84 125 42.95
3 No Opinion 27 18.62 22 15.07 49 16.84
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
43.84
42.07
41.09
39.31
45
40
35
30
18.62
Percentage (%)
25
15.07
Mandi
20
15 Kangra
10
5
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
It is evident from the table 4.29 that out 291 respondents, 117 respondents were
fully aware of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati
Panchayat Raj Act, which constitute 40.21 of the
total sample. Whereas 125 respondents were not aware about this act,
act which constitute
42.95 per cent
ent of the sample.
sam There were 49 respondents held no opinion on either side.
The percentage
age of such respondents was 16.84 of the total sample.
As far as in district Mandi was concerned,

con out of 145 respondents, 57
respondents were fully aware of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati
Panchayat Raj Act, which
constitute 39.31 of the total
otal sample. Whereas, 61 respondents were not aware about this
283
respondents were fully aware of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, which
constitute 41.09 of the total sample. Whereas, 64 respondents were not aware about this
The comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that in district Kangra the
elected women representatives were more aware about Panchayati Raj System in
comparison to district Mandi. It was clear from the table, women to a certain extent
were aware of the functioning of Panchayati Raj Act. But most of the women were
unaware of the functioning of Panchayati Raj System.
Participation of Women in PRIs
India is perhaps the first country to recognise the social fact underlined by
Lenin on the International Working Women’s Day in 1921. There has been taken
concrete measures to draw women into leadership positions and thereby into politics by
giving them one third reservation, in what may now be called the third tier of
governance the Panchayati Raj. The constitutional amendment providing one-third
representation to women in elected bodies as well as reserving one third of the offices
of chairpersons for them will have far-reaching consequences in Indian political and
social life.143 The 73rd Amendment to the Indian Constitution aimed at the
empowerment of women by making provision for the reservation of one-third share for
women in the Panchayati Raj Institutions.144
The 73rd Amendment has created silent revolution in the country. It has created
appropriate social, economic and political conditions that enabled women participation
in the local government institutions. Additionally, this is also of great significance as
women have a definite voice in the process of governance.145 Women reservation
(33%) has been provided by the Amendment in Panchayati Raj Act 1994, and
Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Amendment Act, 2008 has provided 50 per cent
reservation of seats for women in PRIs and urban local bodies, which is a historical
step for the political empowerment of women. The experiment of 50 per cent
143
Ajit Pal Singh, “Women’s Participation at the Grassroot Level: An Analysis”, Mainstream,
Vol. 47, No.12, March 2009, p. 25.
144
S. S. Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p.76.
145
December 2008, pp. 56-57.
284
reservation of seats for women in PRIs and urban local bodies has been successful in
the state. Before 1995, women’s representation
representatio in local self-governments
governments was up to,
to
two women in all bodies. After 1995, it has increased to minimum 33 per cent and now
50 per cent, since 2010 elections to the PRIs and urban local bodies.146 This is for the
first time in our history that an opportunity
opportunity has been provided for such substantial entry
of women in public life and large numbers have come forward to tackle the challenge
of leadership at all levels of Panchayats. In fact, right from the days of freedom struggle
the Indian women have been consistently
consis encouraged of to take part in the active
politics. 147
Table 4.30
Respondents Opinion with Regard to Women Participation in the PRIs
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 112 77.24 107 73.28 219 75.25
2 No 30 20.69 28 19.18 58 19.94
3 No Opinion 3 2.07 11 7.54 14 4.81
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
77.24 Mandi
80 73.28 Kangra
70
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
30 20.69 19.18
20
7.54
10 2.07
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.30: Respondents Opinion with Regard to Women Participation in the PRIs
146
Sarbjeet Singh and Pankaj Dodh (eds.), Gender Justice and Women Empowerment:
Empowerment An Integrated
Approach,, New Delhi: Regal Publications, 2013, pp. 322-323.
322
147
M.R. Biju, Panchayati Raj System in India, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2008, p.161.
285
were satisfied with their participation in the PRIs, which constitute 75.25 of the total
sample. Whereas 58 respondents were not satisfied with the participation of women in
the PRIs, which constitute 19.94 per cent. There were 14 respondents who expressed no
opinion on either side. The percentage of such respondents was 4.81 of the total
sample.
As far as in district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents, 112

of the total sample. Whereas 30 respondents were not satisfied with the participation of
women in the PRIs, which constitute 20.69 per cent of the sample. There were 3
respondents having no opinion, which constitute 2.07 per cent.

of the total sample. Whereas 28 respondents were not satisfied with the participation,
which constitutes 19.18 per cent of the sample. There were 11 respondents having no
opinion which constitute 7.54 per cent respectively.
The comparative analysis of the two districts reveals that majority of the elected
women representatives were satisfied with their participation in PRIs. The 73rd
constitutional amendment act facilitated women participation and involvement in the
PRIs.
Reservation for Women
The 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act has introduced 33 per cent of

reservation for women in Panchayats and local governing bodies but the union cabinet
on August 27, 2009 approved proposal to increase the reservation from one third to
fifty percent in all tiers, through an Amendment of Article 243 (D) (3) of the
constitution. Article 243 (D) (3) enumerates that ‘Not less than one third (including the
number of seats reserved for women belonging to the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes) of the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every
panchayats shall be reserved for women and such seats may be allotted by rotation to
different constituencies in a panchayats’. Along with this, rotational reservation of at
least one third of the total number of offices of chairpersons at all levels of panchayats
was ensured through Article 243 (4). The amendment replaced this phrase of not less
286
than one third with the words not less than half.148 Political reservation for women in
legislative bodies has become one of the most contentious issues of political discourse
in contemporary India. This provision has opened up various avenues for women to
exercise their leadership role at the local level. Based on this provision various
women’s organizations have been fighting for 50 per cent reservation for women in the
legislative assemblies and the parliament. The Himachal Pradesh government by
introducing 50 per cent reservations has gone further and has foreground the issue of
women’s empowerment.149 In Bihar, Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh,
the state governments have already reserved 50 per cent of Panchayat seats for women.
In Bihar the reservation was enhanced to one-half of the seats in 2006, in the elections
that followed 55 per cent of the elected panchayats members were women.150 This has
been the most effective formal step towards political empowerment of women.151
Empowerment is a multi-dimensional social process that helps people to gain control
over their own lives. It is a process that fosters power in people for use in their own
lives, their own communities and in their own society, by acting on issues that they
describe as important. Above all, empowerment is a result of participation in decision-
making. Therefore, women’s empowerment refers to the process by which women
acquire due recognition on par with men to participate in the development process of
the society through the political institutions as a partner with human dignity.152
Table 4.31
Respondents Opinion with Regard to Reservation for Women in PRIs
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 131 90.35 135 92.46 266 91.41
2 No 10 6.89 6 4.11 16 5.50
3 No Opinion 4 2.76 5 3.43 9 3.09
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
148
Atonu Chatterjee, “Women in Panchayats: A Review”, Yojana, Vol. 55, February 2011, p. 25.
149
Ajit Kumar Sinha, New Dimensions of Women Empowerment, New Delhi: Deep and Deep
150
Beyond Mere Gestures, “Enhancing Women’s Reservation in Panchayats is Good but it is not
Enough”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 44, No. 40, October 2009, p. 5.
151
Nupur Tiwari, “Women and Panchayati Raj”, Yojana, Vol. 56, June 2012, pp. 36-40.
152
C.V. Ramamohan, et al., Empowerment of Women Through Leadership and Entrepreneurship,
Mumbai: Himalaya Publishing House, 2012, p. 108.
287
92.46
90.35
100
90
80
70
Percentage
60
50 Mandi
40
Kangra
30
6.89
20
4.11
3.43
2.76
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig.4.31: Respondents Opinion with Regard to Reservation for Women in PRIs
Table 4.31 shows that out

o of 291 respondents, 266 respondents were satisfied
with the 50 per cent reservation of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions,
Institutions
which constitute 90.41 per cent of the total sample. Whereas, 16 respondents were not
satisfied with 50 per cent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions,
Institutions which
sample There were 9 respondents who did not express
their opinion, which constitute 3.09 per cent of the total sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 131 respondents were satisfied with
the 50 per cent reservation of seats for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions,
Institutions which
constitute 90.35
s Whereas 10 respondents were not satisfied
with 50 per cent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions,
Institutions which constitute
6.89 per cent of the sample. There were 4 respondents who did not express their
opinion, which constitute 2.76 per cent of the total sample.
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 135 respondents were

satisfied with the 50 per cent reservation of seats for women in Panchayati Raj
Institutions, which constitute 92.46
92. per cent of the total sample. Whereas 6 respondents
were not satisfied with 50 per cent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj
Institutions, which constitute 4.11 per cent of the sample. There were 5 respondents
who did not express their opinion,
s
288
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that majority of women
were satisfied with the reservation of seats for women. The 73rd Act has introduced
some innovative, progressive and bold provisions in matters of enhanced statutory
representation to women, SCs and STs. It was observed that reservation has inspired
and prompted them to contest elections.
This chapter were to ensure participation and involvement of the women in

politics. The majority of the population resides in the rural areas, their involvement in
political process was necessary. In the preceding study, it has found that majority of the
population in the rural areas engaged in agricultural professions. Similarly the
participation of women is relatively in the hands of middle aged generations. As far as
the involvement of women in the democratic process was concerned it has increased
considerably, partly due to 50 per cent reservations to the women and partly due to
awakening in female sex. Caste and political party also play some role in the election.
In Himachal Pradesh religion does not play any role in the election of representative’s
institutions. The study also reveals that SCs, STs and OBCs categories taking active
part in politics.
During study it was also found that the share of general category of the
(31.51%). Therefore Scheduled Caste share is concerned district Mandi has higher
(49.66%) to district Kangra (25.34%). As far as the OBCs share was concerned district
Kangra had higher share in comparison to district Mandi. The Scheduled Tribes have
very nominal existence in both districts. It appears that the share of STs was still very
low. It may be due to less population of their groups.
It is also found that the participation of women was literate. The percentage of
illiterate women was negligible. Similarly, the women participation mainly belongs to
middle class. Very few women were from high middle class, whose annual income was
above One Lakh annum. Since, most of the respondents were from agricultural
background.
During study, it was also found that the holdings of the respondents were not
very big. Most of the respondents were having land between to 10 bighas to 20 bighas.
In Himachal Pradesh the size of holdings is small. The study also found that majority of
the people is in agricultural profession and in petty business. Very few people are in
289
horticultural profession and apart from agriculture, horticulture business and some
other professions.
In the study it was also found that in Himachal Pradesh two political parties that
is Congress and Bhartiya Janta Party are dominating the political scene of the state. The
share of other political parties is very negligible. The majority of the respondents were
either with the congress ideology or with the BJP ideology.
As far as the awareness of the respondents was concerned during the study, it
was found that majority of the women used to read newspaper daily and were aware of
day-to-day happening. Similarly, majority of the respondents used to hear news in the
radio and television which means majority of the respondents was well informed with
the happening in society and state as well as world.
It was found that these organisation uplift women in all fields. There was a great
influence of family upon membership in voluntary organisations. Voluntary
organisations attracted rich people more than the poor. They solve their problems as
well as to serve the weaker sections of the society. It was observed that women to a
certain extent were aware of the functioning of Panchayati Raj Act. But most of the
women were unaware of the functioning of Panchayati Raj System.
The study found that majority of women was satisfied with the reservation of
seats for women. The 73rd Act has introduced some innovative, progressive and bold
provisions in matters of enhanced statutory representation to women, SCs and STs. It
was observed that reservation has inspired and prompted them to contest elections.
290
CHAPTER-V
HURDLES IN THE PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN
Women constitute almost half of the Indian nation and yet their representation
and participation in decision-making bodies has been, to say the least, abysmal. It was
envisioned that competitive politics and the universal adult franchise would gradually
provide the Indian womanhood an opportunity to assert their entitlements in the
emerging political system. However, more than years of competitive politics have
failed to give more than token representation to women in the highest political
decision-making bodies.1 Men and women form the wheel of the chariot on which the
human species runs. They form the very essence of our existence. If there is problem
with even one of the counterparts, the whole balance gets disturbed. So, one can very
well imagine the plight of that culture or society in which, one-half of the human
species-the womenfolk are facing diverse problems. This is especially so in the
patriarchal societies, as found in India, where women, comprising almost half of the
population, are facing multi-faceted problems.2
Women participation in decision making process of political parties and

pressure groups is considerably low. Yet the rigidity of traditional social structure,
economic poverty, political unawareness, cultural rigidity, family pressures,
educational backwardness etc. hampers their proper participation in the political
processes. Illiteracy is the one of the factors responsible for lack of women’s
participation. Being illiterate, women are not aware of their rights. They are financially
dependent on their families and this prevents them from acting independently in all
their activities. Though, they spend most of their time in doing the household chores,
their work is not justly evaluated, because they are not financially independent.
Moreover, the social structure and the responsibilities of a family leave very little time
for politics. From the beginning, society has given greater importance to boys as
compared to girls. It was believed that women were supposed to do work within the
boundary walls of the house only and that there was no place or work for them in the
world outside their homes.
1
Prem R. Bhardwaj (ed.), Gender Discrimination: Politics of Women Empowerment, New Delhi:
Anamika Publishers, 2005, p. 227.
2
Ibid.,
291
The vast amount of expenditure on elections also prevents women from taking
part in politics. Thus only women with a strong financial background are able to take
an active part in politics.3 The constitution of India grants universal suffrage to both
men and women with equal rights to participate in electoral competition, but the
existing societal value system, the private-public divide in terms of domain
identification and male preponderance in political institutions restrict women from
exercising their electoral rights and a fair participation in electoral competition. These
factors also act as key barriers and obstacles in women’s active participation in the
Indian electoral system and in the larger issue of women’s advancement as a whole.
The lack of critical and quality representation of women in key decision-making
positions results in women agenda not getting reflected and addressed in public policies
and programmes. The public agenda of Indian men and women elected as people’s
representatives are quite different and their priority of public works undertaken is also
not similar. While elected women representatives addressed issues of long term
benefits such as education, health, violence against women and basic amenities that
affect community, men concentrated on issues that needed immediate attention such as
roads, community and commercial centres, tanks, bridges etc.4
Thus, an exclusive men’s agenda of public work trends to neglect women’s

