A STUDY ON THE MORAL COMMENTARY IN CONTEMPORARY LOCAL LITERATURE

AND ITS EFFECT ON SINGAPORE’S SOCIETY

Sanjana Lakshmi
School of the Arts (Singapore)
Expert-Mentor: Asst Prof Dimitris Dimitris Apostolopoulos, Philosophy, School of Humanities
NTU
Teacher-Mentor: Dr Woan Pin Fang

ABSTRACT
This study investigates the moral issues raised in contemporary Singaporean literature and
their significance towards Singaporean society. Though there has been prior research on
morality in literature, most studies only comprehend the morals in the book without
comparing them with society's ethics. This study analyses contemporary works through
governing values, such as the "Shared Values''. These values give insight into Singapore’s
national identity, which is the subject of contemporary literature’s moral commentary. The
works selected are short-story narratives by two prominent authors in Singapore that provide
insight into the reconstruction of governing values. The study concludes that literature’s
criticism of governing values is a catalyst to moral discourse in Singapore.

INTRODUCTION

Throughout history, literature has targeted morality by challenging preconceived notions and
values rooted in society. It has been instrumental in influencing and developing society’s
ethical groundings. The complexities of how writers achieve this should be understood and
researched, especially as society progresses into a digitalised modern age. Singapore, as a
young progressive, the metropolitan nation provides an appropriate setting to explore
morality and literature. It has a rich and diverse blend of cultures, each with its own deeply
rooted values. Literature is a suitable platform the younger generation uses to comprehend,
challenge, and contribute to the constant development of morals in Singapore.

Research question

Hence the study seeks to explore the field of morality in Singaporean literature by
investigating the research question, “What are the moral issues raised in contemporary
Singaporean literature, and what is its significance towards Singaporean society?”

In turn, I hypothesise that contemporary literature is critical of governing Values, and serves
as a catalyst to moral discourse in society.

Scope of Morality and Literature

Morality is a set of principles that define right from wrong. Morality is hinged on societal
conventions. This mindset adheres to the Moral Constructivist argument that the moral truths
we should accept are those constructed by social contracts, rather than the Moral Realist
approach where morals are treated like scientific facts. Singapore’s government introduced 5
shared values to outline the character of a new nation. These shared values aimed to help
forge a common Singaporean identity. My scope of literature includes contemporary
short-story narratives in Singapore. The texts that are referenced challenge moral constructs
prevalent in Singaporean culture. They include the collection of short stories referenced
“Corridor” by Malay writer Alfian Sa’at and “Ministry of Moral Panic” written by Amanda Lee
Koe. Both writers have powerful moral conclusions in their writing that can shift and influence
Singapore’s moral landscape.
LITERATURE REVIEW ON SINGAPORE’S SHARED VALUES

In October 1988, a member of the parliament, Mr Goh Chok Tong (1991, p.1), encouraged
developing a set of Shared Values that would anchor Singapore’s national identity
(Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.1). The White Paper on this proposition was debated in
parliament, before being adopted on 15 January 1991. The government indicated that
“Singapore is still a young nation”, and its multi-racial and religious citizens lack a shared
background to bind people together (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.2). In a seminar in 1999,
in response to a delegate's criticism, Mr George Yeo Yong-Boon (1989, p.15), former
Parliament member, remarked that “to do nothing” to shape Singapore's national ideology
would be unwise, and “to do too much would turn people off” (Singapore Ministry of
Education, 1989, p.15). In his statement, he indicates that while the Shared Values should
draw guidelines for citizens to follow through, they should not become an oppressive
mandate that citizens reject. The fear of Singapore becoming rapidly and extensively
westernised probed the parliament to draft Singapore's shared values to defend Eastern
morals and lifestyle.

The government (1991, p.1) recognised that the Shared Values could not be artificially
created, but instead recognised from the various streams of traditions that citizens share in
common for decades (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.1). While the values must be
compatible with citizens' existing cultural and religious heritages, the government indicated
that the drafting would not draw from singular cultures since it would have resulted in the
alienation of people who did not subscribe to them (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.2,3). The
Shared Values are thus a secular document that does not include religious values.

