Mother of God Mother of The Slavs The BL

Mother of God, Mother of the Slavs
The Black Madonna of Czestochowa as Byzantine Icon?
John Christopher Sikorski
Seminar Paper for Dr. David Fagerberg

(2009)
© John C. Sikorski, 2014 Page 0

At Jasna Góra
There is David’s Ladder which
Angels ascend and descend
Holy envoys, reconciling man,
With God.1
--Franciszek Karpiński (1741-1825)
For over seven centuries the icon of Our Lady of Częstochowa has stood at the center of
Polish religious and devotional life, political and social history, and national and state identity.
This icon, while belonging to a broad class of “black madonnas” throughout Europe,
nevertheless plays a unique role in Poland, specific to its cultural, historical, geographic, and
religious situation. Its presence in Częstochowa has been the subject of many poems, hymns,
religious songs, and has been featured prominently in many classic works of Polish literature.2
Its central historical place in Polish life has been affirmed, and strengthened, through the visits of
many Polish kings and nobles.3 Wherever Poles have travelled and emigrated, Our Lady of
Częstochowa has accompanied them, as their patroness and queen.4 Although many important
Marian pilgrimage sites exist in Poland, the cult of Our Lady of Częstochowa is the center of
Polish Marian cult and religious devotion. It is the “spiritual heart” of the strongly Roman
Catholic nation, a fact that is confirmed by the more than four million annual pilgrims who visit
the shrine.
Among other places of western Marian pilgrimage, Częstochowa plays a unique role as a
major shrine dedicated to Mary. The purpose of the pilgrimage to the holy hill, Jasna Góra, 5 is
1
F a iszek Ka piński, It seems that on Jasna Góra Stands… poe . Cited i F a iszek )iejka, W ite s of the
time of the National partition on the Jasna Góra Pilgrimage Route. Peregrinus Cracoviensis, No. 3 (1996). Kraków:
Institute of Geography of Jagiellonian University, p. 103.
2
Cf. W.S. Reymont, The Peasants (Chłopi); Juliusz “ło a ki, Hymn; “ta isła W spiański, The Wedding (Wesele).
3
A o g a othe s, Wład sła Jagiełło ; Wład sła IV Waza ; ; ; ; Ja Kazi ie z
;Mi hał Ko ut Wiś io ie ki ; Ja III “o ieski .
4
For example, three major shrines exist to Our Lady of Często ho a in the United States at Doylestown,
Pennsylvania, in Cleveland, Ohio, and Eureka, Missouri.
5
B ight Mou t
an encounter with an icon.6 There are no relics of saints, there is no place of apparition, and no
major event in the life of Jesus or Mary occurred on this plain of central Poland. Thus, the
pilgrimage center differs significantly from other western Marian shrines. This very fact, that the
end of the pilgrimage is the encounter with an icon, illustrates that this pilgrimage site lies at the
crossroads of Eastern and Western Europe.7 While Poland, since the baptism of Mieszko I in
966, has been a Roman Catholic nation, its complex history and relations with Eastern Christians
have exerted an important influence on the piety and devotion of the Polish people. In particular,
it seems that the strong devotion to an icon in a Roman Catholic country could be seen as a result
of Poland’s proximity to and interaction with the world of Eastern Christianity. For this reason,
it appears that an analysis of the Częstochowa icon might result in a deepened and more fruitful
appreciation of the elements of devotion and piety that Roman Catholicism shares in common
with the East.
THE ICON AND ITS MEANING(S)
The analysis of the Black Madonna of Częstochowa is important not only due to a desire
for mutual understanding in ecumenical relations, but it is also assigned as a task to Roman
Catholics, who have confronted the icon in recent years due to the fall of communism and the
opening of Poland to the West, as well as through the pontificate of John Paul II. “Karol Wojtyła
bears within him the entire spiritual heritage of his nation, its historical experience, and its
6
Only Lourdes, Fatima, and Guadalupe compare to Często ho a in the number of annual pilgrims, and these sites
all commemorate apparitions of Mary. Thus, while many smaller shrines that honor a statue or painting of Mary
exist in Europe, none of them attracts as many annual pilgrims as does the icon of the Black Madonna of
Często ho a.
Although a people lassif Pola d as elo gi g to Easte Eu ope, No a Da ies a d Geo ge Weigel ha e
7
su essfull a gued that Pola d should e see as pa t of Ce t al Eu ope, due ot o l to its geog aphi al
position, but also because of its historical influence by the West, especially by its historical allegiance to Rome.
Nevertheless, it has historically been greatly influenced by the culture and peoples of Eastern Europe. This
interplay between East and West places Poland in a unique situation. See George Weigel, Witness to Hope. New
York: Harper, 2001, pp. 16-21. See Norman Davies, Heart of Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001, and
God’s Playground. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982.
characteristic Slavonic culture.”8 During his papacy, John Paul II visited the shrine of the Black
Madonna numerous times, and emphasized the central role of the shrine and icon for his
pontificate. “There would not have been this Polish pope upon Saint Peter’s Chair without Jasna
Góra.”9 Throughout his pontificate, John Paul II remained attached to the shrine of Jasna Góra,
and through his numerous allusions to the holy icon and the shrine in his speeches, he brought
them into the western consciousness. “The two hillsŚ Jasna Góra and the Vatican, are not only
close to each other; they have become identical, they live in each other. Such is the law of
communion, the law of spiritual fusion.”10
Perhaps due to its entrance into the consciousness of the West in the early years of the
1980’s, there have been numerous attempts to seek to understand the icon and its meaning. At
least four interrelated approaches have been proposed, which seek to interpret the icon of the
Black Madonna of Częstochowa and its significance for the modern world. First, an attempt has
been made through cultural and devotional history, which seeks to identify the icon within a
larger framework of western “black madonnas.” This approach seeks to analyze the significance
of these images and statues and their rise in the post-Tridentine era as an attempt to establish the
authenticity and fittingness of Marian cult. A second attempt has been made by anthropologists,
who have sought to understand the icon and its contemporary meaning, especially in relation to
the phenomenon of pilgrimage to the icon as a sacred object. What role does the icon, the end of
a pilgrimage, play in relation to the events of the pilgrimage itself? Third, a feminist analysis has
sought to interpret the icon in relation to an obvious, and yet often overlooked fact, that the holy
8
Krzysztof Mroczek, O“PPE, The Bo d Bet ee Joh Paul II a d Jas a Gó a. I Peregrinus Cracoviensis. Jas a
Gó a: The Wo ld Ce t e of Pilg i age. No. . K akó : I stitute of Geog aph of Jagiellonian University,
pp. 81-82.
9
Joh Paul II, “pee h to the Polish People. October 23, 1978. In Insegnamenti di Giovanni Paulo II, I, 1978, p. 52.
10
Joh Paul II, Add ess to the Pilg i s f o Gdańsk a d to the Pauli e Mo ks at the Vati a . O to e , ,
L’Osse ato e Ro a o , , p. . I deed, the i o of Jas a Gó a hung high on Vatican Hill, above the altar
in the private chapel in the papal apartment.
person portrayed is a feminine “divine” figure. Finally, art historians have studied the style and
composition of the icon in order to seek to understand its origin, and the implications of placing
it in either the East or the West. An attempt shall be made to show the importance of these four
approaches, while it will also be demonstrated that each approach falls short of appreciating the
grammar of the icon, because it seeks to analyze it from outside the theological tradition and its
iconographic language. In order to provide an adequate interpretation for the icon, one must
analyze it from within its own tradition. What is this tradition? How does this tradition relate to
other traditions of Eastern iconography?
In particular, one question will guide a discussion of this icon: Is Our Lady of
Częstochowa a Byzantine icon?11 An attempt to answer this question will take into account the
history of the icon, its style, and its theological grammar. It will become apparent that a
discussion of this question will recognize contributions of anthropologists, feminist interpreters,
and historians, and will show how a theological interpretation of the icon provides a penetrating
depth and appreciation for the icon that can only be partially provided by the attempts of these
other fields of research. It will be clear that the pilgrims who venerate this icon in the heart of
central Europe, “seek and find in it--and this is in general the secret of Eastern iconography,
which is unknown in the west—one in the presence of a complete secret, as if the heavenly king
through the veneration of his art, has really taken up his seat in Jasna Góra.”12 It is necessary to
begin with the analyses of the non-theological fields, in order to understand the valid
contributions they make in the endeavor to “read” this icon.
Monique Scheer provides an analysis of statues and icons of a black Mary in the early
modern period in Europe. These “black madonnas” shaped the “early modern imagination” and
11
This is the title of an essay by the art historian Heinrich Pfeiffer. See The Common Christian Roots of the
European Nations: An International Colloquium at the Vatican. Florence: Le Monnier, 1982, pp. 657-661.
12
“ta isła “ idziński. Die “ h a ze Mutte gottes o Ts he sto hau. I Internationale katolische Zeitschrift
Communio-Verlag, Vol. 16, No. 1 (January 1983), p. 69.
were the kind of “personal images to which candles, incense, and other votive gifts were offered
in thanks for miracles worked.”13 While devotion to Mary in the west has only recently focused
on various images of Mary with a white complexion14, Scheer notes that throughout the early
modern period, there existed widespread devotion to and veneration of dark figures of Mary.
She seeks to interpret these images through the interpretive lens of the historical perceptions of
black skin in European history. She points out that all “black madonnas” have legends attached
to them about their origins, which claim to establish Saint Luke the Evangelist as their artist or
sculptor. In addition, three other themes are common to the legends. Usually an image is found
miraculously, and the one who discovers it desires to move the image. However, the image
refuses to move from its location. In addition, legends often recount attacks upon an image, in
which an image or statue refuses to be “wounded.”15
It is apparent, therefore, that “black madonnas” were accorded a special status in the
devotional life of early modern Europeans. Such attractiveness of the “black” in these madonnas
was explained by some academic theologians, such as the Dominican Gabriel de Barletta, who in
1571 sought to interpret the meaning of the dark complexion of the image of the Madonna:
Was the Virgin dark or fair, you ask? Albertus Magnus says that she was not
simply dark, nor simply red-haired, nor just fair-haired…Mary was a blend of
complexions, partaking of all of them, because a face partaking of all of them is a
beautiful one…And yet this, says Albertus, we must admitŚ she was a little on the
dark side. There are three reasons for thinking this: firstly by reason of
complexion, since Jews tend to be dark and she was a Jewess; secondly by reason
of witness, since St. Luke made the three pictures of her now at Rome, Loreto,
and Bologna, and these are brown-complexioned; thirdly, by reason of affinity. A
son commonly takes after his mother, and vice-versa; Christ was dark,
therefore…16
13
Monique Scheer, F o Majest to Mystery: Change in the Meanings of Black Madonnas from the Sixteenth to
the Ni etee th Ce tu ies. I American Historical Review, Vol. 107, No. 5 (December 2002), p. 1412. Her
discussion focuses mostly on the black madonnas of Switzerland and Austria, but the e tio i g of Często ho a
in her essay indicates that she places the icon of Jasna Góra within the broader category under analysis.
14
Such as Rue de Bac (Miraculous Medal, 1830), Lourdes (1858), Fatima (1917).
15
See Scheer, p. 1421.
16
Gabriel de Barletta, Sermons celeberrimi, I (Venice, 1571). Quoted by Scheer, p. 1425.
Barletta therefore establishes ethnic, traditional, and biological reasons for the color of Mary’s
skin. Scheer points out that black madonnas were accorded their central status in the devotional
life of the early baroque period due to a perceived affinity to Christ, who himself was a dark,
Jewish man.
Furthermore, by interpreting Marian sermons of this era, Scheer identifies additional
interpretations of the significance of the “blackness” of Marian statues and images. Blackness is
perceived as a result of the grief Mary feels in the face of the suffering of her Son. “The power
of love is likened to the sun, which darkens the skin of a bride.”17 Finally, blackness is seen to
be a symbol of “humility” of the bride in the Song of Songs. Thus, Scheer points out that the
earliest interpretations of “black madonnas” allow for a multiplicity of meanings of the skin tone
of the image.18 In order to understand black madonnas it is necessary to “historicize” the
approach toward these images, which can be difficult due to the “modern mind’s intolerance of
