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Protocol: Increased Police Patrol Presence Effects On Crime and Disorder
Protocol: Increased Police Patrol Presence Effects On Crime and Disorder
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
4. Methodology ...................................................................................................... 8
4.1 Criteria for inclusion and exclusion of studies in review ...................................................... 8
4.2 Search strategy for identification of relevant studies .......................................................... 10
4.3 Description of methods used in the component studies ...................................................... 12
4.4 Criteria for determination of independent findings ............................................................ 12
4.5 Details of study coding categories ........................................................................................ 12
4.6 Statistical procedures and conventions ............................................................................... 14
4.7 Treatment of qualitative research ........................................................................................ 15
5. Timeframe ........................................................................................................ 15
7. Acknowledgments ............................................................................................. 15
9. References ........................................................................................................ 16
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2. BACKGROUND FOR TH E REVIEW
Patrol is typically the largest function in police agencies around the world, and the majority of
officers tend to be assigned to general service duties (Bayley, 1992). Patrol officers generally
spend their time responding to emergency calls for service from the public, deterring crime
through their presence, and carrying out special assignments from supervisors. In recent years,
it has become increasingly recognized that police agencies can have a beneficial impact on crime
and disorder (Lum, Koper, & Telep, 2011; National Research Council, 2004; Telep & Weisburd,
2012; Weisburd & Eck, 2004). Police patrol officers have likely played a major role in police
efforts to effectively address crime as these officers make up a substantial portion of police
resources and are on the front lines responding to crime and citizen concerns on a daily basis.
An important question is the extent to which increased police presence through increased police
patrols impact crime and disorder. If police can deter crime through their presence, does
increasing the quantity of this presence help reduce crime and disorder? Being present, of
course, is not the only activity patrol officers engage in, but it a major component of patrol and
one that is important to examine systematically because agencies around the world devote such
extensive resources to police patrol.
Our review follows the definition of “police patrol” from Kelling et al. (1974: 2) in the Kansas
City preventive patrol study (see below): “to most, police patrol is equated with the visible
presence of a police officer in the community, whether on foot or in a marked automobile.”
Thus, for our purposes, presence is the key component of patrol. We can also think of patrol
work as generally falling into one of two broad categories: “answering assigned calls and
conducting general surveillance” (Whitaker, 1982: 13). We are especially interested in the
second category because the police have greater control over the time devoted to non-call
presence and the ability to increase (or decrease) it. As we discuss below, this “general
surveillance” can take on different forms with varying levels of focus.
We recognize this is a simplification of the complex multitude of activities that fall under patrol
work. But this categorization helps make clear what is and is not within the scope of this review,
as we emphasize below in our summary of the theory and prior research guiding our inclusion
criteria. Not all forms of police being physically present in an area qualify as patrol presence.
The concept of “general surveillance” emphasizes a crime prevention focus through police
visibility. This is different than officers being present to deliver a program in schools or attend a
community meeting. Our emphasis is on the role of patrol presence for immediate crime
prevention purposes.
Based on the deterrence literature, crime should be reduced if police patrol can effectively
increase the certainty that criminal activity will be observed and punished. One mainstay of
policing since the 1930s has been random preventive patrol by automobile. Random patrol
generally involves officers randomly driving around their beat or assigned area in downtime
between calls for service (see Kelling & Moore, 1988). While preventive patrol has traditionally
been allocated in beats or precincts, its proponents have emphasized the importance of
providing the widest possible geographic coverage (Reppetto, 1976). The idea is to create a
sense of omnipresence and to maximize deterrence by keeping offenders on their toes about
when an officer will drive by next (see Kelling et al., 1974).
This effort to create ambiguity in the minds of offenders about when police presence will next
occur is supported by recent work in the deterrence literature. Loughran and colleagues (2011:
1056) emphasize the potential benefits of changing levels of patrol, noting “With the same
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amount of resources, an alteration of police policy by manipulating the ambiguity of the
certainty of arrest would enable them to enhance the deterrent effect they have. Our finding
with respect to ambiguity suggests it would be worthwhile for law enforcement to exploit any
vagueness in perceptions of the risk of punishment.” Loughran et al.’s (2011) recommendations
are particularly relevant to hot spots policing (see below), but the ideas would apply to larger
areas as well if the police are present with enough frequency to create ambiguity in the minds of
offenders as to when the next period of presence will occur. Additionally, crime is expected to
be deterred at the time officers are driving through (or sitting in) a particular area, because the
certainty of punishment is highest when officers can physically view any crime or disorder
activity.
Durlauf and Nagin (2011) also argue that the certainty of punishment is key to understanding
the deterrent effects of police patrol. Nagin (2013) expands on this argument, noting that the
police role as “sentinel” or guardian is central to a deterrence regime. If the number of police or
their targeting of offenders can be heightened to a significant degree than significant crime
prevention benefits are likely to be gained: “increasing the visibility of the police by hiring more
officers and by allocating existing officers in ways that heighten the perceived risk of
apprehension consistently seem to have substantial marginal deterrent effects” (Durlauf &
Nagin, 2011: 14).
The importance of police as guardians relates to the arguments in routine activities theory
(Cohen & Felson, 1979). Cohen and Felson (1979) argue that crime occurs when a motivated
offender and suitable target come together in space and time in the absence of capable
guardianship. Police are the best example of formal guardianship that can ideally disrupt the
opportunities that could lead to criminal events. Thus, even if the number of motivated
offenders and suitable targets remain constant, if police can increase their levels of capable
guardianship at places, then crime could potentially be reduced.