1. Nation before community and society above self

The first Value drafted was ‘Nation before Community and Society above self’. In the white
paper, the government (1991, p.3) remarks that putting the interests of society above those
of the individual have been significant contributors to the nation's success (Singapore
Parliament, 1991, p.3). The government (1991, p.4) elaborates that this involves putting the
country before any sub-groups within it as well (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.4). This
rationale is predominantly applicable to Singapore's multi-cultural circumstances where a
particular race should not favour their interest over the rest of the nation. This weightage of
the society above the individual outlines the principal difference between Asian and Western
ideologies. The government remarks that it is in Singapore's best interest to preserve and
strengthen its ideal that weighted groups interests above individual ones.

2. Family as the basic unit of society

The second value claimed family as the basic unit of society (Singapore Parliament, 1991,
p.3). This value drew from filial piety observed in several Asian cultures that perceives the
family as the building blocks on which larger social structures are stably constructed. Filial
piety implies care and respect for family members. Though this value targets the sanctity of
the family, it implicitly urges individuals to showcase the same care and respect towards
community members as well. These ideals are integral in the crafting of the nation’s identity.
Though Confucianism is rooted in similar ideologies, it digresses from these Values in its
attention towards family ties exclusively. In traditional Asian cultures, family ties were
paramount, which led to nepotism. The government (1991, p.8) is wary of this and remarks
that Singapore must adopt a “clear separation between public office and personal
obligations” (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.8). This demarcation sustains a fair and efficient
democracy while crafting a national identity rooted in care and respect towards family and
community.
3. Community support and respect for the individual

One of the concerns with undue stress placed on the sacrifice of the individual for the
communities interest was that it undermined the worth and rights of the individual itself. The
government (1991, p.6) noted that while stressing communitarianism, the rights of the
individual should not be lightly encroached upon (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.6). The
value “Community support and respect for the individual” aims to stimulate this balance. It
targets the necessity for community support and compassion specifically for the less
fortunate. While Singapore remains a meritocratic society with a free market system, the
government (1991, p.6) urges members to depend on and care for one another and not
maximise their profits without concern for others (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.6). This
justification strikes a balance between the individual's sacrifice for the community and the
community's support for the success of the individual.

4. Consensus, not conflict

Following the debate in parliament, the fourth Shared Value was revised from Consensus
instead of contention to Consensus, not Conflict. The fundamental thesis of Consensus is
that nonviolent conflict is essential and desirable for a functioning bureaucracy. While the
government (1991, p.4) does not condemn debate, they urge its citizens to develop
resolutions that favour the majority (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.4). These notions
compliment the first Shared Value, reinstating the sacrifice needed by the individual to
absent any conflict. In the formulation of the national identity, this value promotes flexibility
and compromise in individuals to sustain a progressive system.

5. Racial and religious harmony

The last Value declares ‘Racial and religious harmony' that is fundamental for peace and
progress in this diverse nation. A multi-racial and religious country is an exception, not a
rule. The government (1991, p.4) stresses that, in the absence of harmonious coexistence
of the different communities, no subgroup or individual can prosper in a toxic environment
(Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.4). This Value also probes the individual to actively inculcate
tradition into their lives, rather than let Asian practices deplete into a westernised lifestyle. It
strives to create a national identity that respects both their own and other’s race and religion.

These values are targeted towards the future generation so they may guide the nation
towards progress. The synthesis begins with the direct assimilation of these values into the
curriculum and the embodying of them by teachers. Likewise, parent’s behaviour, teachings
and expectations, should be directed at internalising these values since the domestic
environment plays an integral role in a child’s development. Parents' behaviour, teachings
and expectations, should be directed at internalising these values. The government uses this
double-pronged approach to usher the future generation into a contemporary Singapore.
(Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.10).