ambiguity.”19 Black madonnas, of which Our Lady of Częstochowa is one of the most famous
examples, invite the viewer to derive a variety of meanings that are found in their mysterious and
dark complexion. Such a multiplicity of meanings of the image can lead to a profound and
personal encounter.
The second attempt to interpret the icon of Our Lady of Częstochowa and its cult as
expressed through pilgrimages, from an anthropological perspective, emphasizes the importance
17
Scheer, p. 1431. She analyzes the sermon of Fr. Benedikt Frumb in Teising, Switzerland on the Song of Songs.
The e se I a la k, ut eautiful “o g : has ee ofte applied to images of a black Madonna.
18
Scheer seeks to argue against an interpretation of these images purely on racial grounds, and shows how a
strictly racial interpretation did not appear in Europe until the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth century. It
was at this time that the so- alled a ide talist theo a ose, fi st p oposed the Pa isia a hite t Cha les
Rohault de Fleu , ho sought to att i ute the la k olo of these i ages ot to the i te tio al ut athe the
result of discoloration due to the soot and smoke of candles and incense as well as chemical reactions in the
pai t. “ hee , p. .
19
Ibid, p. 1440.
of a profound and personal encounter that is meant to deeply move and affect the viewer.
Marysia Galbraith, an anthropologist, recounts her experience on a pilgrimage to Częstochowa as
a place of interplay between “power, identity, and personal experience.” 20 She analyzes the icon
of Częstochowa in terms of the cult surrounding it. Each year, as many as four hundred
thousand pilgrims make a foot pilgrimage to Częstochowa from various regions of Poland.21
The icon and its shrine serve as a destination, yet also profoundly affect the events of the
pilgrimage itself, which is filled with prayer and sacraments, song and dance, and friends and
fellowship. Galbraith notes instructions in a pilgrimage handbook that the purpose of the
pilgrimage to the holy icon is to “renew our bond with God, and remind ourselves that we are all
children of God, who do not have an eternal home here, and through personal difficulty and
prayer we wish to find the peace of God within ourselves in order to pass it on to others.”22
Galbraith focuses much of her observations on the actual events of the pilgrimage. However, she
downplays the importance of the arrival at the holy shrine.
The destination of the pilgrimage to Częstochowa is as important, if not more important,
than the pilgrimage itself. Consistent with the traditional aspects of a pilgrimage, which focuses
on penitence, prayer, fellowship, and personal transformation, the events that occur on the
Częstochowa pilgrimage are certainly important. However, Galbraith’s comments upon the
arrival to the shrine show that the importance of the destination as well. “Then, we ascended the
hill into the church where the Black Madonna graces the center altar. Finally, we had a turn to
enter the church and kneel before the Icon. It was an emotional moment; many began to
20
Marysia Galbraith, O the Road to Często ho a: Rheto i a d E pe ie e o a Polish Pilg i age. I
Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 72, No. 2 (April, 2000), p. 61.
21
This is one-tenth of the total number of annual visitors (four million).
22
Ibid, p. 65.
cry...We exited through a side door into the adjoining cathedral.23 I was struck immediately by
the feeling of a void.”24 Thus, while Galbraith downplays the role of the destination, her
observations reveal the centrality of the pilgrims’ deeply personal encounters with the icon. One
can perceive here, therefore, a multiplicity of meanings associated with the icon.
For “outsiders” such as Galbraith, the encounter with the icon at the end of the pilgrimage
does not hold pride of place. She interprets the pilgrimage as a journey characterized by both
fellowship and fracture.25 Nevertheless, a journey without a goal toward which its events are
ordered seems incomplete and difficult to interpret adequately. One must take very seriously,
therefore, the experience of pilgrims who arrive at the destination towards which they have been
traveling and for which they have been “bearing the cross” for over ten days. Their arrival,
marked with tears and prayer upon encountering the icon, must be taken into account in order to
adequately account for the “mystical powers”26 that Galbraith perceives in the icon. An
anthropological analysis of the icon and its cult, therefore, further reveals a multiplicity of
meanings that can be associated with the icon, which depend on the interior state of the pilgrim,
who may be personally transformed in an encounter with the icon.
A third attempt to interpret the icon of the Black Madonna has been undertaken by
feminist theologians and anthropologists, who seek to take seriously the significance of the
portrayal of a feminine “divine” figure on the icon. Feminist interpretations seek to read icons of
black madonnas as a “metaphor for a memory of earth-centered spirituality on the hypothesis
23
Gal aith is istake . The ai a e hu h at Często ho a, although a asili a, is ot the athedral, and
the efo e ot the seat of the ishop of Często ho a.
24
Ibid, p. 71.
25
“he poi ts to disag ee e ts et ee pilg i s as a esult of a la k of food, as ell as o petitio fo the
ette sleepi g lo atio s i side ou t a s , as e ide e of f a tu e a o g t a ele s. Co u io a d
fello ship, ho e e , is also p ese t th ough the sha i g of pe so al sto ies a d the i ti a de eloped i su -
g oups of the la ge pilg i age. “ee p. .
26
Ibid, p. 69.
that pre-Christian beliefs are preserved in folk culture.”27 An interpretation of the icon of
Częstochowa has been given within such a perspective by China Galland. Galland points to the
preponderance of the “dynamic, positive image of dark female divinity…an empowered dark
image of the female divine” within Eastern religions.28 The discovery of these traditions of
female divine figures in Eastern religions and the recollection of the preponderance of “black
madonnas” in the Catholic tradition causes her to “re-examine” her own tradition.29 The
preponderance of dark female divine figures in many cultures, and the black madonnas in the
Catholic tradition, leads her to interpret the madonnas within a multicultural and universal
“spiritual” perspective.
Galland notices the importance of the ubiquitous presence of the dark feminine image.
She interprets the black color as a color of universality. She is “a black woman, a woman of
color, a brown woman, a red woman, and more… she includes all colors. She is dark because
we come in so many colors, hues, and shades, and no one is to be left out.”30 In addition to
symbolizing universality, black also symbolizes “wisdom,” since black is simply “invisible
light.” This fact illustrates that “darkness matters, is to be valued, treasured.”31 Thus, darkness
becomes for Galland a symbol of human relationships to the earth and to one another. “We
suckle and feed upon this earth like a child does its mother. We are completely dependent upon
our relationships…”32
27
See Scheer, p. 1419. She is quoting Lucia Chiavola Birnbaum, Black Madonnas: Feminism, Politics, and Religion in
Italy. Boston, 1993, p.3.
28
See China Galland, The Bla k Mado a a d the Wo of God. I Journal of Women and Religion, Vol. 16,
(1998), p. 140. See also her book, The Bond Between Women, A Journey to Fierce Compassion. She points to the
female Buddha Tara in the Tibetan tradition and Kali, a wife of Shiva in the Hindu tradition. In the West, she
mentions the Hopi tradition of the Black Crow Mother, the Brazilian tradition of Yemaja, a goddess of the ocean, as
well as Ezili and Lasyrenn in the Voodoo folk religion.
29
Ibid, p. 141.
30
Ibid.
31
Ibid, p. 142.
32
Ibid, p. 143.
Galland’s interpretation seeks to articulate the preponderance of devotions to a “black
madonna” in places outside of the United States. In the United States and in western nations in
general, people imagine that they are “self-sufficient.”33 In developing nations, however, people
recognize that they are interconnected, and that they need one another. The black madonna is a
“Mother of all people, we all belong to her. She is the dark one who champions all that is left
out and symbolizes what must be included now.”34 Thus, the figure of a dark Mother “weaves a
bond that reaches beyond cultures and across time, a bond that gives us back our history with one
another.”35
According to Galland, the image of a black madonna, precisely because of its color, and
of its status as a subset of “dark feminine images” across various cultures, manifests a bond
between people of various cultures and between women, and serves as a reminder of humanity’s
interconnectedness with the earth. “She sits waiting for us, offering us a way to restore the
sacramental view of nature.”36 In a world that is marked by “hate, greed, and delusion,” an
image of a black madonna expresses counter-cultural values, and serves as a reminder of what it
means to live in a world radically altered by the presence of the feminine divine force of which
all major world religions have spoken. “The fierce, divine feminine, who comes to save the
world when it is on the verge of destruction, can only return through us…There is only love in
the world if we have love, and are loving, tolerant, and kind.”37 Galland proposes a relationship
between the “feminine divine” and God. Just as Mary was “overshadowed” by God at the
33
Ibid, p. 142.
34
Ibid, p. 143.
35
Ibid.
36
Ibid, p. 145.
37
Ibidi, p. 146.
moment of the Annunciation, so also the “Black Madonna shows us what it looks like to be
covered by God.”38
Galland has therefore offered an analysis of a black madonna icon through the lens of a
feminist and comparative critique. She recognizes the ability of an icon to “speak” to the viewer,
and to point the viewer to a deeper understanding that is not immediately apparent upon the first
encounter with the icon. Her emphasis on the role of the icon in relation to a “sacramental
understanding” of nature is important, since her approach recognizes the necessity of viewing
humans in relation to God and creation. Thus, three interpretations of a black madonna icon, the
historical, anthropological, and feminist, have pointed out that the viewing of an icon is a deeply
personal encounter, with a multiplicity of meanings that are meant to direct the viewer to a
certain “stance” toward God and creation. A fourth interpretation of the icon has been given
from the perspective of art history, and this interpretation will be treated within the context of the
analysis of the history of the icon of the Black Madonna of Częstochowa itself.
It will become apparent that a robust and adequate understanding of this icon can only be
given by and derived from a theological analysis, which can add significantly to and make more
accurate the insights of history, anthropology, and feminism. It will be necessary therefore, after
examining the origin of the icon (and its relation to the history of art), to provide an analysis of
the icon from within its own tradition. Is this icon, which functions in the “western” setting of
Roman Catholic Poland, a crossroads of the East and West, a Byzantine icon? The theological
approach is a fitting attempt to “read” the icon by understanding its grammar and syntax. Such
an endeavor will allow for a multiplicity of meanings, provide for a deep personal encounter, and
show the sacramental role of the icon.
FROM THE CREATED ART TO THE UNCREATED ONE
38
Ibid, p. 146.
The Black Madonna of Częstochowa, like the other highly venerated black madonnas of
Europe, possesses its own legend of origin. Six manuscripts of the legend of the picture’s arrival
in Poland survive from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. All of the versions share the same
fundamental elements. According to the legend, after the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin
Mary, Saint Luke was asked by the Christian community to paint an icon of Mary to
commemorate her, and to provide edification for the faithful. Therefore, Saint Luke took wood
from the table of the house of Mary, and painted an image of her with the Christ Child. Over
time, the highly venerated image was brought from Jerusalem to Constantinople, where it was
known to work many miracles. There, a Russian Prince “Leo” encountered the icon, and
requested to take it back to Russia. Many years later, a Polish prince “Casimir” ascended the
Polish throne and invaded Russia. The picture was hidden in the castle of Belz, which remained
uncaptured during the campaign. Casimir’s successor, Louis of Hungary, succeeded in capturing
the area, which he placed under the protection of Duke Ladislaus of Opole.
Duke Ladislaus of Opole inspected the newly captured castle, and discovered the hidden
icon within it. During this time, the area was attacked by Lithuanians and Tartars, and the castle
was placed under a siege. Having nowhere to flee, the Duke placed himself under the protection
of the icon. During the siege, a Tartar arrow flew through the window, and became lodged in the
icon. A great darkness therefore descended upon the land, and the attackers fled in terror. Thus,
Duke Ladislaus decided to take the image back to his own lands, but when he sought to move the
image, regardless of the number of horses, the image would not budge. After many fervent
prayers, however, the duke was able to move the image, and it was brought to Jasna Góra (the