Increasing police presence can occur in a number of ways. As noted above, a common method
dating back to the 1930s is changing levels of random patrols in beats or neighborhoods. We
note here that our focus in this review is not on the effectiveness of random patrol per se, but
rather the effectiveness of increasing police presence. Thus, we begin our review of the
literature with a discussion of random preventive patrol both because it has traditionally been a
common police presence allocation method and because increasing (or decreasing) levels of
random patrol has been the subject of some prior research (see below).
In the major study in this area, the Kansas City Preventive Patrol Experiment (Kelling et al.,
1974), increasing (or decreasing) levels of preventive patrol did not have a significant impact on
crime or victimization. In the Kansas City study, 15 beats in the South District were assigned to
one of three conditions. In the five control beats, preventive patrol was left at the normal level
of one car per beat. In the five reactive beats, preventive patrol was totally eliminated. Officers
still responded to 911 calls in these beats but were instructed to not randomly patrol these areas
between calls. In the five proactive beats, random patrol was increased with two or three cars
assigned to each beat, thus doubling or tripling the amount of random preventive patrol. The
results called into doubt the effectiveness of random patrol as a crime prevention tool. There
were no significant differences across the groups in reported crime, arrests, and levels of
reported victimization.
The conventional wisdom after the Kansas City study was that random patrol did not work and
that increasing or decreasing police presence would not impact crime rates (see Bayley, 1994;
Weisburd & Eck, 2004). Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990: 270), for example, argued that, “no
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evidence exists that augmentation of police forces or equipment, differential patrol strategies, or
differential intensities of surveillance have an effect on crime rates.” Subsequent research
examining the concentration of crime at place also called into question the logic behind random
preventive patrol. Because crime is not randomly distributed across beats, but is instead highly
concentrated (e.g., see Sherman, Gartin, & Buerger, 1989; Weisburd, Groff, & Yang, 2012),
randomly allocating patrol resources does not seem to be the most efficient or effective way to
control and prevent crime (see Telep & Weisburd, 2012). These findings on the high levels of
concentration of crime at place helped influence the hot spots policing model of increased
presence discussed more below.
Despite these concerns with the logic underlying the approach, random preventive patrol is
routinely dismissed as an ineffective strategy that police should not be using based largely on the
results of just the Kansas City study. But as Sherman and Weisburd (1995) note, the small
sample of beats in the study and the low base rates for many crimes created low statistical
power, which made it difficult for the evaluation to discern a significant difference between the
study groups even if one had existed (see also Sherman, 1992). Larson (1975) also notes that the
patrol levels across the groups may not have been as different as intended, in part because
officers were entering the reactive beats frequently to respond to calls for service. Other studies
examining beat-based patrol increases found more positive results in terms of crime reduction
(e.g., see Press, 1971; Schnelle et al., 1977), although these studies also suffered from
methodological flaws. A more systematic examination of the impact of increasing patrol in beats
or large geographic areas may thus provide a stronger answer to the question of “does random
preventive patrol work?” than simply citing the Kansas City study as the final answer (see
Sherman, 2013).
In a recent review of systematic reviews in policing, Telep and Weisburd (2016) argued that
while most police innovations in policing (see Weisburd & Braga, 2006) have been covered by
an existing review, more traditional tactics in policing have received less attention. While these
“standard model” tactics (Weisburd & Eck, 2004) such as random preventive patrol are
generally seen as outdated, they continue to occupy a substantial portion of police time and
resources and so more systematic inquiry into their effects would be worthwhile. This is not to
necessarily suggest that additional studies collected in this review will demonstrate that random
preventive patrol is a highly effective approach. But it also seems imprudent to argue that a
tactic is ineffective largely based on the results of a single study that suffers from issues of
methodology and statistical power. A systematic review offers an opportunity to carefully assess
the existing evidence base for random preventive patrol and other methods of increasing police
presence.
Increasing police presence is not limited to random patrols at the beat level. Increasing
preventive police patrols has also been an important component in a number of interventions at
smaller units of geography than the police beat. Many of these interventions have focused on
crime hot spots. Crime hot spots are small units of geography with high rates of criminal
activity. The specific geographic area that makes up a hot spot varies across studies, ranging
from individual addresses or buildings (e.g., Sherman et al., 1989) to single street segments (i.e.
both sides of a street from intersection to intersection; e.g., Sherman & Weisburd, 1995) to small
groups of street segments with similar crime problems such as a drug market (e.g., Weisburd et
al., 2006). As noted above, because crime is so highly concentrated, the hottest spots in a city,
regardless of the specific unit of analysis chosen, are responsible for a large chunk of a
jurisdiction’s crime problem. The concentration of crime at place has become well established
through research over the last two decades. From Sherman et al.’s (1989) groundbreaking
finding that 3.5 percent of addresses in Minneapolis included 50 percent of crime calls to the
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police (see also Pierce, Spaar, & Briggs, 1988), to more recent work by Weisburd and colleagues
in multiple cities that shows that just five percent of street segments produce 50 percent of the
crime each year (Weisburd et al., 2004; Weisburd, Telep & Lawton, 2014; Weisburd & Amram,
2014; Weisburd et al., 2012), there is growing consensus that crime is highly concentrated at
small micro geographic units in cities. Indeed, Weisburd et al. (2012) argue that we have to
recognize a “law of crime concentrations at places.”