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS THROUGH ANALYSIS OF TEXTS

Corridor is a collection of short stories set in present-day Singapore. With heartfelt

authenticity and brutal clarity, Alfian writes about HDB dwellers that make up the tapestry of
Singapore’s heartland. Alfian was inspired by the writing of ‘minimalist’ short-story author,
Raymond Carver, in which “on the surface not a lot of things happen”, but “profound shifts
are happening inside (the characters)” (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021). The
collage of characters had varying ages and ethnicities but was primarily from the working
class. Alfian felt “a lot of Singapore fiction was written from a middle class, English speaking
background”, and thus used the collection to explore the lives of Singaporeans in the
working-class consciousness.

Analysis of Bugis

Bugis is a short story narrated in first-person by a young Malay girl. As the story unfolds the
narrator reflects on society's several facades to arrive at the conclusion that the whole world
lives in pretence. Alfian begins the story with a description of the narrator’s best friend
Salmah and her religious practice. The narrator explains that “the tudung is this scarf that
good Muslim girls wear”, thus associating being ‘good’ with being religious (Sa’at, 1999,
p.184). This perception of Religion as a moral pillar is drawn from the fifth Shared Value
“Racial and Religious Harmony”. The narrator then reveals that “Salmah just want to act like
good girl but later in school, she will meet her boyfriend and hold hands with him” (Sa’at,
1999, p.184). She presents a religious front, thus instrumentalising her religion to create a
modest image and “win her mother’s trust” (Sa’at, 1999, p.184). Salmah engages in a
morally appeasing action of wearing the tudung to maintain a lack of suspicion on her illicit
affair. Through this commentary, Alfian expresses how values are instrumentalised for
purposes other than their intended ones. A possible effect of this ruse is the depleting
sanctity of Salmah's religion.

As the story unfolds, the narrator recalls her first encounter with a group, under an
HDB-void-deck. During her first encounter, she is blunt and insolent in her repartee and the
group refer to her as “fierce” (Sa’at, 1999, p.188). The narrator claims that this made her a
little sad since “the fierce one is the less pretty one” (Sa’at, 1999, p.187). The remark implies
that those who chase conflict are perceived as physically less appealing, unlike quieter girls
that are like “princesses” (Sa’at, 1999, p.188). Alfian presents how in contemporary
Singapore assent and compliance are traits that make women attractive. Comparing this
commentary to the fourth Shared Value, “Consensus, not conflict”, indicates that, in practice,
individuals inculcate governing Values on a more superficial level concerning beauty. The
intended utility of this value as a moral compass, guiding citizens away from conflict, is
digressing into a measure of an individual's attractiveness. Alfian once again displays how
the core values have deviated in modern society.

The narrator later recounts stories her parents told her about Bugis. Her parents claim that
transgender people frequented the streets and that “some of them were gutsy, earring tight
clothes, miny skirts, flirting with the caucasian sailor” (Sa’at, 1999, p.196). This scandalous
behaviour then disappeared as “Bugis has been cleaned up, dolled up, decently for the
tourists” (Sa’at, 1999, p.196). Alfian explores how the drive to unify Singapore as a nation
has driven communities to conform to a common Singaporean identity. In accordance with
the first value, “Nation before Community, Society above Self”, communities like Bugis have
sacrificed their individuality to project a modest and decent image. Alfian criticises the values
for enforcing a pretence upon society in an attempt to unify Singapore.

At the end of the story in a moment of frustration, the narrator pulls the Tudong off Salmah's
head in an attempt to tear down her friend's religious mask of pretence. The narrator then
confesses her crush on Sazali, Salmah’s boyfriend and how “ever since that first day I (she)
saw him on the void deck I (she) could never stop thinking about him” (Sa’at, 1999, p.197).
The author presents the equivocal nature behind her action exposing Salmah. She struggles
to confront her own pretensions and the fact that she is no different from Salmah, or Bugis.