issues and is detrimental towards women advancement and progress in the larger
interest of the society. On the one hand, the absence of a critical mass of women
representatives reduces their bargaining and negotiating power during the allotment of
key cabinet berths in India, such as finance, home, defence and health, etc., which are
generally allotted to men and considered “heavy-weigh” ministries. On the other,
Indian women are mostly allotted ministries during cabinet formation, which are not
only termed as “feminine” ministries like women and children welfare, information and
culture, social welfare etc., but which are perceived as relatively less important.
To this extent, women in India seem to have failed in breaking the glass ceiling
and have been relegated to the brings in power sharing at the top level. Which in turn,
has an adverse impact on their overall political status in the country and has acted as
barriers and obstacles in higher electoral participation. The low proportion of women in
3
M.P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.), Social Justice and Women in India, Delhi: Swaraj Prakashan, 1999,
p.142.
4
Research, Vol. 37, No.1, 2017, p.73.
292
the inner political party structure of Indian further erodes women’s efforts to lobby and
garner resources and support for nurturing and building their political constituencies as
well as mobilizing financial and human resources required to meet the demands and
aspirations of their constituencies. This inevitably results in women being perceived as
weak representatives-generally unaccepted as political leaders by people in their
constituency. At times, their insignificant numbers may put them in vulnerable position
resulting in seeking alliances along caste, religion and regional identities rather than
along common gendered interests. Thus, Indian women in public life as people
representatives often become co-opted in the men-centric structure of development
agendas. At the grass-root levels of Panchayati Raj Institutions, there have been strong
roadblocks and obstacles to women’s entry into politics and a backlash of violence to
keep them away from electoral politics.5
The absence of affirmative action for 33 per cent reservation of seats for Indian
women at state legislature and parliament is having a negative impact on women’s
share in the institutions of representations. However, treating women as a blanket
category for the benefits of reservation would further complicate the issues of women’s
representation and participation in India’s electoral competition. For such benefits
would largely be appropriated by those women, who belong to the upper stratum of
society or to those already having political background. Hence, women from the lower
economic strata, backward castes and marginalized groups would get further excluded
from contesting elections and sharing political power. Thus, the disadvantage sections
among the women in India, who are already denied their political rights to participate in
elections as candidates arising out of their situational deficiencies and lack of political
connections would be further relegated.6
The absence of proportionate and qualitative representation of Indian women in

top legislative and decision-making bodies is leading to a lopsided working of
democracy in the country. For Indian democracy to become successful at ground level,
men and women should get a free and proportionate chance to enjoy and exercise their
political rights and participate in electoral competition. The inclusion of women in the
political structure and their proportionate electoral participation will not only correct
and existing gender gaps in the electoral arena and remove barriers and obstacles
5
and Political Weekly, Vol. 46, No, 3, January 2011, p. 54.
6
Praveen Rai, op.cit., 2017, p.74.
293
confronting them, but also bring gender issues to the forefront leading to women’s
empowerment and advancement in the society in long run. 7
Money and muscle power are used to threaten opponents and the voters; and
impose their decisions on the electorate and to raise the kinds of funds required to get
into and stay in power. Violating women’s dignity is an integral part of politics,
instilling fear in women, thereby restraining their entry into politics. In addition,
corruption is also institutionalized systematically. Criminalization and corruption are
not part of women’s value systems and therefore, they are kept away from politics in
general. Inadequate organizational support directly affects the political participation of
women. Elections in the country are fought on party lines. The poor representation of
women in political parties does not give them the strength to negotiate gender issues
and concerns that need to form a part of the party agenda. Fewer women in political
parties impedes women from seeking positions in decision-making arenas, which are
crucial in changing the profile of political parties and also effect the number of women
fielded for elections and being elected.8 Women traditionally burdened with domestic
work face difficulties in balancing the official work with their home.
Sometimes due to lack of security women members fail to visit remote areas in
odd hours or attend meetings in faraway places. Gradual, criminalization of politics is
also arresting their participation. Lack of information and knowledge about government
programmes, especially for women and child development poses problems. Again,
limited exposure to formal education breeds information gap and dependency on
second hand knowledge. Consequently, political lineage determines the distribution of
benefits of different schemes. Communication problem hinders performance as most of
the correspondences, rules and regulations are in English. Due to lack of exposure and
experience, women members face difficulty in asserting themselves. The fact, that
majority of women enters politics through reservation and kinship arrangement, only
accentuates this problem.9
Women suffer discrimination in treatment employment and education.

Discrimination takes place from domestic violence to premeditated killing. The
deference in sex ratio, female literacy rate, the life span, mortality and morbidity, speak
7
8
Rakesh K. Singh, “Elected Women Representatives in Panchayat Raj”, Social Action, Vol. 62,
January-March 2012, p. 58.
9
Atonu Chatterjee, “Women in Panchayats: A Review”, Yojana, Vol. 55, February 2011, pp. 25-26.
294
volumes about the gender bias that is practiced in the society.10 In order to view, the
problems of women in the national perspective and to develop an integral approach to
their development and progress, a national perspective plan for women was published
in 1988-2000. The plan emphasized gender equality as pre-requisite for effective
participation of women in strengthening the institutional structure of democracy.
Women have been marginalized because of several socio-economic constraints. The
plan acknowledged the fact that the number of women in leadership position at the
local, village, district and national levels is still not commensurate with their numbers
in society. 11
Social Justice also demands equal participation by women in the nation

building process and other activities. Undoubtedly, patriarchal system is the root cause
of this subjugation of women. Poverty, unemployment and societal attitudes have
played no less a role in worsening the plight of the women’s lot. The women of rural
India are far worse off as compared to urban. The several efforts have not changed to
the extent desired. There is need to increase awareness among women regarding
available opportunities, their rights and responsibilities through education from grass-
roots level in the areas.12 The constitutional 73rd amendment act 1993, marked historic
events in the advancement of Indian women, as it ensured one third of total seats for
women in all elected offices of local bodies. Women’s participation in politics, might
well be a decisive factor that will purify and save the deterioration of standards and
values, it is experiencing today.13
A.Thanikodi M. Sugirtha observed that socio economic and political obstacles

impede women participation in politics. The prevalence of the “Masculine Model” of
political life and of elected governmental bodies. The existence of the male dominated
model results in, either women rejecting politics altogether or rejecting male-style
politics. The lack of party supports, such as limited financial support for women
candidate, limited access to political networks. The lack of contact and co-operation
with other public organizations, such as trade unions and women’s groups. The absence
10
G. Palanithurai, et al. (ed), Major Issues in New Panchayati Raj System, New Delhi: Kanishka
11
p. 71.
12
S. Mehartaj Begum, “Women Rights and Rural Employments”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 48, No. 7,
April
2000, pp. 60-64.
13
C. Jayanthi, “Empowering Women”, Yojana, Vol. 45, June 2001, p. 32.
295
of well-developed education and training systems for women’s leadership in general
and for orienting young women toward political life in particular is one of the obstacles
faced by women.
They pointed that the social-economic obstacles impacting on women’s

participation in politics, is poverty and unemployment, lack of adequate financial
resources, illiteracy and limited access to education and choice of professions and the
dual burden of domestic tasks and professions obligations. Besides, ideological and
psychological hindrances for women in entering politics, women perceive politics as a
“dirty” game. This has barred women’s confidence in their ability to control political
processes. Lack of confidence in them is one of the main reasons for women’s under
representation in formal political institutions.14 Therefore Sukhpal Kaur reveals that
women are still facing violation of their social, political and economic rights in the
family and community.15 Caste dynamics also pose more difficult barriers than gender
in electoral politics.16 Rashmi Shrivatava found that the main political parties of India
do not suppose that women candidates are capable and efficient winning candidates as
the men candidates. For political parties, women are good voters but not good
candidates. In the present political situation, this may be true because manipulation,
criminalization, use of black money, use of muscle power, immorality, have become
the means to win the election. Naturally, most of the women are becoming alienated
from politics. They think that politics is not worth for them. Very few women get
support, encouragement and help from their family for their political life. Women in
general don’t feel that politics is women’s domain. These factors have held many
educated but self-conscious women away from being an active part of the politics.17
Women continue to face hindrances to their political participation and are vastly under-
represented in local and national governing bodies in India.18
14
Science, Vol. 68, No. 3, July- September 2007, pp. 591-593.
15
Sukhpal Kaur, “Women’s Rights: A Historical Perspective”, The Indian Journal of Political
Science, Vol. 70, No. 1, January-March 2009, p. 128.
16
Rakesh K. Singh, op.cit., 2012, p. 58.
17
Rashmi Shrivatava, “Minority Representation of a Political Majority Group: Women in Indian
Democratic Process”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 72, No. 2, April-June 2011,
p. 411.
18
Satarupa Pal, “Politics of Women’s Reservation in India”, International Journal of Humanities and
Social Science Studies, Vol. 1, No. 3, November 2014, p. 118.
296
Table 5.1
Respondents Views Regarding Hurdles Come in the Way of Women’s
Participation

Sr. Mandi Kangra Total
Response
No
Non-Cooperation
Cooperation of
1 28 19.31 16 10.96 44 15.12
Husband/Family Members
Lack of Time due to Family
F
2 54 37.24 45 30.82 99 34.02
Responsibility
3 Lack of Interest in Politics 12 8.28 19 13.02 31 10.66
4 Lack of Political Awakening 34 23.45 51 34.93 85 29.21
5 Lack of Education 17 11.72 15 10.27 32 10.99
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
37.24
40 34.93
30.82
35 Mandi
23.45
30 Kangra
19.31
Percentage
25
13.02
20
11.72
10.96
10.27
15
8.28
10
5
0
Lack of Education
Lack of Political
Lack of Time due to
of Husband/Family
Lack of Interest in
Non-Cooperation
Awakening
Responsibility
Members
Politics
Family
Response
Fig. 5.1: Respondents Views Regarding Hurdles Come in the Way of Women’s
Participation
Table 5.1 shows that out of 291 respondents, 44 respondents believed that main
hurdles comes in the way of women participation in politics were non-cooperation
non of
husband/family members,
members which constitute 15.12 per cent of the total sample, whereas
297
99 respondents perceived lack of time due to family responsibilities as the major hurdle
comes in the way of women participation in politics, which constitute 34.02 per cent of
the sample. There were 31 respondents, the main hurdles lack of interest, which
constitute 10.66 per cent of the sample, while 85 respondents who believed that the
main hurdle comes in the way of women participation i.e. the lack of political
awakening, which constitute 29.21 per cent of the sample, and 32 respondents pointed
out lack of education as the main hurdles in the way of women participation in politics,
In district Mandi was concerned, out of 145 respondents, 28 respondents

believed that main hurdles comes in the way of women participation in politics were
non-cooperation of husband/family members, which constitute 19.31 per cent of the
total sample, whereas 54 respondents perceived lack of time due to family
constitute 37.24 per cent of the sample. There were 12 respondents, the main hurdles
lack of interest, which constitute 8.28 per cent of the sample, while 34 respondents who
believed that the main hurdle comes in the way of women participation i.e. the lack of
political awakening which constitute 23.45 per cent of the sample, and 17 respondents
pointed out lack of education as the main hurdles in the way of women participation in
politics, which constitute 11.72 per cent.

respondents believed that main hurdles comes in the way of women participation in
politics were non-cooperation of husband/family members, which constitute 10.96 per
cent of the total sample, whereas 45 respondents perceived lack of time due to family
constitute 30.82 per cent of the sample. There were 19 respondents the main hurdles
lack of interest, which constitute 13.02 per cent of the sample, while 51 respondents
who believed that the main hurdle comes in the way of women participation i.e. the
lack of political awakening, which constitute 34.93 per cent of the sample, and 15
respondents pointed out lack of education as the main hurdles in the way of women
participation in politics, which constitute 10.27 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of two districts reveals that the women face many
problems in the society that is social, economic and political. Lack of education also
plays hurdles in the way of women participation. Due to the traditional pattern of our
298
rural society there are a number of hurdles in the way of effective participation of
women.
Caste Dominance
Caste and politics influence each other. The electoral process, administration
and politics are greatly affected by caste. M.N. Srinivas introduced the concept of
dominant caste to examine the political process in India. Caste has its hold in the Indian
politics. According to him, voting preferences are made on caste line.19 Caste is an
important factor in Indian society and politics. Over a century of social reform
movement, India could hardly make any impression on the caste system. The number
of caste, instead of diminishing has been increasing. In fact, caste organisation and
caste consciousness are increasing in modern India.20
There is already a plenty of literature on the role of caste in Indian politics.

