The 6th International Malaysian Studies Conference (MSC6)

Engaging Malaysian Modernity

50 Years and Beyond

5-7 August 2008 | Crowne Plaza Riverside Hotel, Kuching

Conforming to the Non-conformity: An exploratory research on the Do-It-

Yourself (DIY) Underground Music Scene in Kuching, Sarawak

Author YUEN KOK LEONG

Title & Position TUTOR

Institution UNIVERSITI MALAYSIA SARAWAK

PRINCIPAL CONVERNOR:
Malaysian Social Science Association (PSSM)

CO-CONVERNER & HOST:

The Faculty of Social Sciences
Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS)

CO-CONVERNER:
Institute of Malaysian & International Studies (IKMAS)
Institute of Occidental Studies (IKON)
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM)
 Conforming to the Non-conformity: An exploratory research
on the Do-It-Yourself (DIY) Underground Music Scene in
Kuching, Sarawak.
Yuen Kok Leong
Faculty of Social Sciences, University Malaysia Sarawak.

Abstract

This paper discusses the nature of the DIY (Do-It-Yourself) underground music scene
subculture among youth in Kuching, Sarawak. The so-called “black metal” scene
reported by the national mainstream media which led to the subsequent major arrests of
the youths alleged to be involved calls upon further investigation. An exploratory
research was conducted utilizing participant observation method to examine the
intangible components of the subculture which include value, beliefs and norms among
members. This includes mingling among members and attending their musical events
known as gigs. Other data collection methods such as interviews and inspection of
artifacts vis-à-vis the subculture were also utilized to augment the results obtained and as
a cross-reference check for consistency. Results from the research will be compared with
the allegations made against the subculture in promoting social ills. This study seeks to
illustrate two of the five main components characterizing a culture as according to Bilton
(2005).

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INTRODUCTION

Background of the study

Headlines of the national media highlighting youth social ills and juvenile delinquency
over the past decade orchestrated a widespread moral panic on the corrupted youth of our
times. Throughout Malaysian „troublesome youth‟ saga, there has been countless youth
subcultures, real or imagined, being given the limelight in local presses. While some of
the subculture were credited to „Western decadent values‟ (Liew & Fu, 2007) such as
metal (heavy, black or death) and hip hop music, some others are truly Malaysian-
bohsia1 and the most recent Mat Rempit2. The subcultures claim a certain territory from
their surroundings as their own- some with definite, some not- as of how Mat Rempits
rules the road, music-based subcultures carve their niche in jamming studios and pubs
with music instruments- mostly inaccessible to the masses and referred as the
„underground‟ music scene.

Underground music scene is defined as the opposite to the „mainstream‟ music- widely
accessible ordinary music produced by profit-oriented record labels. Thus underground
music scene is termed as a scene that exists as a reaction, mostly of youth, to the structure
and mechanism in the society towards the production of music. Underground music
scene provides avenue for youth to produce their own music and enjoying those of others
without needing the approval either by the parents or by record producers, with lower
costs compared to what normally being charged and controlled by corporate entities.
Under the umbrella term, there existed various music scene, all with their own cult
followings, which includes, inter alia, metal, hip hop, electronic music and DIY Hardcore
Punk scene which include punk rock, hardcore, straightedge, thrash, grind and so on. I
include skinhead scene as one scene under DIY Hardcore Punk scene, based on the local
context, though this might not be true in the scenes in the rest of the world, where
skinheads exist as a different scene of its own (Brown, 2004). I focus this study on the
DIY Hardcore Punk scene based on my available resource.