Hot spots policing, also sometimes referred to as place-based policing (see Weisburd, 2008),
covers a range of police responses that all share in common a focus of resources on the locations
where crime is highly concentrated. The original hot spots policing experiment in Minneapolis
(Sherman & Weisburd, 1995) focused on trying to increase patrol levels on high crime street
blocks up to three hours per day. Sherman and Weisburd (1995) used computerized mapping of
crime calls to identify 110 hot spots of roughly street-block length. Police patrol was doubled on
average for the experimental sites over a 10-month period. Officers in Minneapolis were not
given specific instructions on what activities to engage in while present in hot spots. They
simply were told to increase patrol time in the treatment hot spots. The study found that the
experimental as compared with the control hot spots experienced statistically significant
reductions in crime calls and observed disorder.
More recently, additional rigorous studies have focused on increasing police patrol presence in
high crime or at risk places. The Sacramento Police Department, for example, used 15 minute
stops by officers in a random order to increase police presence on high crime street segments
(Telep, Mitchell, & Weisburd, 2014). The study was guided by recommendations by Sherman
(1990) and Koper (1995) to deliver police presence in medium-length doses in an unpredictable
order to maximize the deterrent effect of the police. In Sacramento, the approach was successful
as treatment group hot spots had significantly fewer calls for service and Part I crime incidents
than control group hot spots when comparing the three month period of the experiment in 2011
to the same period in 2010.
Ratcliffe and colleagues (2011) evaluated the impact of using foot patrol to increase patrol levels
in high crime areas in Philadelphia. Results suggested significant declines in violence in the
treatment hot spots compared to the control sites. The intervention was particularly effective
for hot spots that reached a threshold of violence (i.e. the hottest hot spots). Other presence-
based hot spots studies include Di Tella and Schargrodsky’s (2004) evaluation of the impact of
adding police officers to guard Jewish and Muslim buildings following a terrorist attack in
Buenos Aires, and Taylor, Koper, and Woods’ (2011) analysis of the impact of increased
presence in lengthy crackdowns in high crime locations in Jacksonville, FL. These hot spots or
micro place interventions generally show stronger evidence of effectiveness, in part because
police are maximizing their deterrent ability by focusing in on the highest crime places.
Hot spots are much smaller than the police beats and neighborhoods used in many
interventions designed to increase random patrols, but the logic here is similar. The goals of hot
spots interventions focused on increasing police presence are to both deter criminal activity and
increase levels of guardianship. As Koper (1995) argues, the deterrent ability of the police is
likely enhanced in these smaller units, because potential offenders are more likely to see police
and be aware of their increased presence.
In reviewing the evidence on police presence, Nagin (2013) finds overall support for using
increased presence in small geographic units to reduce crime. He argues “The evidence is clear
that large changes in police presence do affect crime rates. The change in presence may be the
result of an unplanned event, such a terror alert that triggers a large increase in police officers in
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public spaces, or it may be a strategic response to a known crime problem, such as in hot spots
policing deployments. In either case, crime rates are reduced in places where police presence
has been materially increased” (Nagin, 2013: 42).
Not all hot spots policing studies, however, focus exclusively on increasing police presence.
Indeed, a number of different approaches can be taken to dealing with crime hot spots,
including nuisance abatement programs (e.g., Mazerolle, Price, & Roehl, 2000), problem-
oriented policing (e.g., Braga et al., 1999; Weisburd & Green, 1995), and drug house raids (e.g.,
Sherman & Rogan, 1995). We are not including studies examining these other approaches to
dealing with high crime places. We recognize that these other types of interventions may also
involve increases in police presence. Nonetheless, in an effort to avoid problems of
disentangling the effects of multiple treatments simultaneously (e.g., the SARA model of
problem-oriented policing vs. increased presence), we will focus only on those hot spots studies
focused entirely (or almost entirely) on increasing police presence. We also recognize that this
will still lead to some overlap with the studies included in the hot spots policing systematic
review by Braga, Papachristos, and Hureau (2012). Any hot spots interventions focused on the
strategies listed above or other strategies not related to simply increasing police presence will
not be covered by our review and as a result, we do not expect the overlap between the two
reviews to be substantial. Additionally, as we noted above and discuss below, we also expect our
group of eligible studies to include non-hot spots studies focused on increasing police presence
in larger geographic areas, such as beats. In their moderator analysis, Braga and colleagues
(2012) found that hot spots studies focused on increased police presence had a significant
impact on reducing crime and disorder, although the magnitude of this impact was less than
that of problem-oriented hot spots studies. As we describe below, we will code any activities
that study authors note that police engaged in while increasing patrols, but the primary focus of
the program must be to simply increase police presence and not to engage in any particular
problem solving or enforcement activity.
Moderator analyses in this review will hopefully allow for comparisons of increased police
presence in beat-based random patrol vs. hot spots policing, an important comparison for
examining the relative benefit of adopting hot spots policing over a more standard patrol model.