Caste profoundly influences the voting behaviour. Caste in interacting with democratic
process has itself undergone some change. It has been further argued that caste
associations have proved to be active agents of democratisation and secularisation.21
There is a widespread impression among educated Indians that caste is on its last legs
and that educated, urbanised and westernised members of the upper class have already
escaped its bond. These people may observe very dietetic restrictions, marry outside
caste and even religion, but this does not mean that they have escaped the bonds of
castes entirely. They show caste attitude in surprising context.22 Caste system was
recognised by the framers of the constitution, when they reserved seats for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the House of People and Legislative Assemblies of the
States.23 And made a provision for the appointment of a special officer for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes to investigate matters relating to the various safeguards
provided for them in the constitution.24 Subsequently, the constitution was amended in
1951 and a provision was also made for protective discrimination in favour of
19
20
S.S Chahar (ed.), Governance at Grassroots Level in India, New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2005, p.
408.
21
B.B. Jena and J.K. Baral, Election Politics and Voting Behaviour in India, Delhi: Discovery
Publishing House, 1989, p. 51.
22
Niroj Sinha, Women in Indian Politics: Empowerment of Women Through Political Participation,
New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2006, pp. 95-96.
23
24
299
scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens in services.25
Keeping in view, the social hierarchical caste based structure, which exploited
the weaker sections of society, there was and is a justification for such a provision in
the constitution for a short period.26 However, while doing so, efficiency of
administration should also not be blindly ignored.27 Otherwise, their condition would
become more miserable. It should be remembered that reservation can neither be made
on communal considerations, nor more than 50 per cent seats be reserved. While, caste
has been politicised in the process, it has provided the Indian politics with processes
and symbol of political articulation. Thus, within the new context of political
democracy, caste remains a central element of Indian society even, while adapting itself
to the values and methods of democratic politics.28
Caste continues to be a determinant of voting behaviours in India. It has deep

roots in the society and constitutes an important basis of social relations at all levels.
Despite of the adoption of several provisions, which prohibit action and discrimination
on its basis, caste continues to be a determinant of political behaviours. Politicisation of
caste in politics has been a well known reality of the Indian political system. The
political parties in India, without any exception, while formulating their policies,
programmes and election strategies always keep in mind, the caste factor.
Caste is a factor in the selection of candidates for contesting an election from a

constituency. Votes are demanded in the name of caste. Jat Ki Vot Jat Ko, Brahmin
votes vs. Jat votes or Jat votes vs Ahir votes etc., are commonly used “principles” for
planning an election strategy. The role of caste as a determinant of voting behaviour
has been analysed by several scholars and they have come out with the conclusion, as
Morris Jones writes, “Politics is more important to caste and caste is more important to
politics than before.” Caste is the main language of voters belonging to rural India.
Despite the adoption of democratic values, which conceive of a society free from
castes, caste continues to characterise politics in India. Indeed, it has become one of the
chief means by which the Indian masses have been attached to the process of
25
Clause (4) to Article 15 of the Indian Constitution.
26
N.M. Tripathi, Minority and Law, Delhi: Indian Law Institute, 1972, p.10.
27
28
Niroj Sinha, op.cit., 2006, p. 97.
300
democratic politics. The decision to implement Mandal Commission recommendation
for reservation of jobs
bs for other Backward Classes (Castes)
(Castes) and the reaction it
generated in politics testifies to the continued presence of caste as a determinant of
politics in India. However, it must be stated that the role of caste as determinant of the
voting behaviour
viour has been undergoing a change, at least in the urban areas. Issue based
political struggle is gradually taking its shape in the Indian polity. But the situation
continues to be paradoxical.29 Respondents views on caste dominance
ominance given below:
Table 5.2
Respondents Views on Caste Dominance
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 99 68.27 88 60.27 187 64.26
2 No 37 25.52 47 32.19 84 28.87
3 No Opinion 9 6.21 11 7.54 20 6.87
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
68.27
70
Mandi
60.27
60 Kangra
50
Percentage
40
32.19
30 25.52
20
6.21 7.54
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Caste Dominance
Fig. 5.2: Respondents Views on Caste Dominance
29
Biraj Hazarika, “Voting Behaviour in India and its Determinants,” Journal of Humanities and
Social Science,, Vol. 20, No. 10, October 2015, pp. 22-25.
301
Table 5.2 indicates that out of 291 respondents, 187 respondents who were
believed caste in politics, which constitute 64.26 per cent of the total sample, whereas
84 respondents did not believe caste in politics, which constitute 28.87 per cent of the
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents 99 respondents who were believed

sample. There were 9 respondents who did not give their opinion, which constitute 6.21
In district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 88 respondents who were believed

believed that caste play an important role in politics. In district Mandi (68.27%) and
district Kangra (60.27%) of the respondents believed that caste plays important role in
politics and they affect voting behaviour. It was observed that majority of respondents,
who unite on the basis of caste and support candidate. We can see the influence of caste
in politics as voting agency.
Social System
Women were said to enjoy a high status in the society in the ancient times. They
were viewed as home makers and managers, assigned with the most important task of
bringing up a family. With the passage of time, they came to be relegated to an inferior
position considering them weak and at times incapable even of holding rights. This lead
to their exploitation at all levels and in all spheres, the woman who was the backbone
of the family enjoyed subordinate rights in family matters and at times no rights at all.30
Women constitute about 50 per cent of the total population of the nation, have
generally been considered as a weaker section. Discrimination against women has
30
302
existed in all parts of the globe in some form or another. For all countries, the gender
Development Index (GDI) is lower than the Human Development Index indicating
gender inequality everywhere.31 The main cause for poor condition of women is rooted
in traditional structures like class, caste hierarchy and religious discriminations. The
impact of these cultural forces is that, firstly women have less direct independent
access than men to capital, property and extensive services. Secondly, women have
limited geographical mobility and economic independence or personal autonomy that
made them dependent on male kin.32 Gender inequality in our social institutions is
addressed. Many erroneously think that women are a homogenous group with identical
problems and priorities, yet Indian society is divided by caste, religion and class
differences. The majority of women live in rural areas and their problems and needs are
different from those of urban women. Access to nutritious food, clean drinking water
and primary healthcare may not be life’s priorities for an urban woman, because these
life-sustaining services are available to her. But for a rural woman who is struggling for
her livelihood, these are indeed priorities, meaningful change in their life situations can
only occur, when development efforts also address their issues.33
Therefore, 50 per cent reservation for women at all the tiers of Panchayats has
made a significant beginning in the democratic process. Over one million women have
come as decision-makers at the Panchayats levels, but experiences of women have been
disheartening. Most of the elected women had no idea, what being an elected member
meant and just did what the men (as brothers, fathers, father-in-law and husband) told
them to do. The community does not perceive the women as capable or worthy of
leadership. For a change in a mental attitude of women, their needs to be a drastic
change in social attitudes on the whole.34 In nutshell, positive social outlook towards
women would certainly help in active participation of women in the democratic
decentralization process.
31
Ajit Kumar Sinha, (ed.), New Dimensions of Women Empowerment, New Delhi: Deep and Deep
32
33
Vidhyavati Chakki, “Socio-Economic Empowerment of Women in India”, Third Concept, Vol. 26,
No. 308, October 2012, p. 8.
34
Siva Subrahmanyam, “Empowerment of Women and Marginalized Groups in Panchayats”,
Kurukshetra, Vol. 50, No. 7, May 2002, p. 28.
303
Table 5.3
Respondents Opinion Regarding Social System
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 126 86.89 133 91.09 259 89.00
2 No 6 2.76 8 5.48 14 4.81
3 No Opinion 13 10.35 5 3.43 18 6.19
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
91.09
86.89
100
90
Mandi
80
70 Kangra
Percentage
60
50
40
30
10.35
5.48
20
3.43
2.76
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.3: Respondents Opinion Regarding Social System
It is clear from the table 5.3 that out of 291 respondents, 259 respondents
believe that social outlook towards women required major change,
change which constitute
89.00 per cent of the total. There were 14 respondents
respondents who disagree and 18 respondents
express no opinion. They constitute 4.81 and 6.19 per cent respectively.
In district Mandi, out of 145 respondents

respondents 126 respondents agree with this
notion. There were 6 respondents who disagree and 13 express no opinion. They
Th
constitute 2.76 and 10.35 per cent respectively.
304
As far as district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents 133
respondents believe that the social outlook towards women required major change.
There were 8 who disagree and 5 express no opinion. They constitute 5.48 and 3.43 per
cent of the total.
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that the number of
respondents who fully agree that social outlook towards women required major change.
It was found that the attitude of society towards women regarding their political
participation was not encouraging. It was also observed that due to the passing remarks
by the people many women candidate withdraw from the contest and sometimes from
active participation.
Family Problems
In the traditional society, women’s role was naturally limited to the family.
Since, she was bearer of children, fully occupied with her duties as a mother and home-
maker. Rural women are economically backward. Poverty, illiteracy and caste are the
factors affecting the economic development of women.35 Husbands, in-laws and close
relatives have become the main decision-makers relegating the actual women
representatives to the background. Moreover, role conflict among these representatives
has also increased while managing house responsibilities and political simultaneously.
Since, male dominating society is reluctant in accepting the women as decision-makers,
36
they are being muscle men. Hence participation of women in the field of political,
economical, social, educational, and cultural has been made to commit the issues to
recognize the equal position and status of women and men in decision making
accordance to the effective of women empowerment.37
Though the 73rd amendment has ensured adequate representation of women at

different levels of Panchayati Raj Institutions but there seems to be no end to their
problems. A large percentage of women elected to these bodies are influenced in their
decision-making either by their husbands or other male members of the family. The
35
M. Perumal, et al., “Empowering Rural Women Through Self- Help Groups”, in Asha Bhandari and
Rekha Mehta, Women, Justice and the Rule of Law, New Delhi: Serials Publications, 2009,
pp. 145-146.
36
Azam Khan and Tosib Alam, “Empowerment of Rural Women and Local Self-Governance”, in
37
305
decisions of these women are largely influenced by the spouses.38 It is alleged that
husbands of the elected women representatives
represent ives interfere in their decision making. It is
also complained that often male
ale members push through their decision and do not care
about the views of their women counterparts.39
Table 5.4
Respondents Opinion
Opini Regarding Family Problems
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 108 74.49 100 68.49 208 71.48
2 No 27 18.62 31 21.24 58 19.93
3 No Opinion 10 6.89 15 10.27 25 8.59
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
74.49
68.49
80
70 Mandi
60 Kangra
50
Percentage
40
21.24
18.62
30
10.27
20
6.89
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.4: Respondents Opinion Regarding Family Problems
38
Sakuntala Narasimhan, “Women’s Role in Gram Sabha”, Kurukshetra, Vol. 48, No.1,
1, October 1999,
p. 26.
39
S.S. Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p.78.
306
It is clear from the table 5.4 that out of total 291 respondents, 208 respondents
believed that they were facing many problems in the discharge of their duties due to
relatives and community, which constitutes 71.48 per cent of the sample. Whereas 58
respondents who believed that they faced no problems in discharge of their duties,
which constitute 19.93 per cent of the sample. There were 25 respondents who
expressed no opinion on the either side. The percentage of such respondents is 8.59 of
the sample.
In district Mandi, out of total 145 respondents, 108 respondents believed that
the either side. The percentage of such respondents, 6.89 of the sample.
In district Kangra, out of total 146 respondents, 100 respondents believed that
the either side, which constitute 10.27 per cent of the sample.
The comparative analysis of two district reveals that the male counterparts not
only in the family but in the society dominated the elected women representatives too.
Even today, women lacks of independence of thought and action. Women still crave for
social recognition for their activities.
Education
Education is the key that opens the door in life which is essentially social in
character. An illiterate woman would not be able to understand all the rules and
regulations governing the institutions. Illiteracy restricts one’s capacity to give
thoughtful judgement on issues of importance. Education facilitates the development of
a progressive attitude in individuals towards social and economic problems. In the
present society, capacity to understand the issues and problems facing the community
and the ability to communicate one’s ideas to others are important qualities for a
member. Education for women is more important political institutions, education or
307
being literate will help them to understand the rules, regulations and fulfil the
objectives of the institutions and help them in carrying out their day-to-day functions.40
Education in a society is like a mirror, which reflects the attitude of the masses.
Women which constitute almost half of the population required equal measures to
education. The hither to deprived sections of the Indian society due to orthodox
thumping of the Indian male dominate society. Education plays an important role in
determining the social and political status of a person. It is education which shapes the
pattern of leadership. An educated leader can make good law for society. It is only
through education that a leader can remain in touch with national as well as
international developments.41
Education is the most important agent in the process of empowerment of

women. Education is the strategic instrument that has its impact on social and
economic status of women. Apart from providing facilities for education of women, it
is also important to train the women, so as enhance their skill, thinking ability, self-
confidence and participation in decision making process. Empowerment helps women
to access to the new world of knowledge, leading to making new information choices in
both their personal and public lives. Women’s empowerment process must evolve a
new undertaking of power and experiment with ways of power and experiment with
ways of democratizing and sharing power building, new mechanisms for collective
responsibility, decision making and accountability.42
Table 5.5
Respondents Opinion Regarding Educational Qualification
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 130 89.66 110 75.34 240 82.47
2 No 12 8.27 24 16.44 36 12.37
3 No Opinion 3 2.07 12 8.22 15 5.16
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
40
2007, p. 105.
41
A.K. Gupta, Emerging Pattern of Political Leadership: A Case Study of Punjab, New Delhi: Mittal
42
K. Thangamani, “Education for Women” , in Rameshwari Pandya, (ed.), Women Welfare and
Empowerment in India, New Delhi: New Century Publications, 2008, pp.196-197.
308
89.66
90
75.34
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage
50
40
30
16.44
20
8.27 8.22
10 2.07
0
Yes No No Opinion
Fig. 5.5: Respondents Opinion Regarding Educational Qualification
It is evident from the table 5.5 regarding respondent’s opinion about candidate’s
qualification. Out of 291 respondents, 240 respondents favoured the minimum
cent of the sample, whereas 36 respondents were not in favour of minimum educational
qualification for elected candidate in politics,
sample. There were 15 respondents who expressed no opinion, which constitute 5.16
per cent the sample.
In district Mandi,
Mandi out of 145 respondents, 130 respondents favoured the
educational qualification for elected candidate in politics which constitute 8.27 per cent
of the sample. There were 3 respondents who expressed no opinion,
opinion which constitute
2.07 per cent the sample.
In district Kangra,
Kangra out of 146 respondents, 110 respondents favoured the
cent of the sample. There were 12 respondents who expressed no opinion,
opinion which
309
respondents were in favour of minimum educational qualification for women in
politics. Therefore, illiterate women were not able to participate in politics. Without
proper education, they feel hard to understand the rules of politics. Thus, education is a
most vital channel to encourage women to participate in politics.
Economic Dependence
Economic empowerment is necessary for women to seek justice and equality,

without economic growth women cannot be able to exercise their rights. So, it is
important to ensure the participation of women as equal partners in all fields. Thus,
economic empowerment calls for supporting the existing livelihood, increasing their
choice and building their capacity to take benefit of new economic opportunity
available to them. Economic participation of women and their presence in work force is
important. It leads towards an important step to raise the household income, furthers
their access to and control over economic resources, gives them a greater role in
decision-making on important issues within their family.43
However, political leadership of women are also playing important leadership