Bright Mount) where it was placed in a monastery of the Order of St. Paul the First Hermit,
founded by the duke.39
While the purpose of this examination is not to provide an in-depth analysis of the
translation legend, it is important to notice a few central elements. 40 First, the translation legend
contains many elements that are common to many of the translation legends of other holy
images. Saint Luke is stated to be the artist, the image refuses to budge when it is moved, and
many miracles are attributed to it. Robert Maniura points to a very significant aspect of this
translation legend: “The key point of the translation narrative…is that the picture is presented as
a product of the Christian EastŚ what we might call an ‘icon.’…What appears to be a western
artifact is said to come from the East.”41 Maniura provides possible reasons for the identification
of the icon with the “East.” “Insofar as the picture is said to be by St. Luke, an ultimate eastern
provenance is unavoidable. But by the late Middle Ages, one did not have to go east to find an
image of the Virgin by St. Luke.”42 The eastern provenance of the Częstochowa icon is not
limited to its origin, but also is attributed to its use. “From early in its history until the time of its
removal to Poland, the picture is said to have been venerated in an Orthodox Christian milieu.
The eastern emphasis is very strong.”43
It has been seen that many legends related to famous images of black madonnas associate
their origins with Saint Luke. However, many scholars have pointed out the “incoherency” of
39
While the dates of the previous events of the legend are not certain, it is quite certain that the icon arrived to
Często ho a i . This e tai date has allo ed s hola s to seek to ide tif the a es of the figu es i the
legend with known historical figures.
40
For such a detailed analysis, see Robert Maniura,. Pilgrimage to Images in the Fifteenth Century. Rochester, NY:
The Boydell Press, 2004, p. 50. Maniura provides an excellent commentary and identification of the characters
mentioned in the text of the translatio.
41
Ibid, p. 50.
42
Ibid, p. 57. The translation legend itself points to Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, for example, for an image
whose origin was attributed to Saint Luke, as well as to Florence as another location of images painted by Saint
Luke.
43
Ibid.
the authorship of such images by Saint Luke.44 First, images of the Blessed Virgin with the
Christ Child which claim to have been painted as portraits during Mary’s lifetime cannot be
accurate chronologically. “Saint Luke could not have known of Christ as a Child, since the
savior had no apostles before the start of his adult ministry.”45 Such a chronological challenge is
avoided in the Częstochowa form of the translation legend, however, since Saint Luke is said to
have painted the image after the Assumption of Mary, thus making it clear that he is painting
from memory. The translation legend emphasizes that Saint Luke was instructed to record each
and every story of the Virgin Mary and her dearly beloved Son.46 Thus, the legend emphasizes
that the icon of the Blesses Virgin is Saint Luke’s attempt to provide a “visual counterpart to the
Gospel.”47 Just as Saint Luke was not an eyewitness to the events of the Gospel, so also he did
not paint the image of the Blessed Virgin and the Christ Child from eyewitness. The icon
contains in paint what the Gospel contains in words. Thus, Lucan authorship of the icon is an
important foundation for a discussion of its eastern origins. However, it is apparent that even if
the image of the Black Madonna of Częstochowa does not claim Lucan authorship, a strong
eastern influence is seen in the emphasis upon its historical role in Constantinople as well as
Russia, and this influence is emphasized by the style of the image itself.
While the legend might not provide conclusive evidence for the origins of the Black
Madonna of Częstochowa, art historians have attempted to analyze the icon in relation to the
style and construction of other images of the Blessed Virgin in both the Christian East and West.
44
Cf. H. Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art. Chicago, 1994, p. 58. See
Maniura, p. 67.
45
Maniura, p. 67. In a sermon attributed to John of Damasucus, this chronological pitfall is avoided, since the
autho of the se o att i utes the o igi s of a i age of Ch ist a d His Mothe to the a tisti tale ts of the
Th ee Magi: the life po t ait of the Vi gi a d Child fi es the i age of the e l I a ate God at the o e t of
the Epipha . See Maniura, p. 67.
46
See the Translatio, Archive of Jasna Góra, sygn. II 19, fols. 216v-220r, l. 7- . … eatus Lu as E a gelista, ui et
eius erat specialis familiaris ac prothonotarius fidelis, conscribens omnia et singular facta et gesta, signa et
prodigia, ue Beata Vi go Ma ia de Filio suo dile tissi o a aue at pue ad e o ia …
47
Maniura, p. 67.
The icon of Jasna Góra is a very complicated and complex object, which does not admit of a
single origin. Rather, art historians have provided a “two-stage” theory of origin, with various
modifications. Stanisław widziński proposes two “images” of the Black Madonna. The first,
which originated sometime between the sixth and ninth centuries, lasted until it was damaged by
thieves on April 16, 1430. After its damage, the image was sent to Kraków, and there it was
restored by a painter or group of painters, who were perhaps of Czech influence. 48 This final
image was then restored several times, most notably between 1682 and 1705, with a final,
modern restoration between 1925 and 1926. This thesis of a “two-stage” theory is generally
accepted by most art historians. It is therefore clear that the image as it appears today may not be
identical to the image as it has always appeared. Nevertheless, various attempts have been made
to place the current image within a “school” of eastern or western art.
An analysis of early Christian art depicting the Virgin has failed to convince art historians
to attribute similar antiquity to the provenance of the Częstochowa icon. Among some of the
oldest images of the Virgin are the panel paintings of the “Madonna of San Sisto,” located in the
church of Santa Maria del Rosario in Rome.49 The dates of these images are placed between the
sixth and the eighth centuries. While damage to these images allows only a comparison of the
faces, a close resemblance between the Black Madonna and the images in San Sisto is not
perceptible. The long, slender face, dark eyes, and the slender chin of the Black Madonna do not
resemble the wide open eyes, the pronounced head, and the emphatic features of the San Sisto
virgin. Furthermore, Maniura points out that the two mediums differ: while the Black Madonna
is painted with egg tempera, the S. Sisto images are painted using an encaustic medium. 50
48
“ee “ idziński, “ta isła . Die “ h a ze Mutte gottes o Ts he sto hau. I Internationale katolische
Zeitschrift Communio-Verlag, Vol. 16, No. 1 (January 1983), p. 67.
49
Maniura, pp. 19-20.
50
“ idziński ould disag ee ith Ma iu a he e, si e he a gues that the fi st of the t o i ages of the Bla k
Madonna was indeed painted using the encaustic technique, sometime between the sixth and ninth centuries.
Identification of the Black Madonna with early Christian images of the Virgin therefore seems
implausible.
The Black Madonna has been considered in relation to a second “school” of Christian art.
It has been proposed that the “closest surviving parallel to the Częstochowa icon” in terms of the
representation is the mosaic of the Virgin and Child found in the Chilandar Monastery on Mount
Athos.51 A similarity between the Black Madonna and this mosaic would account for the
preponderance of references to the Christian East in the translation legend. This mosaic shares
the “notable stark verticality and near frontality of the Virgin’s head.”52 The nose of the Virgin
depicted in this mosaic is long and slender, and the tight, drawn lips resemble those of the Black
Madonna. However, the face of the Virgin of the mosaic employs dark and heavy lines, and
emphasizes very large, open eyes. The folds of the drapery are depicted in heavy, alternating
lines. “All of these features are sharply distinct from the soft modeling and flowing drapery
folds of the Częstochowa panel, which, especially around the Virgin’s face, generate an illusion
of depthŚ her garment seems to hang forward away from her face.”53 An analysis of many other
Orthodox icons reveals such differences. However, one important feature of Orthodox
(especially Balkan) iconography appears in the Częstochowa icon.
The Black Madonna of Częstochowa is presented as a Virgin of the Hodigitria type. The
icon of this type was the object of special veneration in Constantinople in the Middle Ages, and
this type of icon of the Virgin is seen as especially holy, and it is this form which is most
commonly attributed to Saint Luke. “The iconographer’s manual of Mount Athos states that
icon painters should prostrate themselves before the Hodigitria and beseech Christ in prayer
Die Te h ik des [e ste] Bildes a E kaustik a tike Melte h ik it i Wa hs gelöste Fa e . “ee Die
Schwarze Muttergottes von Tschenstochau, p. 67.
51
Maniura, p. 20-21.
52
Ibid, p. 22.
53
Ibid.
before they begin to paint.”54 In this image type, the Virgin Mary gestures towards Christ. She
is the “one who shows the way.” Maniura points out, however, that images of this type “were
widespread in both East and West in the Middle Ages. The fact that the Częstochowa image is a
‘Hodigitria’ in formal terms thus need imply neither an eastern provenance nor a direct
derivation from an eastern model.”55 The mere composition of the figures in the image need not
therefore be an indication of a particular origin, especially given the widespread use of this
arrangement. Based on an analysis of the composition alone, it seems difficult to determine a
direct correlation between the Black Madonna of Częstochowa and Orthodox iconography.
Art historians have therefore sought to compare the icon of the Black Madonna to the
surviving early panel painting of the West: Italy, Bohemia, and Hungary. Many art historians
seek to establish a connection between the Sienese painter Simone Martini (1284-1344) and the
Częstochowa icon. Heinrich Pfeiffer, SJ argues that the “undulating borderlines of the
vestments, the small sharply designed mouth of the Virgin and her half-closed eyes, are all
typical of the art of the Sienese master.”56 Pfeiffer compares the figures of the Saint Martin
Chapel in the lower church in Assisi, executed by Martini around 1340, and compares the figure
of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary to the Black Madonna of Częstochowa. Maniura has also
compared the two images, yet points out that one cannot justify a comparison of an image of St.
Elizabeth to an image of a Madonna and Child. “The Częstochowa image seems to share many
features with the fourteenth-century Sienese painting, but looks paradoxically unlike a
fourteenth-century Sienese Virgin and Child.”57 Some scholars have pointed to the widespread
54
Michel Quenot. The Icon: Window on the Kingdom. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladi i ’s “e i a P ess, , p. .
55
Maniura, p. 24.
56
Heinrich Pfeiffer, SJ, Is Ou Lad of Często ho a a B za ti e I o ? I The Common Christian Roots of the
European Nations: An International Colloquium at the Vatican. Florence: Le Monnier, 1982, p. 659.
57
Maniura, p. 25.
and long-lasting influence of Simone’s style as a possible explanation for similar elements
between the icon and the Sienese school.
An attempt has been made, therefore, to seek to locate the provenance of the image
somewhere in central Europe, such as Hungary or Bohemia. In Bohemia, the Madonna of Most
is considered one of the oldest surviving examples of a Bohemian Virgin, originating between
1340-1350. However, while the folds of this Virgin correspond to the icon of the Black
Madonna, the face is “round and bulky” and is more “block-like with its heavily shaded brows
and abrupt, wedge-like nose.”58 The analysis turns therefore to Hungary, which is important to
an interpretation of the image. Between 1370 and 1382, Louis the Great was king of both Poland
and Hungary, and Ladislaus of Opole, who brought the image to Poland according to the legend,
held high posts in this king’s administration. However, a Turkish invasion of Hungary in 1526
wholly destroyed any art from before this period, rendering it impossible to compare the icon to
Hungarian art. It is clear that Italian art had exerted an influence on Hungarian work during this
era, and King Louis commissioned a Sienese painter to paint a work for the chapel in Mariazell
in Austria.59 This image of Mary, however, places the Christ Child on Mary’s right arm, with his
head turned toward the face of his mother. Based on these considerations, some scholars have
asked, “Could it be that [the Black Madonna] is a product of a non-Sienese artist, say, a
Hungarian, with detailed knowledge of Sienese painting?”60
An analysis of the composition itself, therefore, does not provide conclusive evidence for
the provenance of the Black Madonna of Częstochowa. In the icon, there appear to be present
58
Ibid, pp. 28-29.
59
Ibid.
60
Ibid, p. 33. A Hungarian link seems plausible based on the presence of the lilies on the robe of the Virgin of
Często ho a. These a e e og ized as a he aldi otif of the Angevin dynasty of Naples, whose lineage