I have been an observer of the DIY Hardcore Punk scene (hereby referred to as „the
scene‟), starting from my introduction to a few individuals from the year 2000, most who
later have became my best friends till this very day. It was through these individuals who
were mostly students from universities, that I begun to see the bigger picture and embark
on the discovery of the subculture. My friends are active members of the scene, being
members of punk bands, running independent music labels, managing distros3, among
countless punk norm and rituals. Contrary to media reports, all I have seen was self-

1
The term bohsia came out circa 1990‟s referring to girls who would provide sexual favors in exchange for
some „good times‟- which may include dinner, a ride around the city, among others. The term bohjan
appears thereafter as the male counterpart, as a means of gender differentiation.
2
Mat Rempit refers to daredevil motorcyclists characterized by their involvement in illegal racing and
snatch thefts along with other form of peripheral vices- promiscuous lifestyle, gambling, drug abuse and
violence towards police officers.
3
Distros is a underground music scene lingo referring to independently-run distribution bodies that
distributes various merchandise produced by underground bands and singer songwriters, particularly record
releases- CDs and cassettes.

3
empowering individuals creating their own domains of self-expression and creativity; a
total different spectacle as of those delineated by the media.

On global perspective, the profound hegemony prompting similar subcultures to exist

across borders around the world, happening right under the nose of the international
citizens for decades inevitably positioned themselves as an important subject matter to be
understood in facing rapid globalised modernity. There are currently similar scenes,
among others, at Timisoara, Romania; Copenhagen, Denmark; Pampanga, Philippines,
Bekasi, Indonesia to our very own shore at Kuching, Sarawak (MRR, 2007, Ricecooker
Blog). Although the form and organization of the scene may differ from place to place,
there are a certain uniformity of values and beliefs shared by these subcultures.

It is based on mentioned characteristics and contradictions of the subculture that

prompted me to investigate systematically. As there is a lack of local empirical study
being done, I embark on an exploratory study on punk subculture right in my backyard-
Kuching. In the following sections of this paper, I would delineate values, beliefs and
ethics upheld by the local scene and subsequently compare media reports on punk
subculture with the data I have obtained from my fieldwork alongside exploring other
possibilities lies in the subculture for future research.

LITERATURE REVIEW

Labelling Theory

In the past sociology of deviance during the 1950 and the 1960‟s, labelling theory has
been employed for most studies on social deviants originating from sociology and
criminology. Consistent with George Herbert Mead‟s symbolic interactionism, labelling
theory explains the mechanism of how one‟s identity formation is influenced by he or she
is described by others in the society. Labelling theory hypothesize that dehumanizing
labels applied to an individual will in turn influence them to fulfill the label. This has the
unintended consequence of encouraging the deviance that the society seek to destroy, by
constraining the individuals to employ and deviant identity as means of defence, attack or
judgement to the problems created by the societal reaction. The deviant is therefore
isolated from the conventional society and therefore begin to define him or herself in
deviant terms (Scott & Marshall, 2005)

In this study, I would identify news report from the last decade concerning punk and how
does it affect the youths here in the underground scene. In the later section, I would
briefly review reports on media labelling and construction of the profile of a „typical‟
punk youth. In the end of the study, the finding of the study would be once again
examined against the theory and the extent it explains the phenomena.

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Folk Devil and the Construction of Moral Panics

Music demonized as roots of evil is anything but new. Rock music particularly,
embodies characteristic and convenient representations of what the typical concerned
citizens might oppose to- rebellion, freedom and an anti-social sense of individuality.
Stanley Cohen (as quoted by Williams, 2007) created the term „folk devil‟ in addressing
groups, particularly subcultures that has been scapegoated throughout the history of
causing various types of „social ills‟- creating what he defined as „moral panic‟:

A condition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a

threat to societal values and interest; its nature is presented in a stylized and
stereotypical fashion by the mass media; the moral barricades are manned by
editors, bishops, politicians and other right-thinking people; socially accredited
experts pronounce their diagnoses and solutions; ways of coping are evolved or
(more often) resorted to; the condition then disappears, submerges or
deteriorates and becomes less visible.