One of the key messages the author explored was “performative piety” and the inculcation of
pretence into the Singaporean identity (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021). He
indicates the irony about how despite the objective of the tudong to “deflect men’s gaze”,
Salmah wears it to be with her boyfriend (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021).
Alfian highlights the hypocrisy of the situation as the action lacks morality because of its
intention. Alfian also claims that this commentary is targeted at “demystifying the tudong or
the hijab” (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021). As an article of religious clothing,
the tudong has become the centre of a heated dispute. Alfian chose to digress from this
debate and present an alternative narrative where “some women who put it on, not
necessarily as a sign of devotion” but instead have other factors contributing to their choices
as well (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021). Alfian displays how religiosity and
morality are often utilised to “project an image of oneself” that is socially acceptable (Sa’at,
personal communication, July 3, 2021). Through this text, the author presents how the
interpretation of the Shared Values has evolved into a tool of self-gain. Pretence blankets
Singapore on a national scale as well, with entire communities manifesting facades that
conform with the ideal identity. Alfian explores how Singapore’s individuals and communities
have reconstructed their actions and ideologies to present a unified National Identity.

Analysis of Orphans

Orphans is a third-person narrative that describes a car ride between an engaged couple,
Karen and Teck-How. An argument ensues over whether they should adopt an AIDS child in
Romania. Alfian uses this narrative as a commentary on the ethical climate in Singapore.

The extract begins with the couple listening to the BBC report on AIDS children in Romania.
Karen sympathises with these children and feels the "pity of someone who was thousands of
miles away" (Sa’at, 1999, p.55). Her sympathy towards their plight prompts her to suggest
adopting a baby. Parallels between Karen’s moral righteousness and the third Shared Value
"Community support and respect for the individual", are observed. The value promotes
compassion and support from the community to individuals, specifically those who are
underprivileged. Karen embodies this compassion and is willing to sacrifice her lifestyle by
living "with one car" and not having a maid to help them (Sa’at, 1999, p.56,59). Through her
character, Alfian presents the potential of an individual to support those less privileged.

This positive attitude contrasts Teck How’s reluctance. In response to Karen, he says,
"Depends whether people will like it" (Sa’at, 1999, p.57). Similar to several Asian,
communitarian societies, Singapore places paramount importance on society's judgement.
In Singapore, the very first Shared Value declaring “nation before the community, society
above self”, citizens place undue importance on the opinions of the public. Alfian's
commentary regarding this issue is seen in Teck How’s reluctance to do a charitable deed
because of society's possible disapproval.

Teck How's reluctance is also a result of his classist mindset. Teck How remarks “Start
throwing 50 dollar notes at beggars? Hey, why don't I give half of my life savings to that blind
guy in the underpass” (Sa’at, 1999, p.60). Teck How’s perception of "community" are those
of the same social standing, namely “my (his) parents, your (Karen's) parents, our (their)
friends, neighbours, relatives”. Those who fall outside this circle like the beggars, “the blind
guy”, and the orphans in Romania are not perceived as his responsibility. Alfian illustrates
how these social groups have created an “Us vs. Them” mentality toward people who are
different from individuals, whether because of race, religion, or socioeconomic status. Teck
How subscribes to this classist communitarian mindset, where he is willing to compromise
only for those in his community. Alfian highlights how governing values like "Nation before
the community, society above self" have been practised in a classist manner as individuals
contribute primarily towards their social groups. This irrational group favouritism results in
the division of society instead of its unity.

Furthermore, through this juxtaposition of characters, Alfian brings to question the purpose
of wealth. He contrasts Karen's attitude that "the ones who give it to charity are the rich
ones" to Teck How’s mindset on social solidarity (Sa’at, 1999, p.59). Teck How grapples with
his wife on why the rich should not donate carelessly to the underprivileged. These events
provide insights into how the compassionate and communitarian mindsets are diminished
against the individualistic outlook. The commentary critiques the inculcation of the third value
in society, as Alfian presents how citizens continue to prioritise themselves.