entered into Hungary via Queen Elizabeth, the wife of the Angevin King Charles Robert of Hungary. Elizabeth
became the mother of the future Louis the Great and was the sister of King Casimir the Great of Poland (whose
Russia a paig is espo si le fo the p ese e of the i o at Często ho a .
elements of fourteenth century Sienese art, as well as influences of Balkan iconography, and
central European motifs. If an “Eastern” provenance is uncertain based on composition alone,
although a Slavic influence can be detected, it is necessary to turn to an analysis of the
construction and materials of the panel. It will be clear that the icon of the Black Madonna
shares much in common with the iconographic tradition of the Christian East.
Many previously unknown details about the construction of the icon were revealed in a
major renovation and preservation effort undertaken in 1925. At this time, the picture had been
found to be in a deteriorating state. “The frame was infested with woodworm which were
beginning to invade the panel of the picture. The main panel was also suffering from the effects
of damp as a result of which the paint layers had become unstable.”61 When the paint surface,
which had become dark as a result of moisture, smoke, and soot, was cleaned, it was determined
that the “Virgin’s face and the face and hands of the Christ child were painted in an egg tempera
medium but that the remaining surfaces were executed in oil.”62 It was determined that the oil
surfaces constituted areas which had undergone repainting throughout the centuries. Thus, the
removal of the outer paint layers revealed deep, rich colors, including the “striking discovery of
the lilies on the Virgin’s robe.”63 The only area of large-scale damage was the Virgin’s right
hand, which had been worn away by centuries of kisses by the faithful. 64 It was determined that
many of the layers of oil paint had been added in multiple restorations, such as in 1705.
The painting is executed on a panel of limewood, which can be found in paintings of both
northern and southern Europe, as well as in Eastern iconography.65 The panel, however, is not
composed of one section. Rather, it is constructed of three planks, which are carved out on most
61
Ibid, p. 12.
62
Ibid.
63
Ibid, pp.12-13.
64
Ibid, p. . The ha d isi le toda is the efo e la gel a ode e o st u tio .
65
Ibid, p. 34.
of the surface so that the “haloes of the two figures and a narrow framing band stand out in relief
by approximately 0.5 cm form the plane on which the image is painted.”66 The wood is covered
with a fine layer of canvas, which consists of three layers of differing thickness.67 It is
hypothesized that the canvas of medium density is the oldest, and the layers reveal the possibility
of a “previous preparation of the panel and hence evidence of repainting.”68
In addition to a canvas layer, the panel contains a thin, white ground laid upon the
canvas, upon which the image is painted. Upon microscopic analysis, it was discovered that this
layer contains the fossils of microscopic organisms called coccoliths, indicating the “natural
origin” of the material.69 Chalk and gypsum have been used traditionally as two naturally
occurring materials for the base of painting sacred images. Gypsum, known by its Italian name
of gesso, and used predominantly in southern Europe, does not contain microscopic fossils.
Based on this microscopic study, the results “make it very unlikely that the painting on the
Częstochowa panel was made in Italy.”70 A thorough analysis of the original layers of paint has
not been undertaken, since it is not permitted to scrape any paint from the image. Thus, paint
cross-sections, “an invaluable tool in the analysis of the techniques of panel painting,” are not
available.71 Based on x-radiographs, it can be concluded that the image shows discontinuities on
the paint surface, and even employs varying paints, as has been seen.
Based on an analysis of the limewood panel, the paint type, the canvas layers, and the
underlying white ground, it is possible to establish that the image is a “compromise amalgram of
66
Ibid.
67
This can be determined on the basis of x-radiographs conducted in 1983. See Maniura, p. 36.
68
Ibid, p. 37. Evidence of repainting is also seen in various sections of the icon, such as the book held by the Christ
Child, the hand of the Virgin, as well as se tio s of the Vi gi ’s o e. These o lusio s a e ade oth o the
evidence of the paint type used (oil vs. egg tempera), as well as on x-radiograph images that have revealed newer
and older layers of canvas.
69
Ibid, p. 39.
70
Ibid.
71
Ibid, p. 40. This fact is certainly a testimony to the dignity and status given to the icon. Perhaps the taking of
pai t sa ples f o the i age ould e pe ei ed aki to the ou di g of the i age o e s i the fiftee th
century. See a discussion of the scars below.
elements from different periods.”72 Both the style and the construction appear to be similar to
some western forms, yet strong differences are also apparent. While an Italian and central
European relationship seems quite possible, the “most recent conservator of the panel,” while
concurring on the western orientation of the latter phases of the panel, “continues to insist on an
ultimate origin for the panel in the Orthodox East.”73 Such a conclusion necessitates a
comparison of the construction and aesthetics of the Black Madonna with the iconographic
tradition of the Christian East. This analysis will demonstrate that, while the ultimate origins of
the icon remain mysterious, it shares much in common with Orthodox iconography both in
construction and coloration, which are both functions of theology.
Michel Quenot provides a brief analysis of the “general fact about the icon,” which
reveals a close resemblance between the construction of an iconographic panel, and the
construction of the Częstochowa panel. “Icons are the fruit of long work requiring patience,
experience, and talent.”74 Quenot points out that the “choice of wood for the board is
particularly important: solid and well-aged wood is essential.”75 Sometimes several boards are
used to create on icon panel. These boards are often joined with “mortise and tenon joints or
fastened with lastochki (wood insets called ‘birds' tails’).”76 Once fastened, the central part of
the panel upon which the image will be painted “is often hollowed out about 1/8” deep, leaving a
frame of ¾” to 2” or more around the edge.”77 Once the board is prepared, a thin canvas or cloth
is placed upon the wood. The canvas is then covered with an “extra-fine gesso powder like chalk
72
Ibid, p. 43.
73
Ibid, p. 43.
74
Michel Quenot. The Icon: Window on the Kingdom. C est ood, NY: “t. Vladi i ’s “e i a P ess, , p. .
75
Ibid, p. . It is i po ta t to ote that li e ood, the ate ial of the Często ho a i o , as the p efe ed ood
of Russian and other Slavic iconographers. This was the wood used by the monk Andrei Rublev for his icon of the
Hospitalit of A aha , as ell as others. See Vera Beaver-B i ke Espi ola, Russia I o s: “pi itual a d
Mate ial Aspe ts. I Journal of the American Institute for Conservation, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Spring, 1992), pp. 17-22.
76
Espinola, p. 18.
77
Quenot, p. 83.
or alabaster.”78 This iconographic technique is strikingly similar to that of the Częstochowa
panel, which is constructed of three limewood planks, which are covered with canvas, and
finished with gesso. Furthermore, the Black Madonna panel is hollowed out .5 cm (about 1/5”)
in the center, leaving the halos and the frame protruding from the central image.
Quenot further points to two painting techniques used for icon painting. The first type,
encaustic, was used in ancient times and “progressively abandoned from the eighth century.”79
The second technique adopted is the use of egg tempera paint. Similarities with the
Częstochowa image are again apparent. At least according to widziński, the first “stage” of the
Częstochowa icon can be identified with an encaustic technique. The latter (post 1430) stage of
the icon is identified with egg tempera, with various repairs in latter centuries having been made
with oil paint. Thus, both on the basis of the construction of the board and the paints employed,
the Częstochowa image shares much in common with the iconographic tradition of the Orthodox
East.
An analysis of the features and colors employed in the Black Madonna will further reveal
a similarity with the iconographic tradition. This examination of the colors within the
iconographic tradition will naturally lead to a discussion of the theological implications of these
colors. Colors are not arbitrary; they express profound truths.80 The most central aspect of any
image of Mary is the face. Maniura points out that the large size of the face of the Black
Madonna, and the “hieratic upright pose of the Virgin” is unusual to medieval western art. 81 It is
an important element of the iconographic tradition that the “overall aspect of the body’s anatomy
78
Ibid, p. 84.
79
Ibid.
80
Quenot points out that the field of experimental psychology has studied the effect of colors on the emotional
a d iologi al states of a pe so . Thus, eds a aise o e’s hea t eat a d ause the to e e ited. Hues of lue
have a calming and soothing effect. See Quenot, p.111. Studies have also shown that infant boys and girls react
differently to various colors as a result of a differing amount of rods and cones in their retinas. See Leonard Sax,
Why Gender Matters. New York: Random House, 2006.
81
Maniura, p. 43.
is subordinated to the head.”82 Within the tradition, the face is painted using gray or black
pigment, which can be highlighted with yellow ochre, mixed with red.83 In general, the painting
of any nude areas of the body is “dark or chestnut-colored.”84 The faces therefore have a “dark,
almost earth-like color.”85 Quenot points out that this association is certainly with the face of
Christ, who is the New Adam, “from the Hebrew adamah, meaning earth,” who belongs to all of
humanity.86 The face of Mary, with its dark complexion of earthy colors illustrates her role as
the New Eve, the Mother of the Church, and the Mother of all the living. 87 She is part of
creation, yet she is an exemplar in the New Creation through Christ the New Adam, since her
womb was the fertile soil for the seed of the Word of God. Central to the dark face of Mary is
the depiction of her eyes. The eyes of the Virgin witness to the vision of the New Creation.
In the iconographic tradition, special importance is given to the eyes of the saint depicted.
The eyes are the windows to the soul, and are “large and animated” since the saint has allowed
Divine truths to penetrate her being.88 This iconographic feature witnesses to Psalm 25Ś15, “My
eyes gaze continually at the Lord,” and the Canticle of Zachariah, “for my eyes have seen your
salvation.”89 Through the eyes of the icon, one is directed to contemplate the transforming
power of God. Jan Długosz (1415-1480) writes of the chapel of the Black Madonna in his
Register of the Diocese of Kraków:
a chapel of stone…in which is displayed the image of the most glorious and
excellent Virgin, lady Mary, Our Queen and Queen of the world, worked with
astonishing and remarkable painting, having a gentle aspect whichever way you
82
Quenot, p. 94.
83
See Constantine Kalokyris. The Essence of Orthodox Iconography. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press,
(no year), p. 52.
84
Ibid.
85
Quenot, p. 94.
86
Ibid.
87
A tradition which appears in many of the Church Fathers, o igi ati g ith “ai t I e aeus, As E e as sedu ed
into disobedience to God, so Mary was persuaded into obedience to God; thus the Virgin Mary became the
ad o ate of the i gi E e. Adv. Haer. V.19.1.
88
Kalokyris, p. 54.
89
Quenot, p. 97.
turn, which is said to have been taken from among those which Saint Luke the
Evangelist painted with his own hand…and if you filled it with singular devotion,
you would see it looking at you as if alive.90
While the eyes of the Black Madonna may not be as large and wide open as the eyes in some
Eastern icons of Mary, the image is noted for having a tender and loving gaze, which follows the
devoted viewer, and draws him to contemplate the beauty and mystery of the saint. While
revealing her contemplation of the works and wonders of the Creator, Mary’s eyes also reveal
her compassion, compunction, and co-suffering with Christ. She is a Virgin Mother, the perfect
human being, created anew in Christ, yet one who is able to suffer with her children. Mary’s
eyes contemplate the divine glory, yet are also heavy with the sorrows of her earthly life. Mary
knows true suffering, which is further evident from the most striking feature of her face: the
mysterious scar on her cheek.
Many theories have been proposed as the origin of this scar. According to the legend,
on April 16th, 1430:
certain nobles of the kingdom of Poland, who had prodigally squandered their
inheritances and who were in debt to others, came on Easter Day with robbers
chosen in Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia and broke into the said monastery. Not
having found any treasure and disappointed in their hope, they laid violent hands
on the sacred vessels, that is chalices, crosses, and furnishings, and also stripped
the image of the most glorious Lady of the gold and gems with which it had been
clothed by the devotion of the faithful. Not content with stripping it they
disfigured the countenance crosswise with a sword and damaged the panel to
which the image adhered, so that not Poles but Bohemians might be condemned