The creation of the „folk devil‟ is crucial towards the unity of the masses, the
characterization, in stereotypical manner, accentuates the Otherness of the „folk devil‟,
traits that honest citizens must avoid with all their might. „Folk devil‟ represent what „we
are not‟, and since they do not conform, they should be demonised for their disobedience.
Liew and Fu (2006) quoting Raymond Calluori, describes the reasons behind the
construction of the moral panics towards these subcultures:

[E]ven as subcultures are mostly regarded by their participants as ‘magical’

refuges instead of ‘real’ solutions to social problems, they are viewed as being
politically dangerous. Firstly, these groups are feared to usurp, embarrass and
outmanoeuvre the hegemonic structures and symbols on a more routine level.
Secondly, they serve to expose the contradictions and weakness of the system and,
more importantly, contain seeds for more radical dissidence and disruptive
action. Hence, the mainstream would be quick to characterise them as ‘frivolous,
pathologically deranged or hooliganistic (Calluori, 1985: 50–51).

It is debatable that the „powers to be‟ are actually placing more weightage on the
subcultures more than its stakeholders. It is understandable, though, that the tendency to
go against the grain in an aspect of one‟s life, such as the pattern of music consumption,
opens up the possibility to the consumption of different, among others, political
ideologies, providing a counter-balance and thus posing a potential threat to the existing
ones, as elaborated by Calluori above.

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Illustrating the Folk Devil: Punk under Attack by the Local Media

Beginning from the year 1997, the term „punk‟ has been a staple term for national media
reporting. Countless of news reports on „punks‟ or teenagers suspected as „punks‟
committing heinous crimes and behaving in obnoxious anti social behaviours has been
reported throughout various states in Malaysia, such as in Pulau Pinang (Utusan
Malaysia, 13th January 1997), Pahang (Utusan Malaysia, 14th January 1997), Selangor
(Berita Harian, 13th August 2001), Melaka (Berita Harian, 24th August 2001) and Kota
Bahru (Utusan Malaysia, 29th January 2008).

Allegations of involvement in crimes usually involve the arrest of individuals „suspected‟

as punks on various grounds which includes cases of violence- fights with foreign tourist
(Bernama, 1st January 2002) and attacking policeman (1st September 2006); substance
abuse- alcohol and drugs (Bernama, 29th August 2000; Berita Harian, 30th August 2001;
and 29th January 2008) and robberies (Bernama, 5th December 1998; 26th September
2001; Berita Harian, 17th July 2006; and Utusan Malaysia, 11th June 2007). In one
extreme case, it was quoted that punks were found to be involved “in more than 200
robberies, snatch thefts and causing hurt cases in Jalan Dang Wangi since early this
month” (Bernama, 16th July 2006).

The folk devil was further illustrated with more colours, with allegations of other socially
„undesired‟ behaviours. In news reports usually laden with adjectives of the devil,
baseless accusations were also found being thrown at punks. An infamous example is a
vivid account of the dance named as pogo where punks would drag others on their shirts
until they fall and bands were said to spit at their audience as a way of „getting to know
each other‟ (Utusan Malaysia, 8th January 1997). Amidst allegations that punks „involve
in negative or unhealthy activities‟ and „advocated violence‟ (Bernama 10th January 1997
and Utusan Malaysia 17th July 2006), one article quoted a punk interviewee on their
hairstyle and fashion, saying that “we will parade it during Chinese New Year and Hari
Raya Aidilfitri” (Utusan Malysia, 14th January 1997).

„Interviews‟ were repeatedly being done with unverifiable anonymous interviewee. As

some of the more sensible newspaper article has pointed out, there is no real definition of
black metal (and inevitably, punks who would be accused of as a member out of
convenience) (New Straits Times, 23rd May 2008). Situation seems bleak for punks
when the National Fatwa Council ruled that black metal, a subculture which dress quite
similarly to the punks to the untrained eyes, being totally against the syariat and that
those found practising it could be penalised under the syariah law (New Straits Times,
24th January 2006).