roles in socio and economic spheres. These include leadership of women’s collectives
like Self-Help Groups (SHGs). The formation of SHGs has been promoted for
economic and social empowerment. It has been expected that SHGs will be a means to
promote income generation activities and micro credit, thereby making them
economically independent. It was also expected that economic independence would
also help women to be involved in the decision-making process at the household level
and community level.44
Economic empowerment of women was the key to achieve gender equality as

well as wealth and well-being of nation. The financial autonomy would enhance
women’s capacity of decision making in various arena of life. Economy of a nation can
be improved only, when the quality of life of the citizens of a nation can be effectively
improved. Although, women were the active agents for sustainable development and
their empowerment was very important for process of development, they had not
actively participated in their own emancipation mainly due to low economic
43
Mohd Muzaffar Banday and P. Ganesan, “Economic Empowerment of Rural Muslim Women in
Kashmir Valley”, Third Concept, Vol. 30, No. 356, October 2016, pp. 55-56.
44
310
independence.45 Empowerment is a multi-dimensional social process that helps people
gain control over their own lives communities and in their society. Empowerment
Emp
occurs within sociological,
sociological psychological, economic spheres and at various levels.
Women’s empowerment is the key to socio-economic
socio economic development of the community
that brings women into the mainstream of national development,
development has been a major
concern of government.46
Table 5.6
Respondents Opinion with Regard to Economic Dependence
ependence
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 110 75.86 106 72.60 216 74.23
2 No 28 19.31 31 21.24 59 20.28
3 No Opinion 7 4.83 9 6.16 16 5.49
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
75.86
72.6
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
50
Percentage
40
21.24
19.31
30
20
6.16
4.83
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.6: Respondents Opinion with Regard to Economic Dependence
45
Ritu Sapra and Divya Khatter, “Women Empowerment in India”, Third Concept, Vol. 28, No. 325
March 2014, p. 38.
46
Meenu Agrawal, (ed.), Women Empowerment and Globalization:
Globalization A Modern Perspective,
Perspective New Delhi:
Kanishka Publishers, 2009,
2009 p. 60.
311
The table 5.6 shows that out of 291 respondents, 216 respondents agreed that
economically independent women took actively participated in politics, which
constitute 74.23 per cent of total sample, whereas 59 respondents did not agree with
this view, which constitute 20.28 per cent of the sample. There were 16 respondents
who did not express opinion about this, which constitute 5.49 per cent of the sample.

the sample.
As far as district Kangra was concerned, out of 146 respondents, 106

the sample.
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that economic

independence is essential for the participation of women. Majority of the respondents
were in the favour of economic independence. There was a little variation in the two
districts regarding women, who were economically independent and were taking more
interest in politics. Hence, it is necessary to improve the economic status of women in
the society to make them independent.
Women Cast their Votes on the Advice of Male Counterparts
India’s villages are bound by traditions. The position of women is very clear-a
traditional housewife. The upbringing of girls in the rural society is inevitably oriented
towards marriage. They could contribute an additional hand both at home and in the
fields. The rural social scene is now in the process of change. The most important
change is their entry as elected members of the PRIs.47 However, in a male dominated
Indian society women are often considered as the rubber stamp of men. It is generally
believed that women do not vote their own. Most women respect family traditions and
do not want to go against them. The decision in the family about whom to vote in an
election is generally taken by male members. When women vote, they vote in
conformity with their husband. Husband and other male family members influence
47
K. C. Vidya, op.cit., 2007, pp. 161-162.
312
their voting choice.48 Therefore, status of women differs from society to society.
According
ording to cultural milieu, family structure, class, caste, property rights and morals,
morals
their status diverge.. In the past,
past no serious attempts had been made to study the women
question. Women were neglected
neg section of the society. The process of modernization
modernizati
during the 19th century laid the greater emphasis on the political, economic and social
modernization of women. The transformation of the society as well as women took
place and the new role of women in the new emerging society replaced the status of
men in traditional society.49 Thus, the area of power politics has practically been
women
conditioned as a male domain. Table shows the influence of father/husband/other male
family members on voting choice of the respondents.
Table 5.7
Influence of the Male Family
F Members on Voting Choice of the Respondents
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 98 67.59 108 73.97 206 70.79
2 No 41 28.27 34 23.29 75 25.77
3 No Opinion 6 4.14 4 2.74 10 3.44
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
73.97
67.59
80
70 Mandi
60
Percentage (%)
Kangra
50
28.27
23.29
40
30
20
4.14
2.74
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.7: Influence of the Male Family Members on Voting Choice of the Respondents
48
49
Prem R. Bhardwaj (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p. 235.
313
Table 5.7 indicates that out of 291 respondents 206 respondents agreed that
As far as in district Mandi, out of 145 respondents 98 respondents agreed that

As far as in district Kangra, out of 146 respondents 108 respondents agreed that
The comparative analysis of two district reveals that the dominance of male
over female in rural areas is still prevalent. Women at large scale agreed with the fact
that because of their lack of self confidence, they were dominated by male members
and their voting decisions were being influenced by them. It was observed that the most
of the rural women do not go for voting without prior consultation with their husband,
father, brother and any other male elite members. However, the electoral education,
awareness campaign and capacity programmes were the right steps to empower women
folk and strengthen their willingness towards, independent voting.
Bureaucracy
In the absence of local government bureaucracy becomes strong. The

bureaucrats are generally conservative in outlook and stereotypical in their mentality.
In India, for instance, since the second half of the sixties the rural government has
witnessed heavy bureaucratic centralizing tendencies. If we want to strengthen the local
government institutions, tendency towards bureaucratization of political issues will
have to be checked.50 Therefore, bureaucracy is the hub of the democratic system. It
50
Ali Ashraf, Government and Politics of Big Citizens, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company,
1977, p. 1.
314
plays an important role in the democratic process. It implements the policies and
programmes of elected representatives of Panchayati
Panchayati Raj Institutions. Their
involvement and commitment is necessary for the success of democratic process. In
fact, in a democratic system the elected representatives take policy decision but the
implementation exclusively depends upon the bureaucratic structure.
structure. The bureaucracy,
bureaucracy
which is attached with Panchayati Raj Institutions basically belongs to other
departments of the state governments.
Table 5.8
Respondents Opinion Regarding Bureaucratic Interference in Working of PRIs
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 105 72.41 95 65.07 200 68.73
2 No 38 26.21 45 30.82 83 28.52
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 6 4.11 8 2.75
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00

72.41
65.07
80
70
Mandi
60
Percentage (%)
Kangra
30.82
50
26.21
40
30
4.11
20
1.38
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.8: Respondents Opinion Regarding Bureaucratic Interference in Working of PRIs
Table 5.8 depicts that out of, 291 respondents, 200 respondents believed that
bureaucracy creates problems in the functioning of PRIs,
PRIs which constitute 68.73 per
315
cent of the sample. Therefore 83 respondents did not agree with this view, which
constitute 28.52 per cent and 8 respondents did not respond on either side, which
In district Mandi, 145 respondents out of 105 respondents believed that

bureaucracy creates problems in the functioning of PRIs, which constitute 72.41 per
cent. Therefore 38 respondents did not agree with this view, which constitute 26.21 per
cent and 2 respondents did not respond on either side, which constitute 1.38 per cent of
the sample.
Similarly, in district Kangra 146 respondents out of 95 respondents believed

that bureaucracy creates problems in the functioning of PRIs, which constitute 65.07
per cent of the sample. Therefore 45 respondents did not agree with this view, which
constitute 30.82 per cent and 6 respondents did not respond on either side which
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that bureaucratic

interference was much higher in the working of Panchayati Raj Institution in the both
district. They have created problems in proper functioning of Panchayati Raj
Institutions. The percentage of such respondents was higher in district Mandi in
comparison to district Kangra. It has been observed that majority of the respondents
were in the favour of their own independence from bureaucracy.
Corruption /Favouritism
Corruption is an important phenomenon in all the sections of the society and

inextricably, people in all walks of life covertly or overtly and knowingly or
unknowingly involving themselves to carry out their day to day activities. At present, it
is the talk of everybody. But nobody has the solution or at least has the courage to face
the crisis. 51 However, corruption can be called a problem of routine deviation from the
established norms set by public officials and parties. World Bank defines it as, the
misuse of public property for private gain. However, it can range from embezzlement
of public money to abuse of power i.e. asking for bribes. A study conducted by
Transparency International in 2005, said that in India, more than 62 per cent of Indians
have had a first-hand experience of paying bribes or influencing to get jobs done in
public offices successfully. Consequently, corruption is today a world-wide
51
G. Planithurai (ed.), New Panchayati Raj System: Status and Prospects, New Delhi: Kanishka
316
phenomenon. In our own country some people in high positions have been charged for
it. A corrupt person is termed immoral, dishonest and unscrupulous in his dealings. His
disregard for honesty, righteousness and truth results in his alienation from society.
Corruption is the most virulent, when crises everywhere threaten the very existence of
the society and the faith in life is shaken.52
Corruption is a cancer, which every Indian must strives to cure. Many new
leaders, when comes into power declare their determination to eradicate corruption but
soon they themselves become corrupt and start amassing huge wealth. Many people
become materialistic and money oriented, there is no importance of ethics and morals
in business dealings. Many people thinking that money coming to their pocket is good,
same way many thinking that money, which is going out of their pocket is bad, but they
don’t consider the way money is travelling. This is because such these kinds of people
have no moral accountability to anybody, and have full trust on money. They strongly
believe that money can hold a big role in their life, they believe that money can solve
their current and future problems and give them life without problems.53 During
election time corruption is at its peak level. Big industrialists funds politicians to meet
high cost of election and ultimately to seek personal favour. Bribery to politicians buys
influence, and bribery by politicians buys votes. In order to get elected, politicians
bribe poor illiterate people, who are slogging for two times meal. Vast size of
population coupled with widespread illiteracy and the poor economic infrastructure
lead to endemic corruption in public life. 54 Therefore women have played a role that is
subordinate to men. The world of politics in India is so much surrounded by an aura of
crime and corruption, which is synonymous with politics. The fact is that if we want to
bring about a change and cleanse the political system, we will have to give reservation
to women.55 Subsequently, women must be given a chance not because they are
necessarily any better than male politician but because they cannot do any worse. Male
leaders indulge in crime and corruption and concentrate their energy in fighting for
greater power and privileges. If women are voted to power, they will fight for a cleaner
and corruption free political system. 56
52
K. Geetamma, “Corruption in India: Causes and Remedies”, Third Concept, Vol. 30, No. 360,
February 2017, pp. 42-43.
53
Ibid.,
54
Ibid., p. 41.
55
D. Sundar Ram (ed.), op.cit., 2009, p. 11.
56
Ibid., p.12.
317
Table 5.9
Respondents view Regarding Corruption and Favouritism
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 100 68.96 110 75.34 210 72.17
2 No 30 20.68 11 7.53 41 14.08
3 No Opinion 15 10.34 25 17.13 40 13.75
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
75.34
68.96
80
70 Mandi
60
Percentage (%)
Kangra
50
40
20.68
17.13
30
10.34
7.53
20
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response

Respondent view Regarding Corruption and Favouritism
Table 5.9 shows that all 291 respondents were interviewed out of which 210
at the grassroots level, which constitute 72.17
72.1 per cent of the sample. Therefore, 41
identification of beneficiaries,
beneficiaries which accounted 14.08 per cent of the sample.
However, 40 respondents did not express their opinion in either side.. The percentage of
such respondents was 13.75 per cent.
In district Mandi, 145 respondents were interviewed out of which 100

at the grassroots level, which constitute 68.96 per cent of the sample. Therefore, 30
318
identification of beneficiaries, which accounted 20.68 per cent of the sample, while 15
respondents did not express their opinion in either side. The percentage of such
respondents was 10.34 per cent.
As far as in district Kangra, 146 respondents were interviewed out of which

110 respondents admitted that there was favouritism in the identification of the
beneficiaries at the grassroots level, which constitute 75.34 per cent of the sample.
However 11 respondents were not agreed with this opinion that there was no such
favouritism in the identification of beneficiaries, which accounted 7.53 per cent of the
sample. Therefore, 25 respondents did not express their opinion in either side. The
percentage of such respondents was 17.13 per cent.
The comparative study of both district reveals that majority of the respondents
admitted that there was favouritism in the identification of the beneficiaries at the
grassroots levels. Therefore, the corruption was a form of dishonest or unethical
conduct by a person entrusted with position of authority, often to acquire personal
benefit.
Reservation for Women in State Politics
The 64th Constitutional Amendment bill as presented to parliament in 1989