This will ideally provide important new insights to the evidence base on patrol strategies
because, to date, there has been no direct comparison of random patrol to other patrol
approaches like hot spots policing (Sherman, 2013).1
We suspect that many police interventions examining increased patrol and/or presence will
focus on either the police beat or a micro place (e.g., hot spot) as the unit of analysis, although
police could increase patrol levels at any unit of geography from very small (e.g., a particular
school or interaction) to very large (e.g., an entire jurisdiction). Our main requirements
(discussed below) are that the increase in police presence be the focus of the intervention and
that the evaluation examine crime and disorder outcomes using a rigorous research design.
Just as the unit of analysis for interventions that increase police presence can vary, so can the
dosage or intensity of increased police presence. Dosage and intensity can be assessed by
examining both the number of extra officers added to each geographic unit and the amount of
time these extra officers are spending in the unit relative to comparison sites. These levels can
vary considerably from study to study and could include, for example, having an extra patrol car
conducting random patrols in a beat 24 hours a day (e.g., the proactive beats in Kelling et al.,
1 We recognize, as Sherman (2013) argues, that a more ideal design would be a randomized experiment comparing
Finally, in any sort of place-based police intervention, there is a risk that police actions will shift
crime or disorder to other places where programs are not in place. This phenomenon is usually
termed displacement, and it has been a major reason for traditional skepticism about the overall
crime prevention benefits of place-based prevention efforts (see Reppetto, 1976). The
assumption that displacement is an inevitable outcome of focused crime prevention efforts
though has been replaced by a new assumption that displacement is seldom total and often
inconsequential (see Weisburd et al., 2006). Displacement in place-based police interventions
at both the micro-level (Bowers et al., 2011) and the meso-level (Telep et al., 2016) have been the
focus of prior systematic reviews and both of these reviews find more evidence for a “diffusion of
crime control benefits” (Clarke & Weisburd, 1994) to areas nearby than for displacement. We
will collect and code data on displacement in our eligible studies (see below), but suspect our
findings will be in line with these two prior Campbell reviews focused specifically on the topic.
The objective of this systematic review is to synthesize the extant empirical evidence (published
and unpublished) on the effects of increased police patrol presence on crime and disorder.
Specifically, this review will seek to answer the following questions:
1. How does increased police patrol presence affect crime and disorder?
2. Do crime and disorder effects vary based on the intensity of the police intervention?
3. Do crime and disorder effects vary based on the geographic unit of analysis for the police
intervention (e.g., hot spots vs. police beats)?
4. Do the effects of police patrol presence vary by the types of crimes examined?
5. Do different types of police patrol have differential influences on crime and disorder (e.g.,
foot patrol vs. motorized patrol)?
4. METHODOLOGY
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The eligibility criteria are as follows:
Population. Studies must involve geographic areas of a city or other jurisdiction as the unit of
analysis. There must be at least one geographic area of the jurisdiction designated as the
treatment/intervention area. There is no limit to the number of treatment/intervention sites in
a particular jurisdiction.
Comparator conditions: A study must include a control/comparison group that did not receive
the intervention. The group must be of the same geographic size as the target area (e.g.,
comparing a treatment beat to a comparison beat). In other words, we will not include designs
in which a target beat, neighborhood, etc. is compared to the rest of the jurisdiction.
Outcomes: The study must examine at least one crime or disorder related outcome. This could
include measures related to total crime or disorder or total amount of a particular crime or
disorder type. Most studies will likely use official police department data to measure crime
outcomes, typically data from citizen calls for service or incident reports. Some studies may use
victimization data collected from interviews or surveys to measure crime outcomes. Disorder
outcomes will usually be measured from some combination of calls for service, incident reports,
and researcher observations of physical and social disorder.
Exclusion criteria:
We will exclude any studies that do not include a comparison group and only assess the impact
of police presence on crime by examining outcomes before and after an intervention (pre-post
studies) because of our concerns about the internal validity of these studies. Because we want to
ensure we are capturing all relevant studies of the impact of increased police presence, we will
collect pre-post studies, but will not include these studies in our main analysis. We may decide
to conduct a separate examination of these pre-post studies depending on the number of studies
we identify. We will not exclude studies on the basis of language or geographical location.
Limited resources do not allow us to search in languages other than English, but we will obtain
and translate non-English language studies with English abstracts or keywords that are
identified in our search.
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4.2 Search strategy for identification of relevant studies
Several strategies will be used to perform an exhaustive search for literature fitting the eligibility
criteria. First, a keyword search will be performed on an array of online abstract databases (see
lists of keywords and databases below). Second, we will review the bibliographies of past
reviews of police presence.2 Third, we will perform forward searches for works that have cited
seminal studies on increasing police presence.3 Fourth, we will review the tables of contents of
leading journals in the field to ensure our searches have not missed relevant articles.4 Fifth, we
will search the publications of several research and professional agencies (see list below). Sixth,
after finishing the above searches and reviewing the studies as described later, we will e-mail the
list to leading scholars knowledgeable in the area of police presence. These scholars will be
defined as those who authored a study that appears on our inclusion list. This is likely to
identify additional studies, as these experts may be able to refer us to studies we may have
missed, particularly unpublished pieces such as dissertations. Finally, we will consult with an
information specialist at the outset of our review and at points along the way in order to ensure
that we have used appropriate search strategies.