Major arrest, carried out either randomly or through raids, with numbers varying from
three to 380 (Utusan Malaysia, 11th June 2007 and Ricecooker Blog,1st January 2006) has
been done, sometimes indiscriminately in a wholesale fashion. The irony is also
observable from news headlines announcing large number of punks were arrested, where
it usually carries the news content saying that they are release unconditionally, or only a
small portion that were found positive in drug tests (Berita Harian 3rd February 2003,

6
Bernama, 16 July 2006, Utusan Malaysia, 17th July 2006 and Utusan Malaysia 29th
January 2008).

National television station such as NTV7, with its sensational „Edisi Siasat‟ has place the
last nail to the subcultures coffin. A subculture such as punk that seeks to shock and awe
with outrageous choice of clothing found themselves easily placed as the society‟s folk
devil. Public response, in the form of letters to the mainstream newspapers indicate the
successful outcome of the desired moral panic (Utusan Malaysia 21st January 1997, New
Straits Times, 26th December 2003 and Berita Harian 12th January 2004) to the extent of
getting a response from a Malaysian figures, which includes Datuk Lee Lam Thye (New
Straits Times, 12th January 1997) and several political, religion and UMNO youth figures
urging the government to take action against members of the subculture (Bernama, 10th
January 1997, Berita Harian, 19th January 1997 and 30th August 2001)

METHODOLOGY

Location, Subjects and Entering the Field

My fieldwork was done in the vicinity of Kuching town and my subjects are members of
the Kuching scene. I employ snowballing sampling for this research. I enter the field
through an acquaintance, a young man in his 20‟s, whom I met when I at Sabah a year
ago. He was a part of the underground scene at Sabah and when he was transferred to
Sarawak for his studies, he mingles among the local punk youths. It was through him
that I knew the other members of the subculture.

I was first introduced to SP, one of the prominent figures in the scene here, who is also a
part time bassist for a band, a fulltime caretaker of a jamming studio and a part time gig 4
organizer. I was careful to not to be overly enthusiastic to „join‟ the scene and remain
humble throughout the conversation with him.

I enter the field, a few months later, with a role as a supplier, or in the scene lingo, a
„distro‟. I open up a small table at a gig selling merchandises that I sourced from my
friends at Peninsular Malaysia. I was accepted by the crowd in a very short time, as the
merchandise I market garner much interest from the members that prompt them to start
conversations with me. I have been keeping contact with many of the members since the
first encounter.

4
Gigs refer to musical events organised by members of the punk community showcasing primarily local
acts and occasionally non-local touring bands. Usually a small fee is charged on the entrance in return of a
chance to see performances from various bands. It is usually held in pubs as the status of a private venue
enable the event to be kept „underground‟, known only by members and hidden from the public.

7
Data collection

I employ a mixture of participant observation, interview, social artifact and webpages

inspection methods for my data collection. Thus, the data obtained from this study
consists of a mixture of shorthand field jottings, journals, photographs, webpages,
CD/cassette releases and sound recording.

Most of the data I collected through conversations I had with the members of the scene.
Utilizing my status as a „newcomer‟ to the scene, I will ask members from time to time,
from intermission during performances, or during hangouts, the nature of the scene here
in Kuching. I do not conceal the fact that I am taking notes, as I jot the details they told
me right in front of them.

I also conducted a few interviews, on the pretext that I am going to prepare a Kuching
scene report to be published elsewhere, as a form of acknowledgement to outside scenes
of the existence of the Kuching scene. One interview was a focus group interview with
three individuals, who was in the scene from the very beginning in 2003. Other
interviews were done through e-mails and social networking site (Myspace.com)
messaging.

FINDINGS

Subjects

My subjects are consists of a majority of young males with mixed ethnicity aged from
late teenage to young adults. The background of the subjects varies, depending on their
age- the younger ones are either studying in a college or in the process of applying
college while the older ones mostly working. One notable new band, Eleanor, is
consisting of five 13 to 15 year old schoolboys who played mostly cover songs from a
band called My Chemical Romance5.