for these evil and cruel deeds.91
The legend recounts the attempt of the Polish nobles to cast the blame for the desecration of the
image upon Bohemians, who were largely influenced by the Hussite iconoclasts of the time. 92
90
See Maniura, p. 133 (italics added).
91
See Maniura, p. 69.
92
Interestingly, the Hussite iconoclasts used the same arguments against images and icons as the Eastern
iconoclasts of the eighth century, against whom John of Damascus wrote his three treatises. Namely, Hussites
such as Jakub Nabodny argued that the veneration of images diverts veneration from the proper object of
On the basis of inconsistencies in the legend, as well as Jan Długosz’s favorable diplomatic
involvement with the Hussites of Prague, scholars have proposed that the desecration of the
image might actually have been carried out by a Hussite raid, and not by Polish nobles.93 On the
basis of x-radiograph evidence, it is certain that the panel contains two incisions in the board
underneath the paint of the scars. According to tradition, the paint was applied to the scars by
painters in Kraków who sought to restore the image after its destruction. However, the day after
the “completion of the work, the colors were said to have ‘run down.’ They carried out the work
again, and the same thing happened. The king is then said to have summoned painters with
‘imperial letters’ but their work was equally fruitless and the king relented and acknowledged the
miracle.”94 Whatever the origin of the scars, therefore, their presence is associated with mystery
and miracle.
The scars of the Black Madonna point to another similarity with the Orthodox tradition of
iconography. The “motif of the wounded image has a long tradition.”95 Stories exist that date to
the ninth century, in which icons are attacked and are said to “bleed.” A few icons can be found
on Mount Athos, which allegedly “have scars visible on their faces and whose legends have
stories of desecration to account for them."96 The “Virgin who has been killed” on Mount Athos
is associated with a story of a deacon who felt over-burdened by work, and coming to pray at the
icon for aid, became outraged and attacked the icon with his knife. The wound began to bleed,
and the deacon was struck blind on the ground. Another icon, the Virgin of the Gate (on Mount
Athos), is said to have been attacked by Saracens, who struck the icon with a sword. The
veneration, the Eucharist. Why venerate images, if one has the physical presence of Christ Himself? See Maniura,
p. 82.
93
That is, Ja Długosz a ha e ee seeki g to di i ish the espo si ilit of his Hussite allies.
94
See Maniura, p. 44.
95
Ibid, p. 78.
96
Ibid.
perpetrator, a certain Barbaros, repented and became a Christian.97 On the basis of such stories,
it is possible to conclude that there exists an Orthodox tradition of the wounded Virgin, a
particular type of highly venerated image, perhaps upon which the Polish image is based.
Maniura concludes that it is possible “that the [Black Madonna] had the marks on the Virgin’s
face before it arrived in Poland and hence the pilgrimage to Częstochowa grew.”98 Regardless of
the true origins, the wounded cheek of the Black Madonna shows the sufferings of the Virgin.
The scars on the face of the Virgin are an expression of Mary’s compassion. The
transfigured eyes which contemplate the countenance of God nevertheless reveal the fullness of
her humanity. Mary suffers the pains of Christ’s Passion, as a true mother who mourns for her
child. The scars are a visual reminder of the “Seven Sorrows of Mary.” The penetrating gaze of
the eyes invites the viewer to unite his own sufferings to the sufferings of Christ, through the
mediation of Mary. Yet Mary’s contemplative stance also reminds the viewer of the deeper logic
of creation. The created world, fallen through the disobedience of humanity, has been redeemed
by Christ, the New Adam, in the order of transfiguring grace. Human senses are raised to
contemplation of the divine. Mary’s wound reveals her understanding of suffering, but invites
the viewer to new life in Christ.
The nose of the Black Madonna is long and thin. This resembles the ideal form of the
nose in the iconographic tradition, which is “larger than its natural length,” since it does not
“smell the things of this world, but the smell of spiritual fragrance, the fragrance of the Holy
Trinity."99 Thus, the long nose lends nobility to the face, and shows that the saint smells the
“sweet odor of Christ and the life-giving breath of the Spirit.”100 The lips of the mouth remain
97
Ibid, p. 79.
98
Ibid.
99
Kalokyris, p. 53.
100
Quenot, p. 97.
tightly closed, revealing that true contemplation requires silence.101 The silence of the
contemplation of God is a result of a pure soul. The soul has been cleansed through fasting, and
the closed mouth depicts the ascetic and her limitation to only the necessary food. 102 The body
no longer needs earthly food, since it has been transfigured by the grace of God, and the saint is
sustained by the sweetness and plentitude of God. Thus, the subdued sense organs of an icon
depict the glorified humanity of the saint. Having been freed from the necessities of earthly
sustenance, the saint is nourished by the very life of the Trinitarian God. Nevertheless, the saint
manifests the ability to identify with suffering and sorrow, since she herself has experienced it,
and through it, come to be glorified by God.
The features of the sense organs in an icon, therefore, point to the holiness of the person.
The halo is a sign of such holiness, but holiness can already be detected from the entire form of
the saint depicted. The halo or nimbus is a crown of light that in “Orthodox iconography
signifies the radiating glory of the represented person.”103 It shows the brilliance of the Divine
light of the inner state of a person in intimacy with God. The halo of the Black Madonna is
intimately fused with the halo of the Christ Child, since she is the Theotokos, whose intimacy
with God is perfect, not only because it extends to biologically bearing the Word in her womb,
but also because she has been deified by his grace. Where the Christ child is, there Mary must
be. She cannot be separated from Christ. She is the hodigitria, the one who shows the way to
God.
Mary shows the way to God, and this is seen in the posture of her hand. In the
iconographic tradition, the “fingers are often disproportionately large…are expressive of spiritual
101
Ibid.
102
Kalokyris, p. 54.
103
Ibid, p. 56.
intensity. Through them the spiritual life of the sacred person is projected and interpreted.”104
The hand of the Virgin acquires an important significance, since it shows that her radiant glory
does not diminish her humility. As the New Eve, she overturns the pride of the first Eve, and in
humility points to the New Adam as the way for a redeemed humanity.105 These truths,
expressed in the iconographic tradition and in the Black Madonna through the portrayal of the
physical features, are confirmed through the use of color.
The icon of the Black Madonna differs significantly from the iconographic tradition
through its lack of any gold leaf in the background. However, Quenot and Kalokyris point out
the use of varying techniques of “light” as background. “Quite often the entire background is
covered with genuine gold leafś this complex procedure is mastered only with practice.”106
However, gold is often substituted by the use of shades of yellow ochre in the background of an
icon and in the halos. The use of the subtle yellow appears in the halos of the Black Madonna
and the Christ Child.107 Quenot points to yellow as a radiant color, similar to gold, which is “not
found in everyday nature.” It is a color that represents “eternal life, faith, and above all Christ
Himself: Sun of Justice, Light of the World, Splendor of the rising sun.”108 Yellow and gold
symbolize the splendor and radiance of divine light.
Perhaps as striking as the large, circular yellow halos of the Virgin and the Christ Child is
the green background. The two figures are the focal point, and the background is painted a dark
green color. In the iconographic tradition, green is the color used to signify life and
104
Ibid, p. 57-59.
105
Recall that the hand of the Black Madonna is the most significantly damaged part of the icon, as a result of
centuries of kisses by the faithful. This indicates that the icon was once accessible for physical veneration, unlike
its current location above a sixteenth century ebony altar, which allows only for ocular veneration of the image.
This fact further suggests a similarity with Eastern iconography, in which icons are venerated through a devout kiss
by the faithful.
106
Quenot, p. 84.
107
Kalokyris notes that halos, o s of light, a ofte e pai ted i varying colors in one scene. See Kalokyris,
p. 57.
108
Quenot, p. 116.
regeneration. It is a symbol of spiritual regeneration through the Holy Spirit.109 The color
results from the perfect mixture of blue and yellow, and represents “calm and absence of
movement.”110 Gazing upon the image of the Black Madonna, the viewer is filled with the calm
of the contemplative gaze of the figures themselves. The calm, the silence of contemplation, is a
fruit of the Holy Spirit. The Virgin has been “overshadowed” by the Holy Spirit, and her life has
been fruitful through her intimacy with God. The cool green frames the image, and contrasts
with the brilliance of the yellow. The Holy Spirit has overshadowed the Virgin and filled her
with the brilliance of the divine light, directing the viewer’s gaze to the faces of the Virgin and
the Christ Child.
It has been seen that the faces of the figures are dark and earthy, symbolizing human
nature deified by the grace of the new creation. The faces of Christ and Mary are emphasized by
the colors of their garments. Mary wears a dark blue maphorion, a traditional color of the robe
of Mary depicted in the iconographic tradition. Blue “is the deepest and most immaterial of
colors…the color of the heavens par excellence.”111 It “possesses a characteristic of
interiorization and discretion, which also suggest silent humility.”112 It is also a color of divinity.
Mary who points the way to Christ has been deified by grace, but seeks to only be a handmaid of
the Lord, so that Christ might be venerated and glorified. Thus, the use of the blue color for the
Black Madonna’s robe, as well as the slender, long fingers pointing to Christ follow the
Christocentric iconographic tradition.
The robe of the Christ Child is a mixture of purple and red, resulting in a dark, royal
color. Quenot identifies red in the iconographic tradition with the divine love of the Holy Spirit,
109
Ibid, p. 115.
110
Ibid, p. 116.
111
Quenot, p. 113.
112
Ibid.
as well as a color of sacrifice and altruism.113 Purple symbolizes supreme power. It was the
color of royalty, in ancient Greece as well as Byzantium.114 The red-purple cloak of Christ in the
icon of the Black Madonna emphasizes his sacrifice, his divine love, and his royalty. It is
important to notice that Mary’s intimacy and union with the mission of her Son is further
emphasized through the color of the interior of the maphorion, which is the same red-purple of
the robe of Christ. Mary has been filled with the love of the Holy Spirit, and is united to the
sacrifice and suffering of her Son.
The robes of both Jesus and Mary have golden hems, further emphasizing their being
clothed in the divine light.115 The hem of Christ is decorated with stars. Christ is the royal king
of the universe, and through his Incarnation, humanity and the entire cosmos is redeemed. He is
the “star without setting.”116 A similar star adorns the maphorion of the Virgin above the
forehead, seen traditionally in the iconographic tradition as a symbol of her virginity. 117 There is
also a reference to her as the “star who manifest the Sun.”118 As the star led the Magi to worship
the incarnate God in Bethlehem, so Mary is the new star that leads all nations to Christ. The
divine Christ holds the book of the Gospels, which announce the mystery of his life, passion,
death, and resurrection. The colors of the icon reveal a gospel in paint, announcing the fullness
of humanity and divinity in Christ, and foretelling the glorification of human nature through the
saving events of the Christ’s life.
It is clear, from an analysis of the colors employed and the composition of the icon of the
Black Madonna of Częstochowa, as well as its construction of the panel, that many parallels
exist between the Eastern iconographic tradition and this image venerated in a country marked
113
Ibid, p. 114.
114
Ibid, p. 115.
115
The lilies on the robe of the Virgin have already been treated in this study. See footnote 59.
116
Akathistos Hymn, Chant 5.
117
Ibid, p. 121.
118
Akathistos Hymn, Chant 1.
by the Roman Catholicism of the Christian west. An analysis of the colors has revealed the
depth of their meaning, and the intrinsic and inseparable relationship between the colors and the
theological truths which the icon seeks to express. A further theological analysis in the tradition
of Orthodox iconography is necessary to more vividly provide the Black Madonna an adequate
interpretation. The icon portrays the Gospel in paint, and is a biblical and theological synthesis
of salvation history.
THE GLORIOUS LIFE TO COME
The possibility for the icon of the Black Madonna is based on the truth of the Incarnation.
The kontakion for the Orthodox Sunday of Orthodoxy proclaims:
No one could describe the Word of the Father;