stated that, “as nearly as may be” upto 30 per cent seats be reserved in favour of
women in the membership of Panchayats at all the three levels, including in the seats
reserved for SCs/STs and in the total seats. In the former, it mandated reservation of
one seats for women, if this reservation was of only two seats. It did not provide for
reservation among chairpersons, leaving such reservation permissible in favour of
SCs/STs, women if the state legislature wanted. After the 64th Amendment falls
through and before the 73rd Amendment was finally passed, a number of states initiated
changes in their panchayat laws to bring reservation for women. The Janta Dal
government headed by V.P. Singh, which succeeded Rajiv Gandhi’s congress
government after the 1989 elections introduced another Constitutional 74th Amendment
Bill in 1990 with a different phraseology. It provided for reservation of “not less than
one third” seats for women in Panchayats at all levels. These were to be allotted by
319
rotation to different constituency as was also stipulated in the earlier bill, but even in
this bill there was no reference to a possible reservation in chairpersons’ positions. The
bill was introduced in Parliament but did not come up for discussion. When the
congress party came back to power after the elections of 1991, a new Amendment bill
was introduced in the Parliament which finally became the 73rd amendment to the
constitution. This continued the provision relating to “not less than one third”
reservation in membership with the inclusion of chairperson’s posts. The Minister of
State for Rural Development, while introducing the bill for 73rd amendment in 1992
had stated that, making provision for reservation of one-third of the total seats could be
considered inadequate.57
The women’s reservation bill, which seeks to reserve one third of seats in the
Lok Sabha and the State Legislatures for women, is yet to become law despite being
passed by the Rajys Sabha in 2010 itself. Other pending reforms to the electoral system
includes the constitutional (110th Amendment) bill, for reserving half the seats in
Panchayats for women and the constitution (112th Amendment) bill, reserving one third
of elected seats in municipalities for women.58 Even in most advanced countries
women’s representation is very low in democratic bodies. But in India, women’s
reservation bill (i.e.108th Amendment of the Indian Constitution), is still pending that
proposes for thirty-three percent of seats reserved, in the parliament and the state
legislatures. The bill was first introduced in the Lok Sabha on 12th September 1996.
Though, the bill is passed in the Rajya Sabha in 2010, but is still pending in Lok Sabha.
So, it has been argued that women who constituting half of the population are lagging
behind from democratic setup in India.59 However the proper representation of women
in terms of numbers and quality is absolutely essential for their meaningful partnership
in the progress of the nation.60 There is a growing demand for the presence of women
in political decision-making, so as to facilitate their real empowerment.61 The
respondents opinion regarding reservation for women in state politics given below:
57
Nirmala Buch, “Panchayats and Women”, in George Mathew, Status of Panchayati Raj in the States
and Union Territories of India 2000, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 2000, pp. 37-38.
58
Lakshmi Iyer, “The Electoral Participation of Women’’, Yojana, Vol. 58, July 2014, p. 24.
59
Satarupa Pal, op.cit., 2014, pp.119-122.
60
D. Sundar Ram (ed.), op.cit., 2009, p.13.
61
Ibid., p. 83.
320
Table 5.10
Respondents Opinion
nion Regarding Reservation for Women
omen in State Politics
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 112 77.24 110 75.34 222 76.29
2 No 25 17.24 31 21.23 56 19.24
3 No Opinion 8 5.52 5 3.43 13 4.47
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
77.24 75.34
80
Mandi
70
Kangra
60
Percentage (%)
50
40
30
21.23
17.24
20
5.52
10 3.43
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.10: Respondents Opinion Regarding Reservation for Women in State Politics
The table 5.10 reveals that vast majority of the respondents in the sample were
demanding the reservation for women in state politics. Out of 291 respondents, 222
level
against reservation for women in politics,
politics which constitute 19.24
24 per cent of the
sample, while13 respondents did not express their opinion,
opinion which constitute 4.47 per
cent of the sample.
321
sample, while 8 respondents did not express their opinion, which constitute 5.52 per
cent of the sample.

sample. There were 5 respondents who did not express their opinion, which constitute

respondents demanded reservation for women in state and national level. It was
observed that women participation increased at grassroots level after reservation. But
women participation in state level and national level is still very low.
Training to Elected Representatives
Women are still mostly employed in traditional and informal sectors, where
there has been a lower level of technological and information support. This further
compounds their educational handicaps. However, women with education have entered
many new areas of occupation, where their participation was virtually non-existent
before. This process of occupational diversification through education has been
accelerated during the decade in many developing countries. This enable women to
participate actively in all spheres of economic and social life, vocational and
professional training, must be further developed. In this respect, the training of trainers
is of primary importance, as is the introduction of management training for women.
Apart from the conventional types of training (seminars, workshops etc.,) the non-
conventional types are often also suitable.62
The statutory empowerment of women will become a reality and relevant only,
when they are given adequate training in performing their duties as well as in
understanding the whole system of democratic decentralization. Thus, training to
62
Usha Kiran, op.cit., 2016, p. 66.
322
leaders will make them politically conscious and expose them to constitutional and
legal rights, functions of Panchayati Raj Institutions and their role in formulating and
implementation of rural development schemes. The purpose of passing 73rd
mendment was to make PRIs more effective and representative.63 The
constitutional amendment
views of women representatives on training for effective functioning of PRIs are
summarized in the Table 5.11.
Table 5.11
Respondents Opinion Regarding Training to the Elected Women Representatives
No. of Respondents
Sr. Grand Total
No.
No. %age No. %age No. %age
1. Yes 123 84.83 119 81.51 242 83.16
2. No 12 8.28 15 10.27 27 9.28
3. No Opinion 10 6.89 12 8.22 22 7.56
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
84.83
81.51
90
80 Mandi
70 Kangra
60
Percentage
50
40
30
10.27
8.28
8.22
6.89
20
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.11: Respondents Opinion Regarding Training to the Elected Women

Representatives
63
G. Palanthurai (ed.), op.cit., 1996, p.151.
323
It is evident from the table 5.11 that out of, 291 respondents were interviewed
out of which respondents 242 respondents believed that the elected women
representatives should be given training in rural development programmes, which
constitute 83.16 per cent of the sample. However 27 respondents disagreed with this
view, which constitutes 9.28 per cent of the total. There were 22 respondents expressed
no opinion. The percentage of such respondents was 7.56 of the total sample.
In district Mandi, 145 respondents were interviewed out of which respondents

123 respondents believed that the elected women representatives should be given
training in rural development programmes, which constitute 84.83 per cent of the
sample. However 12 respondents disagreed with this view, which constitutes 8.28 per
As far as district Kangra, 146 respondents were interviewed out of which

respondents 119 respondents believed that the elected women representatives should be
given training in rural development programmes, which constitute 81.51 per cent of the
sample. However 15 respondents disagreed with this view which constitutes 10.27 per
The comparative analysis of the two district reveals that most of the elected
women representatives engaged in the implementation of policies and programmes.
They were not aware of the policies and programmes of the Panchayati Raj Institutions
leading to their improper functioning. Thus proper training of the elected women
representatives attached to the Panchayati Raj Institutions is a must.
Women equality in power sharing and active participation in decision making,

including decision making in political process at all levels will ensure the achievement
of the goal of women empowerment. Government of India through 73rd and 74th
constitutional amendment acts reserved the one-third of seats in all level elected bodies
for women as a sign of political empowerment. Over a million women have actively
entered political life in India through the Panchayat Raj Institutions. There are many
elected women representatives at the village council level. The percentage of women in
324
various levels of political activities in India have risen considerable. However, women
are still under-represented in governance and decision-making process.64
Women members and other executive bodies must be trained and empowered to
exercise their authority. Both men and women members must be sensitive to women
issues. A massive conscientisation programmes for woman in general needs to be taken
up and modules designed for this purpose should adequately deal with social and
economic constraints, which restricts their participation, interpersonal communication
skills, amongst the trainees/ community leaders.65
S.M. Lipset observed that a society in which a large proportion of the

population is outside the political arena is potentially more explosive than, one in
which most citizens are regularly involved in activities, which gives them some sense
of participation in decision that affect their lives.66 The level of political awareness
among voters has far reaching consequences for the successful functioning of
democracy. If they are well informed about political issues and governmental affairs,
they are likely to participate more meaningfully in the political process and take
enlightened political decisions, indeed possession of political awareness by itself
amounts to a minimal degree of political involvement.67 Similarly, Barasha Kalita
founds that in the male dominated society, it is the patriarchy that dominates all matters
from the family to the political system. Women do not have the power of decision
making even in the family life. Women are only passive observer. The overall power
relations is heavily biased against women. The values, attitudes and behaviour
dominated by the patriarch, whose value system is fully masculine. Women are
generally placed in the private arena of home as mothers and wives and men in the
public sphere, this result in exclusion of women from politics. Moreover, another
reason of low representation of women in politics is domestic responsibility.68 Table
show that respondents views regarding women’s role in decision making process.
64
Political Science, Vol.72, No.1, January-March 2011, pp. 94-95.
65
J.L. Singh, Women and Panchayati Raj, Delhi: Sunrise Publications, 2005, p. 356.
66
S.S.Chahar (ed.), op.cit., 2005, p. 248.
67
D.S. Chaudhary, G.K. Kar, Elections and Electoral Behaviour in India, Delhi: Kanti Publications,
1992, p.51.
68
4, No.1, July 2014, pp. 6-7.
325
Table 5.12
Respondentss Opinion Regarding Women’s Role in Decision Making
Mak
Process
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 119 82.07 114 78.09 233 80.07
2 No 24 16.55 20 13.69 44 15.12
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 12 8.22 14 4.81
Total 145 100 146 100 291 100
Mandi
90 82.07
78.09
Kangra
80
70
Percentage (%)
60
50
40
30
16.55
20 13.69
8.22
10 1.38
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response

Respondents Opinion Regarding Women’s Role in Decision Making
Process
It is evident from the table 5.12 that the total sample, 291 respondents were
interviewed, out of which 233 respondents had opinion that women took decisions on
their own in politics, which constitute 80.07 per cent of the sample, whereas 44
respondents were holding the opposite view that women were not capable of taking
decisions independently and they were being influenced by the male members in
politics, which constitute 15.12
.12 per cent of the sample, while 14 respondents had no
326
In district Mandi, 145 respondents 119 respondents had opinion that women
whereas 24 respondents were holding the opposite view, that women were not capable
In district Kangra, 146 respondents 114 respondents had opinion that women
whereas 20 respondents were holding the opposite view that women were not capable
The comparative analysis of the two district depicts that most of the women
take decisions independently. It was observed that some women were not able to
participate independently in the decision making process, especially in the case of
being a chairperson. They were dependent on the male counterparts. Lack of experience
was the one of the factors for male dominance over their sphere of the activities.
Democratic Process
Indian democracy is the biggest democracy in the world having large number of
electorates. Though, the constitution of India has provided right to live with respect to
all citizens of India.69 Participation is the very backbone of democracy. It is the key
concept of self-governance because in one democracy decision making process begins
and ends with the people.70 In fact, 73rd amendment has created a scope for
accomplishing development with social justice, which is mandate of the new
Panchayati Raj system. The new system brings all those, who are interested to have
voice in decision making through their participation in PRIs. The Panchayati Raj
system is basis for the “Social Justice” and “Empowerment” of weaker section on
which, the development initiative have to be built upon for achieving overall, human
welfare of the society.
69
Rajender B. Daddamani, “Indian Democracy: Reality or Myth?”, Third Concept, Vol. 22, No. 256,
June 2008, p. 11.
70
Jyoti Prakash Samantray, “Grassroots Level Democracy in India- An Overview”, Indian Journal of
Research, Vol. 4, No.7, July 2015, p. 434.
327
Therefore, democracy
emocracy is never complete without the active involvement and
participation of the people at all levels and the institutions. It has gained considerable
strength, since independence at the national
n and state levels.
evels. People’s participation has
become necessary for the success of Panchayati Raj.71 Table shows respondents
opinion regarding democratic process is the best platform for women participation.
Table 5.13
Respondentss Opinion about PRIs as the Best Platform of Democratic Process
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
1 Yes 137 94.48 127 86.99 264 90.72
2 No 6 4.14 13 8.90 19 6.53
3 No Opinion 2 1.38 6 4.11 8 2.75
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
94.48
86.99
Mandi
100
Kangra
90
80
70
Percentage (%)
60
50
40
30
8.9
4.14
4.11
20
1.38
10
0
Yes No No Opinion
Response
Fig. 5.13: Respondentss Opinion about PRIs as the Best Platform of Democratic Process
Table 5.13 shows that out of 291 respondents, 264 respondents agreed with
Panchayati Raj Institutions was the best platform
pla of the democratic process,
process which
71
S.T. Shirsath and Jitender Wasnik, “Democracy and Development
Development at Grassroots in India”,
International Journal of Research in Applied Nature and Social Sciences, Vol. 2, No.7,
No. July 2014,
p.169.
328
respondents who gave no opinion about this context which constitute 2.75 per cent of
the sample.
In district Mandi was concerned, out of which 145 respondents, 137

respondents agreed with the Panchayati Raj Institutions was the best platform of the
democratic process, which constitute 94.48 per cent of the total sample, whereas 6
respondents who did not agree democratic process, which constitute 4.14 per cent of
the sample, there were 2 respondents who gave no opinion about this context, which
As far as in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 127 respondents agreed with
the Panchayati Raj Institution was the best platform of the democratic process, which
respondents who gave no opinion about this context. The percentage of such was 4.11
respectively.
Comparative analysis of two district reveals that the majority of the respondents
think that the Panchayati Raj Institution was the best platform of democratic process. It
was observed that democracy is never complete without the active involvement and
participation of the people at all levels and the institutions.
Enhance Women’s Participation
To increase women’s participation in politics various measures can be taken.