2 These will include Sherman, 1997; Sherman and Eck, 2002; Telep and Weisburd, 2012; Weisburd and Eck, 2004
3 The seminal pieces that will be used here include: Di Tella and Schargrodsky, 2004; Kelling et al., 1974; Sherman
and Weisburd, 1995
4 These journals will include: American Journal of Police, British Journal of Criminology, Crime and Delinquency,
Criminology, Criminology and Public Policy, Journal of Criminal Justice, Journal of Quantitative Criminology,
Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, Justice Quarterly, Police Quarterly, Policing: An International
Journal of Police Strategies & Management, Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, Police Practice and
Research: An International Journal, Policing and Society.
5 We recognize that Google and Google Scholar may yield an unmanageable number of studies (“hits”) and we thus
will adjust/restrict our keyword search (e.g., add words such as evaluation or research) and our document search
(e.g., only search for PDFs) as necessary when querying these databases.
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22. Research Now
23. Rutgers School of Law-Newark Gray Literature Database
24. Social Science Abstracts (SocialSciAbs)
25. Social Science Citation Index (ISI Web of Knowledge)
26. Social Science Research Network (SSRN)
27. Sociological Abstracts
28. SocINDEX
29. WorldCat
30. Web of Science
31. Worldwide Political Science Abstracts
The following agencies’ publications will be searched and the agencies will be contacted if
necessary (we will use English language versions of websites when available):
The websites and policing publications of the following publishers will be searched:
1. Emerald Insight
2. Oxford Journals
3. Sage Publications
4. Science Direct
5. Taylor & Francis
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6. Wiley
The following keywords will be used to search the databases listed above (in all cases where
police is listed we would also use policing and “law enforcement”):6
Several strategies will be used to obtain full-text versions of the studies found through searches
of the various abstract databases listed above. First, we will attempt to obtain full-text versions
from the electronic journals available through the George Mason University, Arizona State
University, and University of Cambridge library research databases. When electronic versions
are not available, we will use print versions of journals available at the libraries. If the journals
or books are not available at George Mason University, Arizona State University, or Cambridge,
we will make use of the Washington Research Library Consortium (WRLC) and the Interlibrary
Loan Office (ILL) to try to obtain the journal from the libraries of other area schools. If these
methods do not work, we will contact the author(s) of the article and/or the agency that funded
the research to try to get a copy of the full-text version of the study.
The studies included in this review will use methodologies that are variations of a treatment
versus comparison group research design with pre- and post-test measures. Some studies may
have additional follow-up comparisons. The intervention will involve an increase in police
patrol or presence in a specified geographic area. The exact length of the increase, the exact
dosage of the increase, and the exact geographic area will vary by study, but in each study, the
target geographic areas will receive an increase in police patrol/services compared to what these
areas were receiving prior to the start of the intervention. In general the outcomes will likely be
drawn primarily from official data on crime and disorder. The studies will also vary in their
method of assignment to treatment and comparison areas. Some will use randomized methods
to assign treatment to geographic areas. Quasi-experiments in which specific areas are assigned
to treatment or control by a police department and/or research team will likely be common as
well.
It is possible that some studies will report multiple findings on different outcomes and/or
different samples. In the case of independent samples, the results will be treated as separate
findings and all such results will be included in the analysis. An example of this would be a
study reporting on the effects of increased police presence in multiple target sites. .
6 We ideally can use a more simplified police AND patrol keyword that would cover keywords 3-4 and 6-8, but we will
are unsure the number of hits this more generic keyword will uncover. If the number of hits is manageable, we will
use this simpler search strategy.
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However, some studies could have multiple primary outcomes. In cases with multiple effect
sizes representing multiple outcomes (e.g., property crime and violent crime) we will use three
methods of arriving at representative scores for the studies. We expect to consider the mean,
the largest, and the smallest effect size to gain both a general sense of treatment impacts as well
as instances in which treatment seemed to be most or least effective (see Bowers et al., 2011;
Weisburd et al., 2008). In some studies many effect sizes are reported, but the authors are
primarily concerned with specific outcomes. We will code all primary outcomes identified by
the authors. We plan to analyze outcomes by crime type (if possible) to avoid making
comparisons across dissimilar outcomes. In the event we have multiple effect sizes from a single
study for a particular crime outcome (e.g., both incident and victimization data on robbery), we
will create a mean effect so that each study is only represented once per outcome in any meta-
analyses. Finally, some studies may involve multiple sites within a single city or locality. Such
cases will be treated as one study with sub units, and independent effect sizes for primary
outcomes will again be created in the same manner as above.
All eligible studies will be coded on a variety of criteria (including details related to them)
including:
a. Reference information (title, authors, publication etc.)
b. Nature and description of selection of site
c. Nature and description of selection of comparison group/site or period
d. The unit of analysis (hot spot, police beat, police district, neighborhood etc.)
e. The sample size
f. Methodological type (randomized experiment or quasi-experiment)
g. A description of the police patrol presence intervention
h. A description of any activities police engaged in during periods of increased police
patrol presence.
i. A description of the strategy for measuring displacement and diffusion including
description of catchment area (when applicable)
j. Dosage intensity and type
k. Implementation difficulties
l. The statistical test(s) used
m. Pre and post outcome measure statistics in intervention area(s) and comparison
area(s) (and catchment area(s) if applicable)
n. Reports of statistical significance (if any) for both the effects of the intervention (and
the displacement/diffusion effects if applicable)
o. Effect size
p. The conclusions drawn by the authors
A graduate research assistant at George Mason University (Sean Wire) will code each eligible
study under the guidance of Dr. David Weisburd. A graduate research assistant at Arizona State
University will also independently code each study under the guidance of Dr. Cody Telep. All
titles and abstracts identified through our search procedure will first be screened by these
graduate assistants. The full text of potentially eligible studies will be reviewed in collaboration
with Dr. Weisburd and Dr. Telep. All studies meeting our eligibility criteria will be fully coded.