but when He took flesh from you, O Theotokos,
He accepted to be described,
and restored the fallen image to its former beauty.
We confess and proclaim our salvation in word and images.119
The icon of the Mother and the Christ Child proclaim the truth expressed by Saint Paul that
“When the fullness of time had come, God sent forth his Son, born of a woman.”120 The
Incarnation of the Eternal Word of God, who though uncircumscribable, consented to reveal
Himself by taking flesh of the Virgin Mary, makes iconography possible. Christ who is the
“image of the invisible God” makes visible the mysteries hidden from eternity in God. 121 This
great and mysterious event is accomplished through the consent of Mary, “who was chosen to be
the Mother of God,” and who stands at the fullness of time as “the summit of Old Testament
holiness.”122 Mary therefore forms the boundary between the Old and the New Covenants.
119
“ee “u da of O thodo , O li e sou e at: http://orthodoxwiki.org/Sunday_of_Orthodoxy, visited March 12,
2009.
120
Galatians 4:4.
121
Col. 1:15.
122
Vladimir Lossky, In the Image and Likeness of God. C est ood, NY: “t. Vladi i ’s “e i a P ess, , p. .
Through her consent to the message of the angel Gabriel, she participates intimately in God’s
plan to recreate a fallen world. The Virgin is inseparable from her fully divine and fully human
Child, which fact is seen graphically through the intimate fusion of their halos. Mary points the
way to the ineffable mystery of that which had been unfathomable, yet has become fact through
the incarnate Word, her fully human Son Jesus Christ.
The effect of the Incarnation, as the kontakion proclaims, is “restoring the fallen image”
to its former beauty. “Through icons…man worships Him who first created us in his own image,
and who in His ineffable compassion then consented to assume this His own image that is in us,
thereby becoming circumscribed.”123 The Virgin Mary is the first to experience this restoration;
she has become the “most faithful image,” a “living icon of God in the fullest measure,” because
of her “obedience to God’s will.”124 As a result of her central role in the mystery of the
Incarnation, Mary is the first to experience its effects. The icon of the Black Madonna, therefore,
points out the “beginning, namely the coming of God to dwell among us, and an end, our
becoming one with Him.”125 Thus, “the name of the Mother of God contains all the history of
the divine economy in this world.”126 Her unnatural features challenge and strike the viewer, and
draw him into a mysterious gaze, which seeks to contemplate the meaning of these features. It
becomes apparent that Mary shares the same humanity with the viewer, but with a difference.
Her humanity has been transformed. The world of the physical senses and sensuality has
been subordinated to the “spiritual senses” that perceive the wonder and glory of God. Mary’s
penetrating eyes, her elongated nose, and her tightly closed lips express “the infinite peace and
123
Georgios Mantzaridis, The Deification of Man: St Gregory Palamas and the Orthodox Tradition. Translated by
Liadai “he a d. C est ood, NY: “t. Vladi i ’s “e i a P ess, , p. .
124
“tefa Rożej, O“PPE. The I o of Ou Lad of Jas a Gó a as a Bi li al a d Theologi al “ thesis. I Peregrinus
Cracoviensis, No. 3 (1996). Kraków: Institute of Geography of Jagiellonian University, p. 52.
125
See Michael Evdokimov, Light from the East: Icons in Liturgy and Prayer. Translated by Robert Smith. Mahwah,
NJ: Paulist Press, 2004, p. 19.
126
Saint John of Damascus. Quoted in Lossky, p. 202.
freedom” of the Holy Spirit.127 The viewer is reminded through his encounter with the icon of
the transformation and sanctification of earthly realities by Christ, who has restored that which
had been fallen. The one gazing upon the icon is led to adopt a sacramental understanding of the
world, creation, and humanity. The world has been given new meaning, and earthly realities are
seen in light of their final destiny. The Mary who has been glorified through the grace of the
Incarnation stands as a sign of the life of the world to come. Thus, in Mary
the eschaton is realized in a created person before the end of the world, [and]
henceforth places her beyond death, beyond the resurrection, and beyond the Last
Judgment. She participates in the glory of her Son, reigns with Him, presides at
His side over the destinies of the Church and of the world which unfold in
time…128
Human nature is not bound to sin and death. Each human being can be transformed by the
graces of the Incarnation into a new creature. The world has been redeemed from the cosmic
forces of sin and darkness through the appearance of the splendor of divine light in Christ, who
deifies human beings through the grace of God.
Mary’s sorrow reveals, however, the trials and tribulations in the process of
deification.129 The wounded face of the Virgin, permeated by sorrow since she is united to the
sufferings of the Passion of her Son, “carries the believer to a world of different values although
it does not take him away from this world. It records all human tensions, the gift and mystery of
human existence, man called to life by the mystery of the cross honored by the grace of Christ’s
resurrection.”130 The face calls the viewer of the icon to intimately enter into the saving events
127
Rożej, p. .
128
Lossky, p. 208.
129
It is beyond the scope of this presentation to survey the entire Orthodox tradition of deification. Fundamental,
however, is the understanding of being born in the image of God and transformed into his likeness through the
g a e of aptis i to Ch ist, ho has esto ed the falle i age. A pa ti ipatio i his suffe i gs a d death
through a life of purification by ascesis and the living of virtue is necessary on the path to the light of the ultimate
triumph of the Resurrection, which shines forth in the inner life of the saints. See Vladimir Lossky, In the Image
and Likeness of God. T a slated Joh Me e do ff, C est ood, NY: “ai t Vladi i ’s “e i a P ess, .
130
Rożej, pp. -55.
of the life of Christ, who “being in the form of God…humbled himself, becoming obedient to
death, even death on a cross.”131 The image serves to remind one of the necessity to overcome
one’s sensual attachments, passions, and disordered desires, and to become obedient to the Word
of God, Who is the content and source of the Gospels, and Who is depicted in the icon. As
Mary’s obedience to the Word of God bore salvific fruit in her womb, the viewer’s obedience to
God’s Word as seen in the icon will be fruitful in his progress towards holiness.
Through the transfigured and spiritualized Mother of God, who nevertheless bears the
marks of a life of suffering and compunction, one is given a visual reminder of the meaning of
the Incarnation, which accomplishes the restoration of humanity and the world. Mary is the New
Eve, the mother of the New Adam Who has recreated the human race. She bore Him who
“entering the actuality of the fallen world…broke the power of sin in our nature, and by His
death, which reveals the supreme degree of his entrance into our fallen state, He triumphed over
death and corruption.”132 In her humility, Mary directs the viewer to this Second Person of the
Holy Trinity, and she herself serves as a prototype of His saving work. By gazing at the fully
human Mary, one is given an idea of what it means to be a fully divinized human. She is the one
human who “most resembles God” and who is “presented to the people as an icon, an example to
look to and to contemplate…she has ‘seen God,’ the Logos, in his humble corporal appearance.
Through contemplation, the Logos born of her body rests forever in her heart.”133 For this
reason, Mary was by “the grace of God, as God's Mother, next to her Son, exalted above all
angels and men” and is now “justly honored by a special cult in the Church…under whose
protection the faithful took refuge in all their dangers and necessities.”134
131
Philippians 2:6,8
132
Lossky, p. 104.
133
Tomas Spidlik, SJ, The Spirituality of the Christian East. Translated by Anthony P. Gythiel. Kalamazoo, MI:
Cistercian Publications, 1986, p. 159.
134
Vatican II, Lumen Gentium, 66.
A theological interpretation of the iconographic tradition is centered on the saving work
of the Incarnation seen in the icon of the Virgin Mother with the Christ Child. It becomes clear
that the icon of the Black Madonna of Częstochowa can be placed well within this “Orthodox”
tradition. Not only do the physical composition of the icon panel, as well as the colors it
employs, point to the importance of the iconographic tradition in relationship to this icon, but it
also becomes clear that these aesthetic aspects are intrinsically related to a spiritual and
theological tradition, which is the only way to adequately interpret this holy icon.
This tradition conveys a multiplicity of meanings. One encounters the wonder of the
Incarnation and its saving effects. Having recalled the end of human life, which is intimacy with
the Triune God, one is also reminded of the reality and meaning of the sorrow and suffering that
marks human nature, and through which one is purified by a life of asceticism and grace. Such
reminders provide for a deep, personal encounter with the icon, which is the goal of the
pilgrimage. “The focus of the pilgrimage to Częstochowa is an image and the climax of the
pilgrimage is an act of looking.”135 This act of looking at a dark, deified woman conveys a
universal and sacramental understanding of the world, which stands as a sign of the mysteries of
the glorious life to come. Theology must therefore govern all historical, anthropological,
feminist, or other scientific studies of the icon, since it accounts for the insights these disciplines
propose. At the same time, it deepens them and provides a grammar for the correct reading of
this icon of a mysterious and unknown origin.
The theological and aesthetic investigation, which is the only adequate interpretation of
the Black Madonna of Częstochowa, further reveals an affinity to the iconographic tradition of
the East. Although the origins of the icon at Częstochowa are unknown and cannot be
definitively identified with the Christian East, the cult associated with it, its aesthetic qualities
135
Maniura, p. 183.
and composition, its construction, and the theological truths it conveys certainly allow it to
function as an icon in the Eastern sense. Perhaps for this reason it has been venerated and
revered by Slavs of all nationalities and rites throughout the centuries, as is described by a poet:
Can you hear a holy song piercing heaven?