Through the story, Alfian presents questions whether people are "just individuals" or are
"somehow responsible for one another" (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021).
Alongside this moral exposition, Alfian uses the narrative to make a political commentary on
redistribution as well. He indicates that if the characters had a political vocabulary, it would
be a debate between “someone who is on the left of the political spectrum and someone
who is on the right” (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021). He personifies capitalism
and socialism through Teck-How and Karen respectively, to illustrate the moral commentary
that runs alongside this political debate.

In conclusion, the narrative provides insight into how official values are practised in society.
Despite a vision for a communitarian society, Singapore remains divided by social groups
and individuals who refuse to see beyond them. The battle between social solidarity and
communitarianism then translates to political debates on redistribution. As indicated by Alfian
the political vocabulary enlisted by Teck How and Karen arises from their respective moral
inclinations. The narrative offers a moral commentary to this debate present in the
background of Singapore’s national identity.

Alfian cited a quote by Spanish author Pedro Almodóvar “Anything that is not autobiography
is plagiarism.” which he cited as an “extreme way of acknowledging your (an author’s)
influences or inspirations” (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021). Despite being a
work of fiction the themes and characters are crafted from fragments of Alfian’s personal life
and observations. Titling his collection Corridor drew from the motif of an HDB public
housing estate where “one house after another is completely different” (Sa’at, personal
communication, July 3, 2021). Alfian recounts that during his Job-Week as a boy scout he
would visit houses offering his service to finish any chores in return for a small donation. He
claims that it was “this privileged” that provided him insight into “the sheer, almost dizzying
plurality” of people (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021). He noted that he felt a
“duty/obligation to create some visibility because what we encounter in fiction is necessary
because it shapes how we see Singapore” (Sa’at, personal communication, July 3, 2021).
Despite the surface diversity observed in Singapore, Alfian commented that “it is only
through arts and culture that you (readers) are allowed this opportunity to walk around in
their (other people’s) shoes and enter their heads.” (Sa’at, personal communication, 2021)

The book that was first published in 1999, received a Singapore Literature Prize
Commendation Award in 1998. It was later republished by Ethos Books in 2015. Some
stories also made their way into anthologies like ‘Telltale’, which were taught in Schools. The
circulation of these stories in the education system led to significant exposure of children to
Alfian’s unique character and unconventional stories. Alfian highlights that while some of the
problems raised in Corridor have dissolved, several are still persistent, and new ones have
arrived that the current generation must combat.

The second book selected was Ministry of Moral Panic by Amanda Lee Koe. In a Facebook
comment for the book, the author, Koe writes, "MoMP is in equal parts a cashier, and a love
letter." This is interpreted by a critic as a double-pronged approach in her declaration of the
book as both a “record of or report on society, and as a private, emotive letter from an
individual/s”. The comment suggests a layer of sincerity and objectivity concerning the book
as it re-constructs her experiences and observations in society. Through her works, she
introduces topics such as racial harmony and broken marriages that are taboo in
conventional Asian societies and families.
Analysis of Love is no Big Truth

Love is no Big Truth is a short story narrated by an old woman, who grapples with the
meaning of love and family as her husband and daughter neglect her. Amanda Lee Koe
discusses the paramount importance of filial piety to Singapore’s older generation and its
devastating effects.

The title Love is no Big Truth disabuses the fantastical attributes of love. The narrator
justifies this harsh opinion as she highlights society's superficial outlook on marriage. The
protagonist's husband separates from her after an accident that leaves her face misaligned.
Eventually, he turns towards another more appealing woman who wore a "sparkly jersey"
with "heavy make-up over her wrinkles" (Koe, 2013, p.123). With the depletion of women's
physical appeal, men's commitment dissolves. Likewise, for men, their attractiveness comes
from their wealth. The narrator comments that "he (her husband) managed to get her (his
mistress) because that was the year he could get his savings out of his CPF" (Koe, 2013,
p.123). Koe presents how the marriage is held together by loose ties that arise from
superficial physical and monetary attraction. Koe sheds light on how despite the presence of
governing values, in practice these values are projected on a superficial level only. Filial
piety remains absent, as families are held together by shallow ties that undoubtedly dissolve.