Firstly, our social structure should be changed so that women do not have to face
discrimination. Even today, many people think that the political arena is not a suitable
place for women. Women will have to understand that their participation in politics and
other activities of life is necessary for them to become a significant part of the society
and only this feeling can lead to their development. To arouse this awareness, education
is necessary for women. With the help of education women can become independent,
think freely and became capable of taking decisions. Education and financial
329
independence are necessary to be able to play an active part in the social and political
life. It is necessary to inspire women to be financially independent.72
Women should be provided leadership and communication training. The

Representation of People Act, 1951 should be amended to compel political parties to
provide for mandatory nomination of the women candidates for at least one–third of
seats to avoid de-recognition as a national party. The media both print as well as
electronic, can play an important role in creating awareness in the society. It can act as
an agent of political socialization for inculcating the values of gender equality and
gender justice.73 Ensuring identity empowerment can go a long way to ensure women
participation in the political field. It increase women’s knowledge base, increase the
understanding of their strength and weakness, increase in the level of their motivation
and an overall zeal to reverse the traditional pattern of their inequality.74
A. Thanikodi M. Sugirtha suggested that some of the strategies to increase

women’s capacity to participate in decision-making to provide leadership and self-
esteem training to assist women and girls, particularly those with special needs, women
with disabilities and women belonging to racial and ethnic minorities to strengthen
their self-esteem and to encourage them to take decision-making positions. There
should be a transparent criteria for decision-making positions and ensure, that the
selecting bodies have a gender-balanced composition and to develop mechanism and
training to encourage women to participate in the electoral process, political activities
and other leadership areas.75
According to Pooja Singh found that women issues were not taken up by parties
in a serious manner nor translated into programmes, policies and legislation nor were
they mandated specifically to address issues of women. The idea of 33% reservation for
women in parliament was actively endorsed by most of the major political parties and
this had raised expectation that many more women would be nominated to contest the
elections.76
72
M. P. Dube and Neeta Bora (eds.), op.cit., 1999, pp.142-145.
73
Anuradha Chadha, “Political Participation of Women: A Case Study in India”, International Journal
of Sustainable Development, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2014, p.105.
74
Barsha Kalita, op.cit., 2014, p. 6.
75
A. Thanikodi and M. Sugirtha, op.cit., 2007, p. 594.
76
2014, pp. 48-50.
330
Further, Sukhpal Kaur revealed that, great progress has been made in the arena
of women’s rights in theory and policy formation. Women’s rights and equality must
be looked with renewed vigour and vision. It should be an integral part of the
development and welfare policies of states and international organisations. Awareness
campaigns should be organised on women’s rights by civil society and dissemination of
knowledge of the various welfare measures, implemented by the state and international
organisation. The active involvement and association of the civil society in women’s
issues can accelerate the whole process, as it works at the grass-root level. The most
important thing for upliftment of women is to change the mind set of men folk as well
as women folk.77 It is in this regard P.V Krishna suggested that, women elected
representatives needs to be politically enlightened, not only about their rights and
duties, but also the nature of our constitution, democratic process and values, working
of democratic institutions, concept and relevance of local body administration, and
various poverty alleviation programmes and policies meant for women and weaker
sections.78 The table show that respondents views regarding increase women
Table 5.14
Respondents Opinion With Regard to Increasing Women’s Participation in

Politics

Sr. Total
No
1 Self Confidence 86 59.31 71 48.63 157 53.95
2 Education 24 16.55 38 26.03 62 21.31
3 Awareness 21 14.48 28 19.18 49 16.83
4 Economic Independence 6 4.14 7 4.79 13 4.47
5 Others 8 5.52 2 1.37 10 3.44
Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
77
Sukhpal Kaur, op.cit., 2009, p.128.
78
P.V. Krishna, “ Participation and Awareness of Elected Women Representatives in PRIs”, Voice
of Research, Vol. 2, No. 4, March 2014, p. 48.
331
59.31
60
Mandi
48.63 Kangra
50
40
Percentage (%)
30 26.03
19.18
20 16.55
14.48
10 5.52
4.14 4.79
1.37
0
Self Education Awareness Economic Others
Confidence Independence
Response
Fig. 5.14: Respondents Opinion with

ith Regard to Increasing Women’s Participation in
Politics
Table 5.14 shows that out of 291 respondents, 157 respondents suggested
increase their self confidence,
confidence which constitute 53.95 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 62 respondents suggested to increase educational level of women and girls,
girls
increase awareness
ness which constitute 16.83 per cent of the sample. There were 13
respondents who provided economic independence of women,
women which constitute 4.47
s. The percentage of such respondents was 3.44 of the total
sample.
In district Mandi out of 145 respondents, 86 respondents suggested increase

increas
their self confidence, which constitute 59.31 per cent of the total sample, whereas 24
respondents suggested increase
crease educational level of women and girls, which constitute
16.55 per cent of the sample, while 21 respondents suggested to increase awareness,
awareness
which constitute 14.48 per cent of the sample. There were 6 respondents who provided
economic independence of women,
women which constitute 4.14 per cent of the sample, while
332
8 respondents suggested other factors to increase women participation in politics. The
percentage of such respondents was 5.52 of the total sample.
Similarly in district Kangra out of 146 respondents, 71 respondents suggested

increase their self confidence, which constitute 48.63 per cent of the total sample,
whereas 38 respondents suggested increase educational level of women and girls,
increase awareness, which constitute 19.18 per cent of the sample. There were 7
respondents who provided economic independence of women, which constitute 4.79
participation in politics. The percentage of such respondents was 1.37 of the total
sample.
The comparative analysis of two districts reveals that the respondents in both
districts suggested many ways and means to enhanced women’s participation in
politics. Majority of respondents suggested to increasing self confidence of women to
participate in politics. To provide political awareness, economic independence and
trainings for elected women representatives. Education brings confidence and develops
leadership qualities apart from enhancing knowledge and skills. It was observed that
after 73rd amendment more women participated in politics at grassroots levels.
Women Political Activist
Manakshi Sethy and Prabir Sethy observed that, the growth, equality,
democracy, social justice and an enlightened public policy could only be possible in a
political system, if the issue of development and political empowerment is taken up by
the political system in a meaningful way. Women’s representation in politics is regard
as the first step towards women’s empowerment. Even after more than seventy years of
India’s independence, women are still one of the most powerless and marginalized
section of the society. Women leaders tend to pay more attention to issues of health
care, education, and other social development issues than their male counterparts.
Women legislators should work for the empowerment of other women and for giving
them an equal chance in the governance of a state and a country. Though, the
participation in politics, women are making use of power and resources to bring about
necessary changes. Empowerment of women in all spheres, particularly in the political
sphere, is crucial for their advancement and establishment of a true gender equal
society.79 It is in this context Dhruba Hazarika reveals that women are also involving in
79
Manakshi Sethy and Prabir Sethy, “Politics of Representation through Reservation-II As An
Instrument of Women’s Empowerment”, Janta, 2011, p. 13.
333
human development issues of child rearing, education, health, and gender parity. Many
of them have gone into the making and marketing of a range of cottage products-
products
pickles, tailoring, embroidery etc.80
Table 5.15
Respondents Views as Women Political Activist what would be Your Priorities
No. of Respondents
Grand Total
Sr. No Response Mandi Kangra
Improving Education and

1 61 42.07 56 38.35 117 40.21
Health Facilities
2 Gender Equality 40 27.58 32 21.92 72 24.74
3 To Remove Corruption 28 19.31 30 20.55 58 19.93
4 Others 16 11.04 28 19.18 44 15.12

Total 145 100.00 146 100.00 291 100.00
42.07
38.35
45 Mandi
40 Kangra
35
27.58
Percentage (%)
30
21.92
20.55
19.31
19.18
25
20
11.04
15
10
0
Improving Gender Equality To Remove Others
Education and Corruption
Health Facilities Response
Fig. 5.15: Respondents Views ass Women Political Activist what would be Your
Priorities
80
Dhruba Hazarika, “Women
Women Empowerment in India: A Brief Discussion”,
Discussion” International Journal of
Educational Planning and Administration, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2011, p. 201.
334
Table 5.15 shows that out of 291 respondents 117 respondents indicated that
their main priorities were improving education and health facilities, which constitute
40.21 per cent of the total sample, whereas 72 respondents worked for gender equality,
which constitute 24.74 per cent of the sample. While 58 respondents whose main
priority was to remove corruption, which constitute 19.93 per cent of the sample. There
were 44 respondents women political activists indicated that their main priority was to
solve other issues, which constitute 15.12 per cent of the sample.


Thus, India which is known for the culture and traditions, has also given a place
of respect to women. In the arena of Panchayati Raj Institutions also the rural women,
who were forced to live within the four walls of the house, have come out to take part
in the political process. Though, they are not much educated and not exposed to the
political affairs. They largely depend on male members and officials for advice and
carry on the work. The study reveals that caste is still dominating the politics in both
the district. The study also reveals that, women in higher caste capture powers in
different moulds in comparison to lower caste of the society.
The current study reveals that, several factors impede the political participation
and hence discriminates women. Major among them are caste, illiteracy, family
problem, corruption, male dominance etc. It has also been observed that there is
335
favouritism and corruption both at the level of allotment of the schemes and the time of
extending the benefit to the deserving section of the society. The study also reveals
that, there is too much bureaucratic control over PRIs, so a few respondents demanded
independent bureaucratic structure for the PRIs.
It has been observed during the study that, most of the elected women
representatives engaged in the implementation of policies and programmes were not
aware of the policies and programmes of Panchayati Raj Institutions, which is
responsible for the improper functioning of this institution.
The study also reveals that, while contesting election the women face many
social, economic and political problems. Due to lack of literacy and political awareness,
it has been observed during the study, the major problems faced by women leadership
are; male dominance, caste dominance, lack of awareness and above all family and
social pressure. Majority of the respondents in both districts reveals and believe that
women participation will improve in the long run. It has been major finding of the
study, the female literacy and increased awareness would surely make an enhancement
of women participation in grassroots institutions.
It is found during the study that elected women representatives are engaged in
the implementation of policy and programmes but not aware of the policies and
programmes of PRIs. Thus training of the elected women representatives attached to
the Panchayati Raj Institutions needs proper training. NGOs are also involved in the
training and the capacity building of elected representatives.
respondents indicated that, women as a political activists, the priorities were improving
education and health facilities. It was observed that, they gave importance to other
issues like, to work on gender equality, to remove corruption and to solve the other
problems of women and weaker section of society and to make people aware of their
rights and duties and work for the development of the villages.
336
CHAPTER-VI
CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS
Political participation is the heart of democracy. Democracy is the form of

government, where majority of people possesses the right to share in the exercise of
sovereign power. In a democratic society, power is shared and the representatives of the
people make decision concerning the society. Norman D. Palmer define political
participation as the involvement of citizens in such political activities which directly or
indirectly influence the behaviour and actions of private citizens by which they seek to
influence or to support the government and politics.
Women play an important role in determining the destiny of a nation and are
integral parts of society. Their greater involvement in socio-economic and political
affair have becomes more important. However, history reveals that women have not
been given their actual status in the society. Socially, women are ignored a lot in the
equality is more in legal terms rather than in reality. Later, demand for political
equality of women started in eighteenth century. In Western Europe and North
America, where the idea of equality of the sexes first took roots, a change in status
preceded legislation and with the important exception of suffrage, was often not
dependent on law. New Zealand became the first country to enfranchise women in
1893. After independence, the Constitution of India has granted women equal rights of
participation in the political process of the country along with equal opportunity and
rights in education and employment. The Indian Constitution guarantees political
equality through the adult franchise.
The first world conference on women was held in 1975 in Mexico City. The
conference along with the United Nations Decade for women (1976-1985) launched a
worldwide dialogue on gender equality. The report of the committee on the status of
women, the observance of International Women’s Year in 1975, the formulation of a
National Plan of Action for Women, setting up of a national committee with the Prime
Minister as the head, proved the concern for women. Since then scholars and policy-
337
makers diverted their attention to the issues of women, which culminated in
establishing a National Commission for Women in 1992 and the National Perspective
Plan for Women (1988-2000).
The historic 73rd and 74th amendments to the constitution, interlaid,

the total number of seats to be filled by direct election in every panchayats and urban
rural and urban areas. This opportunity of sharing of power on equal terms with men
improvements in the status of women. In Himachal Pradesh New Panchayati Raj Act,
1994 was introduced in the state, which came into force on April 1994. The act was
complete in nature and was in a position to improve the participation of women in
grassroots politics. That is why, the researcher made an effort to have a case study
focused on the participation of women in Himachal Pradesh state politics.
The first chapter deals with the problems of the study. Also the objectives and
reviews literature on women have been given, which shows that there were only a few
study on the participation of women in state politics: a case study of Himachal Pradesh.
In the present study, among twelve districts, the sample has been drawn from two
districts of Himachal Pradesh i.e. Mandi and Kangra district.
In the second chapter, the historical, social economic and political profile of
Himachal Pradesh has been discussed. Himachal Pradesh came into existence on 15th
April 1948 and achieved statehood on 25th January 1971 and became eighteenth state of
the Indian Union. It is a hilly and mountainous region, which extends over an area of
55, 673 sq. Kms. with a population of 68, 64, 609 persons as per 2011 census.
Himachal is known as Dev Bhumi (The Land of God). It is situated in the heart of the
Western Himalayas. According to the Puranas, Himachal is the Jalandhara Khand of
the Himalayas. The people of the state are considered to be innocent, honest, peace
loving and hardworking. Indian National Congress (INC) and Bhartiya Janta Party
(BJP) are the major political parties, including a few regional parties like Himachal
Vikas Congress (HVC), etc. Himachal Pradesh is predominantly a rural state.
338
Agriculture is the major occupation of the people. Cash crops i.e. Apple, Potato, Peas
Tomato, Ginger, Rajmah, Kiwi Fruits, Citrus Fruits and Floriculture are becoming
popular day by day. Himachal Pradesh has made significant achievements in the field
of economy. Road transport is the main stay of economic activity of the Pradesh.
Himachal Pradesh is one of the most literate and progressive states of the country. The
state has a large potential for the generation of hydel power and tourism etc. during the
past few decades. It helped in linking the mountainous region of Himachal Pradesh to
the plains and there is an increase in the health facilities.
Attempts have been made to study the comparative profile of Mandi and
Kangra district in terms of its socio-economic and political background of women. The
comparative study could be possible only because these factors were taken into
consideration to analyze the participation of women in their respective districts. The
women’s participation could not be studied in isolation without taking into
consideration the society in which they were living, the economic status of family and
the political scenario prevailing in the state. As far as the geographical area of Mandi
district is concerned, i.e.3950 sq. kms. and Kangra district is concerned, it is 5739 sq.
kms. respectively. The population of both district was 9, 99,777 and 15,10,075 Lakhs
respectively as per the Census 2011. The sex ratio is 1007 females for 1000 males in
district Mandi and 1012 females for 1000 males in district Kangra. The literacy rate in
Mandi is 81.53 per cent, the male literacy rate is 89.56 and female literacy rate is 73.66
per cent. At the same time, literacy rate in Kangra is 85.67 per cent, male literacy rate is
91.49 per cent and female literacy rate is 80.02 per cent. As far as the economy of both
district is concerned, the majority of the populations have agrarian background.
The third chapter deals with the political participation of women in India-an
overview. In Rig Vedic, Indian women enjoyed a position of equality in the family and
society. They also participated in the political activities along with men. There was a
gradual decline in their position in the later Vedic and post-Vedic period due to certain
internal changes in the society. The position of women in the Buddhist period could not
have changed very much from that of the earlier days. Nevertheless, there was some
339
admitted that, in the monastic order the place accorded to the nuns was lower than that
of the monks.
During medieval period, the women were deprived of different social and
economic rights and were brought out under the overall control of their male family
members. It is witnessed by the prevalent practices of Purdh system, child marriage,
sati system, ban on widow remarriage, polygamy and devadasi etc. Therefore, there
were women rulers and many women excelled in the sphere of politics in the medieval
period e.g. Razia Sultana, Empress Noorjahan, Chand Bibi, Maharani Jija Bai, Rani
Padmini, Rani Laxmi Bai etc. At the advent of British rule in India, women’s position
was worst in the society. The British rule led to a number of socio-religious reforms in
the country. The socio-religious reforms of the nineteenth and twentieth century like
Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshav Chander Sen, Swami Dayanand Sarswati, Iswar
Chander Vidya Sagar, Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Pandita Ramabai etc.
Mahatma Gandhi inspired women to participate in the national movement.