A majority of the subjects are relatively well-off suburban youth, based on their
involvement in the music scene that requires financial ability for activities such as
jamming which requires music studio rentals. Most of the bands bring their own
equipments- guitarists usually perform with their own guitars while the drummers usually
bring their own snare drum- one drummer even has his own double bass pedal. They are
well-dressed with band T-shirts and branded skateboarding shoes.

5
My Chemical Romance is a band known for it‟s brand of emo (emotional) punk music genre. A band
that „seasoned‟ or well-versed punks would not cite as their influence or as their „favourite‟ band- as the
band most of the time being a reminder of how punk would be if it is commoditised by the corporate music
labels and MTV (Music Television) music channel.

8
The occupations held by those who are working vary from civil servants to handphone
shop assistant. Most of my subjects are members of a certain band thus it is notable that
music, other than style, being the main defining character of the scene.

Though generally I obtain my data from all of the members that I met, there were a few
that I have obtained most of the data from. They were the ones who I am closely
acquainted with, whom I chose from their active and their long history of involvement,
namely H, B and K.

Profile of key respondents

H is a long time „scenester‟. He is at his late 20‟s and works in a mobile phone shop
owned by his brother. He is among scenesters who understand some of the punk ethics in
the mainstream punk worldview. H is among the pioneer in the DIY Hardcore Punk
scene here, being one of the members of the earliest punk band, Kurasakuasa. Unlike
other band members who are around his age, he is more involved and mingles around
scenesters younger than himself, without the pretensions of being the „oldtimer‟.

B, in his early 20‟s, is a final year student in one of the local varsity in Kuching. Due to
proximity and constant communication with H, he has become a sort of protégé to H,
gaining exposures on the music and the scene from his early age when he was in his
secondary school. B is relatively well off as compared to most of his peers with his
mother being one of the renowned cottage entrepreneur in Kuching.

K, a Bidayuh in his mid-20‟s, is a high rank civil servant. He was also involved since the
beginning, in some scene activism and is authoring „zines for the punk community other
than being a member of Kurasakuasa. He is among the „thinking punk‟ that I see able to
give me critical insights on the local scene.

A brief history on the Kuching DIY Hardcore scene

The Kuching DIY Hardcore scene started circa 2002-2003, with the emergence of the
first band, Kurasakuasa. Most of the music scene members first met each other at now-
defunct Kuching Plaza, where there is a music jamming studio doubles as a meeting point
for musicians to gather and meeting each other. Since then, more bands have emerged,
some last till the present, some disbanded. Although the music scene in Kuching is
relatively large, comprising of different music genres that include metal and indie rock,
the DIY Hardcore Punk scene is very small, with only less than seven bands today. A
typical event, based on my experience and from photographs provided by my subjects,
would have a small crowd of 30 till 40 attendees.

I was made to understand that the scene has never had any conflict with the authorities
here. Punks in Kuching seldom being harassed by the police and usually are free to
express themselves and to organise large public events without disturbance. However, a
gig organised on 26th April 2008 was stopped by the police and when a syringe was

9
found in the location, many were brought to the police station. Subsequently, many were
released at the station and twenty youth was selected to undergo urine testing. The
twenty was later released as they passed the urine test.

The incident could be seen as the fragile conflicting relationship between the subculture
with the authorities. Though my subjects later relate the incidence with concurrent Ops
Sapu that involved police officers from Bukit Aman Police Headquarters, Kuala Lumpur
at the time that the arrest were made, there is still constant threat of bring labeled as
„troublesome youth‟ as suggested by Hebdige (1982) and Cohen (1973), (as quoted by
McGuigan, 1992). As a result, there is no guarantee that similar disturbances would not
happen in the future.