The two coding teams will be in close communication throughout the coding process and Dr.
Telep and Dr. Weisburd will monitor and review all full study coding and have biweekly calls to
discuss coding progress. Where there are questions or discrepancies arise in the coding of
studies across universities, all of the review authors will participate in a call to discuss and
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review the study and determine the final coding decision. Zotero will be used to assist in the
search process and assembling of titles and abstracts. A database created in FileMaker Pro will
be used to track the eligibility and coding process. A preliminary coding sheet is included in the
Appendix.
Meta-analytic procedures will be used to combine data from studies. For eligible studies, with
enough data present, effect sizes will be calculated in Biostat’s Comprehensive Meta-Analysis
Version 2.2. We will attempt to use standardized measures of effect sizes as suggested in the
meta-analytic literature (e.g., Lipsey & Wilson, 2001) and plan to convert all effect sizes to
Cohen’s d (Rosenthal, 1994), while recognizing that our eligible studies may create some
complications in effect size calculation. For small samples, we will consider using Hedges’s
(1981) g instead of Cohen’s d to reduce bias in our effect size estimates. We will follow the
approaches used by previous meta-analyses of the policing literature, especially when there is
overlap between our review and the hot spots policing review (Braga et al., 2012). In instances
where count-based or other regression models are used, we will use regression coefficients and
standard errors to generate effect sizes. We suspect that many interventions will report
primarily on before and after crime counts in treatment and comparison areas. We will use t-
tests from these comparisons to calculate effect sizes when possible. When such data are not
available, we will use the method suggested by Farrington and colleagues (2007) to create an
odds ratio. We recognize that this is not a true odds ratio and the standard error estimates for
this effect size may be biased (see Bowers et al., 2011). For interventions that report on
victimization data, we anticipate these studies will utilize proportions or percentages to describe
the prevalence of victimization. In this case, we could use these data to calculate a true odds
ratio that could then be converted to a Cohen’s d.
We will be as transparent as possible in describing how we have calculated effects for each study
and will be cautious in combining effect sizes from these odds ratio calculations with effect sizes
calculated from other data sources. Mean effect sizes will be computed across studies and
weighted (using the inverse variance weighting procedure) to account for the greater precision
of effect size estimates from larger samples. We assume a random effects model using the
method of moments approach (Kelley & Kelley, 2012) for meta-analysis of effect sizes, which
accounts for the diversity of interventions involving increased police presence. We will present
all meta-analysis results using forest plots that include 95% confidence intervals for all
estimated effect sizes.
We also hope to examine contextual or moderating features of crime and disorder effects.
Though it is difficult to know at the outset, we think it important to assess differences in effects
based on variables such as initiative type/type of strategy, crime type targeted, and unit of
geography used for intervention. Planned moderators include whether the study was a
randomized experiment or a quasi-experiment, whether the study focused on crime hot
spots/micro units or larger units of geography, and whether the intervention focused on all
crime or a particular crime type. Our moderator analyses will utilize the analog to the ANOVA
method (see Lipsey & Wilson, 2001) for categorical moderator variables and meta-analytic
regression analysis for continuous moderator variables or analyses involving multiple
moderators. At the same time, we recognize that such analyses will be dependent on the
number of studies that are available for inclusion in the meta-analysis.
Finally, publication bias is a concern in every meta-analysis. As such, we will use traditional
methods to test for the sensitivity of the findings to publication bias in the experimental and
14
quasi-experimental studies. These methods will include a comparison of the mean effect size for
published and unpublished studies and examining a funnel plot of studies to assess whether
studies are distributed symmetrically around the combined mean effect size. If we have a
sufficient number of eligible studies, we will conduct additional analyses available in
Comprehensive Meta-Analysis including a trim-and-fill analysis (Duval & Tweedie, 2000) and
Begg and Mazumdar’s (1994) rank correlation test.
5. TIMEFRAME
7. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We thank David Wilson, Charlotte Gill, members of the Campbell Steering Committee, and the
peer reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this protocol.
Cody Telep has previously been involved in a hot spots policing study in Sacramento (Telep et
al., 2014) examining the impact of increased police presence on calls for service and serious
crime.
David Weisburd has previously been involved in multiple hot spots policing studies examining
the effects of increased police presence on crime and disorder, including experimental
interventions in Minneapolis (Sherman & Weisburd, 1995) and Sacramento (Telep et al., 2014).
15
Sean Wire has not previously conducted any work on the effects of increased police presence on
crime and disorder.
David Farrington has not previously conducted any work on the effects of increased police
presence on crime and disorder.