Can you hear the name of Mary sounding over
The whole territory?
From all sides pious subjects pay tribute to
The Lady of Jasna Góra:
Here Mazurians from the Vistula and mountaineers
From the Tatras, there Cracovians dressed in
Festive roves and Kuyavians from Goplo,
And each group consists of hundreds and thousands
Of pilgrims.
Each group, is led by its elder, singing holy songs,
Which the others then repeat.
One can hear from the trembling of their voices that
They hurry to meet their Queen!
Besides Poles one can see strangers there—
Hungarians and Moravians, Silesians living under the Germans
Czechs and Prussians from the Baltic shore
And also other nations, in large, uncountable numbers.136
136
Wład sła “ ko la -1862), Experiences of a Pilgrim in his own Land. Poe . Vil ius, . “ee
Ziejka, p. 103.
Bibliography
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Dame de Częstochowa.” In De Cultu Mariano Saeculis VI-XI: Acta Congerssus
Mariologici-Mariani Internationalis in Croatia Anno 1971 Celebrati. Vol. 5. Rome:
Pontificia Academia Mariana Internationalis, 1972, pp. 317-327.
Duricy, Michael P. “Black MadonnasŚ Our Lady of Częstochowa.” Online sourceŚ “The Mary
Page.” See httpŚ//campus.udayton.edu/mary//meditations/olczest.html. Visited March 8,
2009.
Espinola, Vera Beaver-Bricken, “Russian IconsŚ Spiritual and Material Aspects.” In Journal of
the American Institute for Conservation, “Conservation of Sacred Objects and Other
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for Conservation of Historic and Artistic Works. Albuquerque, New Mexico, June 3-8,
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Evdokimov, Michael. Light from the East: Icons in Liturgy and Prayer. Translated by Robert
Smith. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press, 2004.
Ferrero, C.Ss.R., Fabriciano. The Story of an Icon. Translated by First Edition Translations.
Spain: Redemptorist Publications, 2001.
Galbraith, Marysia. “On the Road to Częstochowa: Rhetoric and Experience on a Polish
Pilgrimage.” Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 72, No. 2 (April, 2000), pp. 61-73.
Galland, China. “The Black Madonna and the Womb of God.” In Journal of Women and
Religion, Vol. 16, (1998), pp. 139-146.
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(Poland)Ś Wydawnictwo Dolno ląskie, 2001.
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Katolicki O rodek Wydawniczy Veritas, 1955.
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Mother of God, Mother of the Slavs