The scene

As I have mentioned, the DIY Hardcore Punk scene in Kuching is relatively small scene.
Due to the size, it exist a certain solidarity and brotherhood among the scene members.
The brotherhood is signified by their signature maneuver of handshake. There is only a
small female presence in the events, only three girls sighted in one of the event. There
are more girls on bigger events, usually brought by their love interest who are playing in
a band. There are yet girl members who enter the scene on her own.

There are also difficulties for gig organisers to obtain venue to hold their events. As a
result, most of the gathering is done in music studio by holding „jamming session‟, an
informal form of gig, sometimes the bands paying for the duration that they played while
on the other times an entrance fee is charged to attendees.

Upholding the Do-It-Yourself ethos, the members run a music label independently. Just
like record labels in scenes elsewhere, it is a reaction against the „mainstream‟ music
labels, where collective efforts of members of a scene gather their resources and produce
their own music. Many albums were also produced without a record label. To what
extent that a band would the band refuse to sign with a major label should there be an
offer, is unanswered in this study.

The characteristic of the subculture

Values, Beliefs and Norms

In terms of values, the members of the scene mostly held local values, as defined by their
culture and religion. There are no open discussion about what is acceptable and what is
not in the scene and it is influenced by the mainstream thought of the said issues being
„sensitive‟ issues that should not be discussed openly- conforming along the mainstream
of thought. When I asked H about the shared „values‟ of the scene he said:

“Cuma dari mulut ke mulut, semua dah tau bah, sik perlu benda ya semua”;

10
that values are channeled through word-of-mouth and whether any consensus was
reached between the members on issues as such remain ambiguous. There seems to be
difference between band to band, especially the choice in performing in types of events-
while some are happy to perform in designer coffee bistro, some are seemed to be more
reluctant to participate in such event.

Homophobia

The first pamphlet promoting gigs (flyers) that I saw here in Kuching is a gig with the
headline “Sudden Attack Gig (Disharmonic Showcase)” and a sub headline warning: “No
Fights, No Alcohol, No Free Sex, No Pondan6” (refer Appendix 1) which was held on
24th November 2007, featuring four local bands. It was then I realized that anti-
homophobia is not an unwritten ethics here in Kuching and prompted me to investigate
further.

My second encounter with the subject was when the issue came accidentally when I was
having dinner out with a few of my acquaintances after a jam session at a studio at Satok,
when the discussion on a local mainstream band, Hujan, came into the limelight. They
discussed how the band has gone famous but at their recent gig at Johor Bahru, they have
to stop their performance after performing just one song as they were boo-ed off the stage
by the audience as a response to their frontman‟s previous statement regarding „pondan‟.
K, who was one of the thinking punk that I know, expresses his disagreement with the
crowd, he said, “...But it is prohibited with religion, they shouldn’t make it an issue,
maybe others are just jealous with their success..”

I brought out the matter on homophobia again on another interview that I conducted,
asking them concerning the issue of homophobia. H said:

“...Macam kamik orang Muslim bah, benda ya, haram bah. Aku no
comment la benda macam ya. Cuma aku dapat cakap dengan
orang..OK, kau sik suka kau diam ajalah, kau jangan kutuk ke apa
ka. Ikut suka pada nya, terpulang pada kau la. (Laugh nervously)..”

Translation: “All of us are Muslims, and those things are prohibited. I don‟t
have any comment with it comes to things like that. Only that I told people that
„Ok, if you do not like it, you just keep quiet, don‟t you criticize or something.
It is according to what they themselves like. It‟s up to you”.

H, being conscious with the punk ethics of against any form of discrimination, is at his
best, providing me, whom he knew I have been a member of the subculture in Kuala
Lumpur and are well aware of the ideologies there, first with the defense of homophobic
action, then subsequently with a pacifistic stance he gave to others when encountering
queers.

6
„Pondan‟ is a derogatory term referring to „soft‟ (effeminate) or transvestite man. It is also use hand-in-
hand to refer to homosexual people, especially male homosexuality.