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10. APPENDIX: CODING SHEET
1. Document ID: __ __ __ __
2. Study author(s):________________
3. Study Title:____________________________
5. Document ID: __ __ __ __
6. Coder’s Initials __ __ __
8. A study must meet the following criteria in order to be eligible. Answer each question with a
“yes” or a “no”
1. The main intervention is an instance of a police or law enforcement agency increasing patrol
presence in a specified geographic area in an attempt to address crime and/or disorder. The
geographic area is not restricted to a particular size and could include (but is not limited to)
street segments, police beats, or neighborhoods. The police intervention is limited to (or
focused almost entirely on) increasing the amount of time officers are spending in the
geographic area for the purpose of immediate crime prevention. For example, a hot spots
intervention focused entirely on increasing officer time in the hot spots would be included, while
a problem-oriented hot spots approach would not. _____
2. The intervention is assessed using at least one crime or disorder related outcome. This could
include measures related to total crime or disorder or total amount of a particular crime or
disorder type. _____
If the study does not meet the criteria above, answer the following question:
a. The study is a review article that is relevant to this project (e.g., may have references to
other studies that are useful, may have pertinent background information) ______
b. The study reports on increased police presence but does not include a comparison group
(i.e. it is a pre/post study). _______
20
9. Eligibility status:
____ Eligible
____ Not eligible
____ Pre/post
____ Relevant review
Notes:
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
Reference Information
1. Document ID: __ __ __ __
21
9a. Date range of research (when research was conducted):
Start: ____________
Finish: ____________
12a. Which of the following best describe the type of intervention? (Select all that apply)
13b. Briefly describe any activities police engaged in while present in intervention areas
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
15a. What of the following best describe the delivery of the increased police patrol presence?
(check all that apply)
22
16. Briefly describe the intensity/dosage (i.e. the amount of resources used) of the police
intervention
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
17a. At what level of the police department was the response implemented? _____
1. Entire department/all officers involved
2. Certain precincts/districts involved
3. Special unit (e.g., hot spots unit) involved
4. Select few officers in specific area involved
5. Other (specify)
6. N/A (not mentioned)
18a. At what type of crime is the intervention directed? (select all that apply)
Implementation of Intervention
19. What did the evaluation indicate about the implementation of the intervention? _____
1. There were no implementation issues
2. There were minor implementation issues
3. There were more substantial implementation issues
4. There were major implementation issues/the project was not implemented as planned
5. Unclear/no process evaluation included
20. If the process evaluation indicated there were problems with implementation of the
intervention, describe these problems:
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
1. Address/corner/single building
2. Street segment/block
3. Group of street segments/blocks
4. Police beat/patrol area
5. Neighborhood
6. Police district/division (group of beats)
7. Group of neighborhoods
8. Entire jurisdiction
9. Other (specify)
The following refer to the area not receiving treatment (applicable if there is a separate
comparison group in the study)
1. Address/corner/single building
2. Street segment/block
3. Group of street segments/blocks
4. Police beat/patrol area
5. Neighborhood
6. Police district/division (group of beats)
7. Group of neighborhoods
8. Entire jurisdiction
9. Other (specify)
The following refer to the area used for measuring spatial displacement/diffusion effects (if
applicable)
27a. Does the study include a separate catchment area around the treatment area(s) for
measuring displacement/diffusion effects? _______
1. Yes
2. No
27b. If yes, what geographic area was used for measuring displacement/diffusion effects:
______
24
1. Address/corner/single building
2. Street segment/block
3. Group of street segments/blocks
4. Police beat/patrol area
5. Neighborhood
6. Police district/division (group of beats)
7. Group of neighborhoods
8. Entire jurisdiction
9. Other (specify)
28a. Does the study also include a catchment area for displacement/diffusion around the control
area(s)?
1. Yes
2. No
3. No control area
28b. If yes, what geographic area was used for measuring displacement/diffusion effects:
______
1. Address/corner/single building
2. Street segment/block
3. Group of street segments/blocks
4. Police beat/patrol area
5. Neighborhood
6. Police district/division (group of beats)
7. Group of neighborhoods
8. Entire jurisdiction
9. Other (specify)
29. What is the exact geographic area used to measure displacement/diffusion effects (e.g., a
catchment area)?
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
Methodology/Research design:
25
30b. Specify (Other)___________________
31a. Were any sources of nonequivalence or bias reported or implied in the application of the
intervention or its analysis?
1. Yes
2. No
31b. If yes, what sources of nonequivalence or bias were identified? (check all that apply and
explain)
1. Extraneous events or factors occurring during the intervention period; historical
artifacts
2. Selection of treatment area based on high baseline crime rate
3. Measurement confounds (measure changes over time)
4. Differential attrition, breakdown of randomization, or contamination of control group
5. Pre-test analyses indicated nonequivalence between treatment and control groups
6. Statistical analyses failed to adjust for nonequivalence at baseline
7. Inappropriate statistical analysis for design
8. Any outcomes measured by reporters that did not have corresponding outcome
measures in the results
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
31c. If yes, did the researchers discuss the implications of the bias for their findings?
1. Yes
2. No
Outcomes reported (Main Effect of Intervention) (Note that for each outcome, a
separate coding sheet is required)
32. How many crime/disorder outcomes are reported in the study? _____
36a. What type of data was used to measure the outcome covered on this coding sheet? ____
1. Official data (from police/government)
2. Researcher observations
3. Self-report/victimization surveys
4. Other (specify)
37a. If official data was used, what specific type(s) of data were used? (Select all that apply)
1. Calls for service (911 calls)/crime reports
2. Arrests
3. Incident reports
4. Level of citizen complaints
5. Other (specify)
6. N/A (official data not used)
38a. If self-report/victimization surveys were used, who was surveyed? (Select all that apply)
1. Residents/community members
2. Business owners
3. Elected officials
4. Government/social service agencies
5. Other (specify)
6. N/A (self-report surveys not used)
39. Did the researcher assess the quality of the data collected?
1. Yes
2. No
40a. Did the researcher(s) express any concerns over the quality of the data?