Gandhiji included most of women in his non-cooperation movement and satyagraha
campaigns, which enable women to a take part in public life. Since the early twentieth
century, women took initiative in organizing women to raise their demands and enter
into public life. Many, all Indian women’s organizations like, Women’s Indian
Association 1917 and All India Women Conference 1926, came into existence. These
organizations demanded for equal social and political rights for women. In 1917, under
the auspices of women’s Indian Association, women demanded right to vote at par with
men. In 1919 under the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms, about 10 lakh women obtained
the voting right. Till 1926, almost all the provinces ensured right to vote to women in
India. The mass participation of women was recognized during Civil Disobedience
Movement in 1930 and also during Quit India Movement of 1942, when thousands of
women courted arrest. During the freedom struggle through the efforts of Mahatma
Gandhi, women were brought into active participation and political leadership.
After Independence, Indian constitution provided equal socio-economic and

political right to women without any discrimination. Indian Constitution has guaranteed
equal political rights to men and women, but equal political participation is still, a
distant dream for women. Therefore, we have the privilege of having a first women
340
Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi for about two decades and we have first ever women
President Pratibha Devi Singh Patil, women speaker of Lok Sabha, Meera Kumar and
Sumitra Mahajan, leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj and women
President of the largest political party Indian National Congress of the Country, Sonia
Gandhi, we also have several women occupying high positions like those of governors,
chief ministers and minister both at central and state levels but their number is dismal.
Many of them are wives, daughters, sister, and daughters in laws and relatives of
prominent political leaders. The 73rd and 74th Amendment to the Constitution was the
landmark step to empowering women to participate in grassroots democracy.
Subsequently, the study found that the most of the countries of the world have
failed to give due space and representation to women in political life. The participation
of women in the politics is not as good as provided in the constitution. The highest
representation of women in the lower house of national legislatures is found in the
countries like Rwanda, Sweden, Cuba, South Africa, Finland, Iceland, Netherland etc.
whereas in developed countries like USA, UK, Canada Australia, etc. women
representation is the national legislatures is quite low. The data reveals that the
participation of women in politics at national and state level is still marginal. No doubt,
women’s participation in parliament has increased with the passage of time which is
seen in previous Lok Sabha elections. In the first Lok Sabha election held in 1952, only
twenty two women were elected, whereas in the Lok Sabha election held in 2014 the
number of women, who got elected increased to sixty one (11.23%) which is the
highest number till date. Whereas, women’s representation in Rajya Sabha is little as
women’s representation in this house at present is 11.83 per cent. Therefore, this
number is too small in comparison to their voting strength. One of the reasons for low
representation of women in Parliament is that political parties do not give adequate
number of women candidates in the elections. In the past Lok Sabha elections, the
number of women contestants remained very less in comparison to men, despite the
fact, that their percentage of winnability is quite higher as compared to men. Women’s
representation in decision-making bodies is also marginal. Like parliament, women’s
representation at state level has also been noticed few, as the most important positions
such as governor, chief minister and Vidhan Sabha speaker is also still too marginal.
341
Women, who are taking active part in politics, they belong to the well established
political family background and relatives of prominent politicians.
their participation in state legislative Assembly, Parliament and other prominent
decision-making bodies is very low. Women participation in voting is almost equal to
their male counterparts and sometimes, it is even more than that of men. Like
parliamentary elections, in Himachal Pradesh also very few women have contested the
assembly elections. The highest number of women representatives in Himachal Pradesh
legislative Assembly was seven in the year 1998-2003. Like state assembly, women’s
representation in parliament also remained very low from Himachal Pradesh. Till date,
only three women have represented Lok Sabha and seven women remained in Rajya
Sabha from Himachal Pradesh.
At the grassroots level, women’s representation in Himachal Pradesh has

increased due to the 73rd and 74th Amendments to the Constitution and providing 33 per
cent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions and Municipalities. The latest
amendment to Panchayati Raj Act 2008, provided 50 per cent reservation of seats for
women in the Panchayats at village level and urban local bodies, which is a historical
step for political participation of women.
Therefore, it was observed that education and governmental efforts has helped
Himachal Pradesh women to reduce infant mortality considerably and improve the
health conditions of women. Thus, compared to the status of women belonging to
India, the women of Himachal Pradesh enjoy not only better educational and health
facilities but also better indices of standard of living. Death rate connected with
delivery has also come down considerably. As far as the security of women is
concerned, transport facilities and accommodations are of paramount importance.
Agriculture is the main occupation of the people of the state. About 69 per cent of the
main workers are engaged in agricultural pursuits. Agriculture is the best with the
disadvantage of small holdings. The villages in Himachal Pradesh are inter-linked with
transport facilities.
The fourth Chapter, deals with the socio-economic and political variables of the
study area of the respondents. The analysis of the socio-economic profile of the
respondents shows that majority of the respondents in the whole sample, as well as
342
Mandi and Kangra district belong to the middle age group of 31-40 years, women take
more part in politics. During the study, it has been analysed that the younger strata of
the respondents is taking active part in the politics in both the district.
As far as the caste factor was concerned, the caste plays a very important role
in the election. The women, who belonged to higher castes, won the elections more
easily than those, who belonged to lower caste. They had to face many problems during
the elections. In district Mandi, most of the respondents belonged to SCs and general
category, whereas in district Kangra, most of the respondents belonged to OBCs and
general category taking active part in politics.
Further, the study found that the majority of the respondents were married,
which showed that younger married women took part in the politics more as compared
to the unmarried and widowed women.
The study reveals that more women belonged to joint family in both the district.
The analysis of the number of children of the respondents, who had two children
participated actively in politics.
From education point of view, the study found that mostly the women
participated in the elections were not highly educated. This indicates that women are
taking part in politics are educated but their educational level is not very high.
Therefore, comparative analysis of both the district reveals that the educational level of
respondents of Mandi was higher than that of Kangra.
Further, the occupation wise analysis reveals that majority of the respondents in
the whole sample, as well as in Mandi and Kangra district are engaged in agricultural
activities. The study reveals that income is also an important indicator of social status.
Income wise analysis shows that, the income of the respondents is comparatively better
in Mandi district than in Kangra district.
The study found that the size of the land holdings of the respondents in Kangra
district was slightly better than that of Mandi district. The landholding size of Himachal
Pradesh is very small.
The study also found that the number of respondents, who were in habit of
reading newspaper was higher in district Mandi than that of Kangra district. The study
reveals that majority of the respondents were aware in habit of hearing news in
343
television or in radio. Hence, it has been revealed that television and radio programmes
are very effective in mobilizing women to participate in politics.
The analysis of both district reveals that the vast majority of the respondents in
both district were interested in politics. The increasing interest of the respondents in
politics shows that the family responsibility. Women are also developing a positive
attitude towards politics.
The study reveals that majority of the respondent’s father and husband did not
participate in politics. It was observed that participation in voting is higher among the
respondents. Majority of the respondents in Kangra district was higher, who casted
their vote in past election as compared to Mandi district.
Regarding the factors kept in mind, while casting the votes. Majority of the
respondents give preference to the candidate’s merits, educational level of the
candidates and party affiliation, while casting their votes. On the other hand, it was
observed that respondents gave less importance to other factors like religion, and caste
etc.
In respect of campaigning activities, it is found that in both district, the

activities like door to door campaigning with in village/town and campaigning outside
the village/town and both activities are preferred more by the respondents than the
campaign activities like distributing pamphlets and preparing sticking posters, in order
to make the campaign more meaningful.
The study reveals that majority of the respondents contested election from the
village level. But state and national level participation is very dismal. It was observed
that village level participation of women were increased after reservation. The study
found that the number of respondents, who believed that they were motivated by their
family members.
The study found that, majority of the respondents in whole sample contested the
elections from the reserved seats for women. It was observed that women generally get
an opportunity to contest the elections only on those seats which were reserved for
women.
As regards parties’ affiliation, it is found that very vast majority of the

respondents in both the district were the membership of congress party. It was also
found that in Himachal Pradesh two political parties that is Congress and Bhartiya Janta
344
Party, are dominating the political scene of the state. The share of other political
parties is very negligible.
As regards the type of party membership, it is found that in both district

majority of the respondents were active members of political parties. It is also found
that a large number of the respondents in both the district do not make any financial
contribution to a party or a candidate. It was observed that the majority of the
respondents in the sample were not financially self-sufficient. The study reveals that the
majority of the respondents were the members of voluntary organization. These
organisations solve their problems as well as to serve the weaker sections of the
society.
The study depicts that majority of the respondents attended the

party/organization meeting regularly. In district Mandi, the member of respondents
attending party and organisation meeting was higher to Kangra district. With regard to
participation in public rallies and protest activities, the study reveals that majority of
the respondents in the whole sample, as well as both the district prefers more to attend
public rallies. The main sources of political information were television, newspaper,
radio and social media. It was observed that in both the district majority of the
respondents seek information from television and followed by family members, reading
newspaper, radio and other sources. It was observed that these sources gave political
information to the women and made them aware about their rights and gets information
about the state, national and international levels.
As far as the awareness and knowledge of the respondents regarding the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment Act and Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994 is
concerned, it is found that only 40.21 per cent of the respondents know about these new
acts relating to PRIs. This reveals that majority of the respondents are not much aware
about these acts. However, it is found that on the whole, they are at least aware about
some of the basic provisions of these acts regarding PRIs. An analysis of the role of
PRIs in the empowerment of women reveals that, an overwhelming majority of the
respondents accepted that empowerment of women has taken place only after the
implementation of 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act that facilitated women
participation and involvement in PRIs. This act has played an important role in the
changing society. Majority of the respondents (75.25%) were the view that the
345
participation and representation of women in PRIs has empowered women to extent in
political as well as social and economic spheres.
The study also reveals that majority of the respondents have agreed that,
reservation to women in PRIs has empowered them politically, as it has enhanced their
participation in the democratic process of the grassroots level. Due to reservation, a
large number of women have entered in PRIs and their participation in decision making
process at grass-roots level has increased.
Chapter fifth deals with the hurdles in the participation of women. The women
representatives are also facing many problems, while participating in the political
process. The main problems, which women representatives generally face, while
participating effectively includes lack of knowledge, lack of time due to earning
livelihood, lack of time due to family responsibilities and caring of children and lack
of funds to under to undertake developmental activities. The other problems faced by
women representatives are non-cooperation of the family member’s, lack of political
awakening, lack of interest in politics and lack of education.
The study shows that majority of the respondent’s perceived lack of time due to
family responsibilities, as the major hurdles in political participation of women. It was
observed that the higher castes woman comes into power easily as compared to women,
who belongs to the lower strata of the society. This decreases to a certain extent the
overall participation of women in the rural areas.
The study depicts that, there is corruption in various rural development schemes
in both district, there was favouritism and corruption i.e. during allotment of the
schemes and during extending the benefits to the deserving section of the society. The
beneficiaries do not take full advantage of the scheme. There is corruption at different
levels, which are involved in the process.
It has been observed during the study that, male members played a dominant
role in decision making process and many elected representatives have no identity of
their own and act as mere mouthpieces of powerful men in politics. The study also
reveals that, while contesting elections women faced many problems from their family
members and from the society.
346
The study also finds that majority of the respondents were in favour of
minimum educational qualification for women in politics. Illiterate women were not
able to participate in politics. It is observed that without proper education, they feel
hard to understand the rules of politics.
The majority of the respondents demanded reservation for women in state and
national levels. It was observed that women participation increased at grassroots level
after reservation. But women participation in state and national level is still very low.
On the basis of the entire study following findings have been derived.
• The finding clearly shows that women have very poor knowledge about the
Panchayati Raj Institution and Constitutional provisions, development
programmes and duties of the government official in the local administration.
The main reasons for lack of knowledge are illiteracy, lack of experience and
lack of interest in politics and public life.
• Most of the respondents are of the younger age group. Women are not able to
play an effective role because of low profile, poor orientation, lack of
enthusiasm and lack of political background. Besides, these individual
approaches, social obstacles such as, conservative approach, family
responsibility, and lack of co-operation from family.
• Majority of the women respondents belong to joint family. Participation of

women is much influenced by the family. The inherited social position and the
reputation of the joint family plays an effective role in the leadership pattern.
• Majority of the respondents were not aware of the provisions and main
implications of the Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994. Even after
about twenty three years of the implementation of the Act, they have no idea
about the system. Because the reasons behind it are illiteracy, lack of awareness
and lack of interest.
• Socio-economic profile of women indicates that women after seventy years of

independence are suffering from poverty and social stigma, besides the equal
status for women by the constitution.
347
Suggestions
To make the political participation of women more visible and effective the
following suggestions are made:
• There should be spread education especially among women, so that the

educated women come forward and participate more effectively. Education and
training need to be provided among women representatives and they are made
aware of their rights and duties. It is important to educate women especially,
with the help of the national literacy mission.
• Education and financial independence are necessary to be able to play an active

part in the social and political life. It is necessary to inspire women to be
financially independent.
• It should make an intense drive for legal and political education for women.
Legal system aiming at elimination of all forms of discrimination against
women should be strengthened. In addition to that, awareness level about laws
should be raised among women.
• Syllabi in the school and higher education should be based on the practical
utility by which, the society should be sensitized. Male folk of the society
should realise the importance of female folk.
• Economic independence and access to resources is also essential to encourage

women’s participation and involvement in political process.
• Our social structure should be changed, so that women do not have to face
discrimination. Even today, many people think that the political area is not a
suitable place for women. Women will have to understand that their
participation in politics and other activities of life is necessary for them, to
become a significant part of the society and only this feeling can lead to their
development.
• There should be a positive familial and societal attitude towards women’s

participation in political process. The male family members should encourage
and co-operate women to take part in the politics.
• Women should be encouraged to be effective part of planning process at the

village level. Women folk better knows the local needs and they are most
effected section of the society.
348
• Women’s political participation will be possible by creating multi seat
constituencies with women representing a part of it.
• Women’s participation in decision-making must be at every level of social,

economic and political spheres and shall ensure regular and fair elections at
every level, without taking the patronage of politician.
• There has to be some electoral reforms, which would curb the role of muscle
and money power in politics.
• To enforce stringent measures to stop corruption, criminalization and

communalization of politics.
• To ensure that women are taken seriously in their elected post by allotting
important portfolios and limiting their functions to social welfare and women
and child development.
• The Representation of People Act, 1951 should be amended to compel political

parties to provide for mandatory nomination of the women candidates for at
least one-third of the seats to avoid de-recognition as a national party.
• Constitution should be amended to give reservation to the women in parliament

and state legislatures, so the women should have share in deciding the policy,
programmes, according to their own needs.
• All the women organizations should come on a common platform with single
target of passing of Reservation Bill or face anger of women voters in the next
general elections because a critical mass of women is pre-requisite for the
effective political participation of women.
• Women should strive to enter into important organisational positions in political

parties, action groups, trade unions and such other organisations.
• Self Help Groups, Non-Government Organisations, Mahila Mandals and Youth