11
It is also notable that one chooses a certain things in religion to be highlighted to be
wrong and some being kept ambiguous and undefined. Most of the punks here, although
being confrontational and blatant about the queers, mostly consume alcohol.

Religion and subculture

Consistent with the first aspect mentioned above, another interesting discovery is when I
observe the demo CD sleeve of one of the prominent band, which has Allah as their first
recipient on their thank you list. Along my experience in the scene in Kuala Lumpur and
the Klang Valley, I have never observed any notion of religiousity in such magnitude.
This is definitely the first time I see such display of religious attachment in the Hardcore
Punk community.

There are also several occasions when I overheard the usage of the word syirik, when
Muslim members refers to things that were deemed as against their religion‟s values-
such as in one occasion when one member refers to a friends habit of acquiring multiple
love interest. The conscious usage of the term, which heavily laden with the Islam
weltanschauung denotes their strong bond with their faith. Although there are selective
aspects that they would labelled as such, other habits that were clearly against the
religion, like H‟s evident role as a bookie for the last Euro 2008 betting was not
scrutinised. There is a possibility of H‟s status as a respected „oldtimer‟ that he was not
criticised.

It was from these observations that I predict that soon there would be internal conflict
that exist firstly, in the scene itself among members over the conduct of other members;
which I think do not happen because of the relative small size of the scene. Secondly, in
every individual over the clashes and stark difference between the global Punk ethos of
anarchistic atheism (No Gods, No Masters) with their traditional and familial obligations
as a Muslim.

Enmity towards other subcultures and scenes

There is also a sense of hostility of members of the scene towards other subcultures,
particularly towards the shuffle7 scene in Kuching. The shuffle scene is quite prominent
at the corridors along buildings at the town, where members would alternately exhibit
their dance moves. The hostility was observed every time a local popular cover song
entitled “Budaya Timur Harus Mati”, originally from Indonesia thrash punk band, Anjing
Tanah being played. The song features a chorus of repetitive of sing-along of the song
title and almost without failing; it would be sung by the crowd as “Budaya Shuffle Harus
Mati”. I was told that at least one of the punk from the scene who has apparently
switched scene to the shuffle scene, which might amplified the antagonism.

7
Shuffle is a dance-based subculture which started in Melbourne, Australia. To „shuffle‟ is to dance in a
manner that appears as if one is „flowing‟ on the dance floor- by shifting one‟s leg alternately- hence the
„shuffling‟.

12
Animosity towards the Sabah scene was observed during one of a random coffee shop
conversation which I chanced upon. Members of the scene here in Kuching ridiculed
Sabah scene as having Pagan Punk, which denotes their lack of religion attachment and
tendency towards atheism. Once again, a pattern of attachment to their religion could be
observed. While the hatred towards the shuffle scene could be seen as difference in
styles and interest (that one boosts up his or her Punk-ness by condemning the Others),
the animosity towards the Sabah scene reflects clashes of faith-related values, which are
more deeply ingrained.

Political orientation

As compared to scenes in the other parts of Malaysia, members of the Hardcore Punk
scene here is Kuching is largely apolitical. The names and the lyrics of their original
songs that I have observed do not contain any political messages which ideally punk
bands would have. As described by H when I interviewed him, the members join the
scene „for the music only‟. This is unlike the scene in Sabah where there is a online
Yahoo group discussing various issues that are affecting their livelihoods as an addition
to the updating of their current endeavor and planned gathering.

I also inspect the social networking site (Myspace.com)8 for the pages of the bands to
investigate any political statement or stance on issues related to political affairs. I do not
encounter any political statements beyond those which are mostly on the unity of the
scene and the pride of being a non-mainstreamer and doing things themselves. The
empowering affect from the DIY philosophy in seizing back the power of production
from the corporate record companies was not further elaborated, albeit being very
political in its nature.