1. Yes
2. No
41. How many crime/disorder outcomes related to displacement and diffusion of crime control
benefits are reported in the study? _____ (if 0 skip questions 42-43)
27
42. What is the specific outcome recorded on this coding sheet?
_______________________________________________________________
43a. Does this outcome match the main effect outcome noted in question 30?
1. Yes
2. No
Sample size
44. Based on the unit of analysis for this outcome, what is the total sample size in the analysis
(e.g., total number of hot spots in the intervention?) ________
45. What is the total sample size of the treatment group (group that receives the intervention)?
_______
46. What is the total sample size of the control group (if applicable)? _____
47. What is the total sample size of the group used to measure displacement/diffusion effects?
____ (e.g., the number of catchment areas, if applicable)
48b. If attrition was a problem, provide details (e. g. how many cases lost and why they were
lost).
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
51. Did a test of statistical significance indicate statistically significant differences between
either the control and treatment groups or the pre and post tested treatment group? ____
1. Yes
2. No
3. Can’t tell
4. N/A (no testing completed)
54. If yes, page number where effect size data is found ________
57a. Pre-period number of events for current outcome in target area _______
57b. During intervention-period number of events for current outcome in target area ______
57c. Post-period number of events for current outcome in target area ______
57d. Pre-period number of events for current outcome in comparison area _______
57e. During intervention-period number of events for current outcome in comparison area
______
57f. Post-period number of events for current outcome in comparison area ______
58a. Did the evaluation control for validity by using multivariate methods (i.e. regression) to
assess the impact of the program?
1. Yes
2. No
58b. If yes, did this analysis find that the intervention reduced the outcome at a statistically
significant level?
1. Yes
29
2. No
3. N/A
Pre-Post Change
Regression Coefficient
Time Series
66. Record any information on effect sizes that does not fit in any other category.
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
69. Did a test of statistical significance indicate statistically significant differences between the
control and treatment group catchment areas? ____
1. Yes
2. No
3. Can’t tell
4. N/A (no testing completed)
5. N/A (no control catchment area)
72. If yes, page number where effect size data is found ________
Pre-post Counts
75a. Pre-period number of events for current outcome in target catchment area _______
75b. During intervention-period number of events for current outcome in target catchment area
______
75c. Post-period number of events for current outcome in target catchment area ______
75d. Pre-period number of events for current outcome in comparison catchment area
_______
75e. During intervention-period number of events for current outcome in comparison
catchment area ______
75f. Post-period number of events for current outcome in comparison catchment area ______
75g. Weighted Displacement Quotient (WDQ) ______
76a. Did the evaluation of displacement/diffusion control for validity by using multivariate
methods (i.e. regression) to assess the impact of the program on displacement?
1. Yes
2. No
76b. If yes, did this analysis find that the intervention impacted displacement/diffusion at a
statistically significant level?
1. Yes
2. No
3. N/A
79a. t-value from a paired t-test (treatment group catchment area). _____
79b. t-value from a paired t-test (control group catchment area). _____
79c. F-value from ANOVA (treatment group catchment area). _____
79d. F-value from ANOVA (control group catchment area). _____
Pre-Post Change
Regression Coefficient
Time Series
84. Record any information on effect sizes that does not fit in any other category.
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
Note that the following questions refer to conclusions about the effectiveness of the
intervention in regards to the current outcome/problem being addressed on this coding sheet.
86. Conclusion about the impact of the intervention on crime in the target area? _____
1. The authors conclude intervention led to/was associated with a decline in crime
2. The authors conclude the intervention did not have a significant impact on crime
3. The authors conclude the intervention had a significant backfire impact on crime
33
4. Unclear/no conclusion stated by authors
87a. Did the assessment find evidence of geographic/spatial displacement of crime? ______
1. Yes
2. No
3. Not tested
4. Can’t tell
87b. If yes, was there evidence of overall spatial displacement or just displacement of certain
crime types?
1. Overall displacement
2. Certain crime types
3. N/A- no spatial displacement or not measured
4. Can’t tell
87c . If certain crime types, specify which types of crime evidenced spatial displacement
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
88a. Did the assessment find evidence of geographic/spatial diffusion of crime control benefits?
______
1. Yes
2. No
3. Not tested
4. Can’t tell
88b. If yes, was there evidence of overall spatial diffusion of crime control benefits or just
diffusion for certain crime types?
1. Overall diffusion of crime control benefits
2. Certain crime types
3. N/A- no spatial diffusion of crime control benefits or not measured
4. Can’t tell
88c . If certain crime types, specify which types of crime evidenced spatial diffusion of crime
control benefits
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
__________________________________________________________________
89. What did the author(s) conclude in regards to the relationship between main intervention
effects and displacement/diffusion effects? _____
1. Crime displacement was greater than crime reduction from intervention
2. Crime displacement was less than crime reduction from intervention
3. N/A- main intervention had no significant impact
4. N/A- no assessment made
34
91. If yes, what did they conclude about the cost-effectiveness of the police intervention?
1. Intervention was cost-effective
2. Intervention was not cost-effective
3. Unclear
4. N/A not measured
35