Clubs are also contributing in their own way in women empowerment process.
They should try to improve their working style, so that people may get aware of
their plans and programmes.
• They can motivate women to contest election and to get a sense of economic
independence and self-confidence. Their participation in these organisations
should be ensured.
349
• There is also an urgent need of the co-operative and positive attitude of
bureaucracy/government officials towards women representatives of the PRIs.
The women development programmes should be linked with more effective
participation of women and also for establishing links between women
representatives and government functionaries at the grassroots level.
• Men interested in women’s political participation should be invited and

welcomed to involve themselves in women’s action groups and the like.
• Government should organize training programmes, workshops, seminars

orientation programmes etc. to educate the elected women representatives. This
will help these women to acquire knowledge and skill about the functioning and
they would be in a position to discharge their duties and role more effectively.
• Training should be provided to the newly elected women representatives to train

them about the functioning of the political system and in the art of decision
making.
• Agencies for better political communication should be established, from where

accurate political, economic and educational information can be given. Hence,
women should be provided leadership and communication training.
• There should be a provision to give honour to the women members. Special

financial rewards/incentives should be given to the Panchayats in which, there
are more women members elected unopposed.
• The media both print as well as electronic can play an important role in creating
awareness in the society. It can act as an agent of political socialization for
inculcating the values of gender equality and gender justice.
• Various programmes for welfare and development of women are to be

integrated by giving the women representatives and opportunity to improve the
economic condition in general, besides developing leadership qualities.
• Women participation is not an end in itself. It is the beginning of grassroots

democracy and requires constant improvements and work efficiency. The direct
involvement of women in decision-making bodies is a milestone in
development process. So, reservation has certainly created a silent revolution
among women.
350
In nutshell, it may be said that the spread of education, political awareness,
competence, willingness, self-confidence, motivation, encouragement and support from
the family, society and political parties will help in bringing women in the mainstream
of political arena.
To sum up, in politics we are still struggling to find a place for women. The
under-representation and absence of women in the positions of power and decision-
making process reinforces their exploitation and deprivation. Women’s greater political
participation and representation is needed to alter the male dominated structure of
political process. Women’s equal participation in political decision-making process is a
fundamental pre-requisite not only for gender equality, gender justice and genuine
democracy but also for the reconstruction of the society. More number of women
representatives means more women will be involved in policy and decision-making
processes and will contribute to stronger attention to women’s issues and will provide
an inspiration to women to work on the vision of a better, more humane and a more
equal society, and they will make meaningful contributions towards integrated national
development. However, more efforts are still required to bring about true equality of
women in political arena in letter and spirit. Women still have a long way to go to
attain political power and gender justice. They have to assert for their de facto political
rights. There is a need for qualitative positive change in the socio-economic and
political structure of the society.
351
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Questionnaire-cum-Interview Schedule
Participation of Women in State Politics: A Case Study of Himachal Pradesh.
Researcher: Jai Kiran

Ph. D. Political Science
H.P. University, Shimla-5
Note: The researcher is a Ph. D students and doing the survey for the research
purpose only. The information submitted by you will be kept confidential and
will only be used for the academic purpose only.
Sr. No. .............................
Village/ Town ...................................................................................................................
District .............................................................................................................................
Dated ..................................................................................................................................
Background Information
1) Age:
a) 18-30 b) 31-40 c) 41-50 d) 51-60 e) About 60
2) Post:
a) President b) Vice President c) Pradhan
d) Up-Pradhan e) Member f) Others
3) Sex:
a) Male b) Female
4) Marital Status:
a) Married b) Unmarried c) Widowed
5) Type of Family:
a) Nuclear b) Joint
6) Place of Residence:
a) Rural b) Urban
7) Caste:
a) General b) Schedule Caste c) Schedule Tribe
d) Other Backward Classes
i
8) Religion:
a) Hindu b) Muslim c) Sikh d) Others
9) Occupation Status:
a) Agriculture b) Horticulture c) Business d) Others
10) Education Qualifications:

a) Illiterate b) Primary c) Middle d) Matric
e) Plus Two f) Graduate g) Post Graduate h) Others
11) Annual Income:

a) 5000-15000 b) 15000-25000 c) 25000-50000
d) 50000-75000 e) 75000-One Lakh f) Above One Lakh
12) Number of Children: None/ One /Two/ Three/ Above Three
13) Size of Land Holding (Bighas):

a) 0-10 b) 11- 20 c) 21- 30
d) 31- 40 e) Above 40
14) Do you read newspapers daily?
Yes/ No/ No opinion
15) Do you hear/ watch news daily on radio and television?
Yes/No/ No Opinion
16) Do you take interest in politics?
Yes/No/ No Opinion
17) Political Background of Father/Husband:
Yes/No/No opinion
18) Do you think caste plays an important role in the elections?
Yes/No/ No opinion
ii
Participation of Women in Politics
1) Did you cast your vote in the past elections?

Yes/ No/ No Opinion
2) Which factors you keep in mind while casting your vote?

a) Candidate b) Religion c) Caste
d) Education e) Party Other
3) Who influence your voting behaviour?

a) Family b) Friends c) Religion
d) Caste e) Any Other
4) Do you take part in election campaigning?

Yes/ No
5) What type of campaign activities?
a) Door to Door Campaigning with in village/ town
b) Campaigning outside the village/ town
c) Preparing sticking posters
d) Distributing pamphlets
e) Addressing public meetings
f) All the Above.......................................................................
6) Which level of participation?

a) Village Level b) Block Level c) District Level
d) State Level e) National Level
7) At what age did you contested the election for the first time? (years of age)
a) 18-25 b) 26-40 c) 41-55 d) Above 55
8) From which seat did you contested the election? (Please tick)
a) Reserve for women b) Reserve for SCs women
c) Reserve for STs women d) Reserved for OBCs women
9) Have you contested the past election? Yes /No/No Opinion
10) Which post you contested the election?
a) Pradhan b) UP- Pradhan c) Members d) Others
11) Did you win the election? Yes/ No/No Opinion
iii
12) Who motivated you to contest the election? (Please tick)
a) Your own decision b) Family members
c) Friends and relatives d) Political parties
e) Others ........................................................................
13) What are the sources of your political information?

a) Members of the Family b) News papers
c) Radio c) Television d) Others
14) Are you affiliated with any political party?
a) Indian National Congress b) Bhartiya Janta Party
c) CPI d) BSP d) Others
15) What post you are holding in the party? (Please specify)
a) Active Members b) Inactive Members c) No Opinion
16) Do you make financial contribution to a party/ candidate? Yes/No/No Opinion
17) Are you a member of any voluntary organisation/Associations?
Yes/No/No Opinion
18) Do you attend party/ organisations meetings?
Yes/ No /No Opinion
19) Do you take part in political discussions?

a) Family Members b) Friends /Colleagues c) Any other............
20) Do you take part in Strikes/ Protests/ Bandh/ Calls, etc.? Yes/No/No Opinion
21) Are you aware about the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act regarding the
Panchayati Raj System and Himachal Pradesh Panchayati Raj Act, 1994?
Yes/No/ No Opinion
22) Are you satisfied with the 50 per cent reservation for women in Panchayati Raj
Institutions?
Yes/ No/ No Opinion
23) Should women have 33 per cent reservation in Parliament and State Legislative
Assembly?
Yes/No/No Opinion......
24) Are you satisfied with the present level of participation of women in politics?
Yes/ No
iv
25) In your opinion which factor is more important for women to enter into politics?
a) Family b) Education c) Both are equally important
d) Other factors ...........
26) Do you think the male members dominate the women in decision making process?
Yes/ No/ No Opinion
27) Do you think that economic independence is essential to encourage women

participation and involvement in the politics?
Yes/No/ No opinion
28) Do you think that education is essential to encourage women participation and
involvement in the politics?
Yes/ No/ No Opinion
29) Do you think reservation helped women in active participation in politics?
Yes/No/ No opinion
30) Do you think that participation of women in the PRIs is satisfactory?
Yes/No/ No opinion
31) Do you think that women's participation has increased considerably after the 73rd
Amendment?
Yes/No/ No opinion
32) Do you think women play important role in decision making process?
Yes/No/ No opinion
33) As a women political activist what would be your priorities?

a) Improving education and health facilities b) To ensure gender equality
c) To remove corruption d) Others
34) Which factors inspired you to be active in politics?
a) Interest in politics b) To serve the society

c) Have capabilities and leadership qualities
d) Any others.............
v
35) In your opinion, what hurdles come in the way of women’s participation in the
politics?
a) Non-cooperation of husband/ family members
b) Lack of time due to family responsibilities
c) Lack of interest in the politics d) Lack of political awakening
e) Lack of education
36) Do you face any problem from your family members in the discharge of your
duties?
Yes/ No/ No Opinion
37) Do you think the higher caste has monopoly in the rural power structure?
Yes/ No/ No Opinion
38) Do you think women participation can increase by their social outlook?
Yes/No/ No opinion
39) Do you think that there is undesirable interference of bureaucracy in grassroots

institutions?
Yes/ No /No Opinion
40) Do you think there is a corruption and favouritism in the implementation of various
rural development programmes?
Yes/ No/ No Opinion
41) Do you think that training should be imparted in relation to rural development
programmes and participation?
Yes/ No/ No Opinion
42) Do you think that participation of women can improve in the long run?
Yes/No/ No opinion
43) Do you think that Panchayati Raj Institutions are the best platform of democratic
process?
Yes/No/ No Opinion
44) Suggestion’s to enhance women’s Participation in Politics
a) Self confidence b) Education c) Awareness

d) Economic Independence f) Others
Any suggestion
................................................................................................................................
................................................................................................................................
vi

Women's Political Participation in Himachal Pradesh: A Case Study

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PARTICIPATION OF WOMEN IN STATE

POLITICS: A CASE STUDY OF

SUBMITTED TO HIMACHAL PRADESH UNIVERSITY, SHIMLA

Supervised by: Submitted by:

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta

Date: .......................... Dr. Sanjeev Kumar Bragta

The present empirical study is a modest attempt to analyse the participation of

It gives me immense pleasure to convey the intensity of my feeling of high

It is indeed my great privilege to express deep sense of gratitude to my

It giving me immense pleasure to place on record my deep sense of gratitude to

I am also indebted to the librarian and staff members of various libraries,

• Significance of The Study 66

• Objectives of The Study 68

• Universe of The Study 69

• Limitation of The Study 74

II PROFILE OF HIMACHAL PRADESH 75-140

Table No. Title Page No.

2.1 Himachal at a Glance According to 2011 Census 79

Figure No. Title Page No.

1.1 Political Map of The Study Area 71

AMSL : Above Mean Sea Level

The word ‘participation’ refers to those voluntary activities by which the

The sphere of administrative participation is the exclusive area of civil servants,

The area of social participation is the widest in meaning and is entirely

The participation in politics is a pre-requisite and minimal requirement for a

The participation is to develop human capabilities for development, decision-

The International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences refers political participation

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) defines

Myron Weiner defines political participation as “any voluntary action,

Participation is a multi-dimensional phenomenon. The citizen can participate in

Huntington and Nelson defined political participation as the activity to provide

Political participation denotes a series of voluntary activities which have a

Political participation is a complex phenomenon and depends upon many

According to S.M. Lipset, “the co-relation between level of education and

However, the correlation between participation and some of these socio-

These general precepts in the social environment of the women undoubtedly

Political atmosphere is also considered as one of the deterrents which create an

Thus, all these factors may condition participation differently in different

Whereas, Radical feminism emerged particularly in North America in the late

Participation is a sensitive issue and women participation is more sensitive. The

Women’s participation is considerably high in formal political activities like

Therefore, various International Organizations, Government Organization and

However, in India even after 70 years of the working of the constitution, we

Therefore, political participation means taking part in political activities. The

Political participation refers to the equitable representation of women in

Women’s participation in mainstream political activity has important

In Himachal Pradesh, women are not getting adequate representation in the

Madan Lal Goel (1974) in his book, “Political Participation in Developing

S. Bhatnagar (1974) in his book, “Panchayati Raj in Kangra District of

Hazel D. Lima (1983) in her study, “Women in Local Government: A Study of

Sachidananda and Ramesh P. Sinha (1984) in this book, “Women Rights:

Kiran Devendra (1994) in this book, “Changing Status of Women in India”,

Molly Joseph (1997) in his study, “Women Participation and Development

K.C. Vidya (1997) in her book, “Political Empowerment of Women at the

George Mathew (2001) in this study, “Panchayati Raj in India: An overview

G. Palanithurai (2001) in his book, “Capacity Building for Local Body

Zenab Banu (2004) in her book, “Disempowerment of Tribal Women:

Shakuntla Gupta (2005) in this study, “Women Development in India: A

The present volume is attempted to assess the overall development of women in

Bhola Nath Ghosh (2008), “Women in Governance in Tripura”, this book is

Rameshwari Pandya (2008) in his study, “Women Welfare and Empowerment