The Black Madonna of Czestochowa as Byzantine Icon?

John Christopher Sikorski

Seminar Paper for Dr. David Fagerberg

© John C. Sikorski, 2014 Page 0

--Franciszek Karpiński (1741-1825)

with the East.

THE ICON AND ITS MEANING(S)

communion, the law of spiritual fusion.”10

other traditions of Eastern iconography?

discussion of this question will recognize contributions of anthropologists, feminist interpreters,

contributions they make in the endeavor to “read” this icon.

which an image or statue refuses to be “wounded.”15

Furthermore, by interpreting Marian sermons of this era, Scheer identifies additional

of the image.18 In order to understand black madonnas it is necessary to “historicize” the

expressed through pilgrimages, from an anthropological perspective, emphasizes the importance

Marysia Galbraith, an anthropologist, recounts her experience on a pilgrimage to Częstochowa as

downplays the importance of the arrival at the holy shrine.

The destination of the pilgrimage to Częstochowa is as important, if not more important,

who may be personally transformed in an encounter with the icon.

black madonnas as a “metaphor for a memory of earth-centered spirituality on the hypothesis

show the sacramental role of the icon.

FROM THE CREATED ART TO THE UNCREATED ONE

© John C. Sikorski, 2014 Page 12

founded by the duke.39

The eastern emphasis is very strong.”43

to place the current image within a “school” of eastern or western art.

(especially Balkan) iconography appears in the Częstochowa icon.

arrangement. Based on an analysis of the composition alone, it seems difficult to determine a

between the icon and the Sienese school.

Hungarian, with detailed knowledge of Sienese painting?”60

central European motifs. If an “Eastern” provenance is uncertain based on composition alone,

although a Slavic influence can be detected, it is necessary to turn to an analysis of the

of a “previous preparation of the panel and hence evidence of repainting.”68

construction and coloration, which are both functions of theology.

Register of the Diocese of Kraków:

mysterious scar on her cheek.

on April 16th, 1430:

the viewer to new life in Christ.

and through it, come to be glorified by God.

physical features, are confirmed through the use of color.

symbolize the splendor and radiance of divine light.

the Christ Child.

colors…the color of the heavens par excellence.”111 It “possesses a characteristic of

Christocentric iconographic tradition.

sacrifice and suffering of her Son.

saving events of the Christ’s life.

THE GLORIOUS LIFE TO COME

The kontakion for the Orthodox Sunday of Orthodoxy proclaims:

No one could describe the Word of the Father;

the incarnate Word, her fully human Son Jesus Christ.

deifies human beings through the grace of God.

this icon of a mysterious and unknown origin.

Can you hear a holy song piercing heaven?

Buxakowski, Jerzy. “Theologie de L’Icone Byzantine et la Prehistoire du Tableau de Notre

Kordecki, Augustyn. Pamiętnik Oblężenia Częstochowy. Edited by Jan Tokarski. London:

Swidziński, Stanisław. “Die Schwarze Muttergottes von Tschenstochau.” In Internationale

© John C. Sikorski, 2014 Page 38

© John C. Sikorski, 2014 Page 39

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