Altruism

The altruistic value upheld by the scene is illustrated by their activism of distribution of
free food. Following the Food Not Bombs movement elsewhere, there was one attempt
by punk members to distribute free food around Kuching town. This is perhaps the only
political attempts by members of the scene. However, as they do not found many people
benefiting from the food that they distribute- some people that they approached was said
to be refusing to accept their food. They felt that there are not many homeless people
around Kuching town and as a result, they discontinue the initiative. Giving them benefit
of the doubt, there might be tendency for such value to be nurtured around the scene,
along with the self-empowerment that they experience through the scene.

8
Myspace.com, one of the various social-networking sites, mostly accommodates various bands with it‟s
Myspace Music feature- where a band could upload and enable visitors of their „page‟ to listen and/or
download their songs. One of the popular site among various independent musicians.

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ANALYSIS

One of the most prevalent finding that I obtained from the study is how in terms of
religion, most of the members of the punk community here could be deemed as practicing
Muslims. Not only they do not reject the notion of religion amidst being a follower of a
global movement upholding atheism, there seems to be a struggle to maintain the part of
their identity as a Muslim. The three major findings which I have dictate above which
consist of their antagonism to queers/homosexuals/transgender, their enmity towards
other similar punk scene that they felt being less religious as they are (Sabah scene) and
their parade of their devotion to their God in the CD-sleeve- cemented the notion that
they are still very much aligned with the society in terms of religion, though not so in
musical taste.

What I have found in my fieldwork contrasts mostly with what that has been reported by
the media. I was not aware of any members from the scene that has committed any of the
crime alleged on punks in Malaysia. They were very friendly and open to ideas and in no
way exhibiting any tendency towards violence and crime. I admit there is a fallacy for
me to compare media items on happenings in the peninsular to the local youth here in
Kuching, but following the framework of the construction of moral panic, the folk devil
illustrated by the media does also exist here and subjected to the same discrimination
should there be any.

Utilizing labelling theory and the ideas manifested I speculate a few factors as of why the
punk scene here is does not fully materialise as of how the labelling theory has deemed-
that in face of condemnation, a deviant would subsequently shape their self-identity and
conduct fulfilling labels given to them. First, although there have been wide coverage by
the media illustrating the folk devil, there is a possibility that „national‟ newspapers
published in the Peninsular is not widely read here thus there are not much „awareness‟
towards the subculture. Secondly, as I have elaborated in my findings, that historically
there is not much friction and conflict between the punk communities with the
authorities, except for one occasion which the punks that I interviewed credited to the
intervention by the Peninsular Malaysia‟s police force. All in all, the punk community
here is not seen as a deviant in the society here, though their counterpart in Peninsular
might not have the same „privilege‟.

CONCLUSION

The picture of the satanic folk devil typical punk has been debunked in this study done in
Kuching town. Though there is a weakness in my modus operandi in comparing news
report on other states with happenings here, I believe that the mechanism of creation of
the folk devil affects the youth here as much as the youth in the Peninsular. Through my
own experience, it is a classical case of the fear to the unknown. Though the
orchestration of the moral panic is successful in the Peninsular, with various response

14
from both political youth and religious figures other than the mass public, it is lesser so in
Kuching. Labelling theory explanation of reaction to the action of demonising the youth
has been proved negatively in this study. That because there was not much friction of the
punk community with the public and the authorities, the lesser that they feel like social
rejects and thus, abide to their immediate social obligations, norms and beliefs.

The interesting pattern of selective practice amidst straddling two contrasting ideology of
punk and Islam has appeared to be a subject that calls for further investigation. How
modern individual in embracing influx of ideologies through modernity and having a
multidimensional identity and at the same time balances familial and societal obligations
with their personal aspirations. This is especially important to understand the challenges
faced by our present youth and at the same time striving for truth, one that is untainted by
political tactical speculations.

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Ricecooker blog: http://ricecooker.kerbau.com

Scene reports (2007, June) Maximum Rock n’ Roll, issue 289, 49-58.

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Appendix 1

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