Despite these soiled relations, the narrator indicates that “We (the narrator and her husband)
are still legally married” (Koe, 2013, p.123). Pressurised by the paramount stress placed
upon the sanctity of the family, the couple does not legally dissolve their marriage. At their
daughter's wedding, they even sit together, since they had "not told anyone about our (their)
estrangement" (Koe, 2013, p.125). The narrator and her ex-husband present a unified
facade to sustain this principle. Koe indicates how filial piety encouraged by governing
values is a surface image beneath which the sanctity of the family has waned. Society views
these values as absolute and therefore remains non-negotiable even in the face of real
injustices. This perception prompts the protagonist to maintain the image of a successful
family, despite her husband's infidelity.

The author also presents how the preservation of the family unit comes at the expense of the
women. The shared value “Family as the Basic unit” indicates that mutual compromise is
necessary for family preservation (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.3). Through narrative, Koe
indicates that this compromise falls exclusively to the women. This mentality is seen through
the conditioning of women to "hold your (their) tongue" when addressing their husbands
(Koe, 2013, p.125). Women are conditioned to reserve their opinions and comply with their
husband's dispositions. Koe presents how “family as a basic unit” Value is interpreted in
contemporary Singapore, namely, in a way that disproportionately falls on women. This
suggests that virtues surrounding equality in the family fail to be realised in practice

Koe also uses the narrative to compare the values of the older and younger generation. The
narrator establishes that in the older generation women were subservient to their male
counterparts. The narrator speculates whether this relationship is different "now that ladies
hold down jobs as well" (Koe, 2013, p.125). Since generating the family’s income is a
modicum of power, she assumes that, as women leave the domestic environment, the power
imbalance will reside. Yet she is doubtful and remarks, "I don't know---is it any different?"
(Koe, 2013, p.125). Koe indicates that gender inequality is deeply rooted in the patriarchal
mindset of men as being dominant and thus superior. The narrator claims that even
"Confucius believed that women’s place was below men’s" (Koe, 2013, p.129). She
recognises that this mindset cannot be easily erased, even if women get jobs and will
continue to persist in the current generation. The narrator also contrasts the filial piety of the
two generations. She claims that "placing yourself first" is natural to the current generation,
while her generation's duty "is to serve" (Koe, 2013, p.132). Koe indicates that such Values
are depleting in the current generation as they subscribe to a more individualistic outlook
prioritising themselves.

Koe has effectively used the narrative to explore family relations in the past and future
generations. While she criticises the failures of families in the pioneer generation, Koe
admits that the future generation has weaker family bonds as values of servitude and filial
piety dissolve into the background. In practice, governing Values are instrumentalized to
project an ideal family unit. The interpretation of such values is rooted in the desire for
external approval and validation. In an attempt to inculcate governing values, Society
inadvertently pressurises individuals to comply. This results in individuals and families
projecting an ideal image to appease society, without truly inculcating the values. The drive
for pretence results in a depletion of sanctity towards governing values.

On the official Facebook page for the book, Koe comments on the title ‘Moral Panic’ as “a
sporadic episode, which as it occurs, subjects society to bouts of worry that its extant values
and principles may be in jeopardy.” She envisions the frenzy when the orchestrated strings
in Singapore’s moral structures come loose (from the interview). Analysing Love is no Big
Truth through this perception highlights the fragility of filial piety. The sporadic episode of the
narrator’s separation subjects society to examine the supposed sanctity of family principle in
Asian households. As Koe exposes this pretentious facade, she negates the strength of filial
piety resulting in moral panic.

ON THE RECEPTION OF THE TEXTS

Review of Corridor
In response to the narrative, I think that the problems highlighted in the text have
heightened. In the 22 years since it was published in 1999, society has decreased its
communitarian bonding. The classist communitarian mindset highlighted in "Orphans" has
become heightened. From the time young Singaporeans finish their PSLE, they are
segregated into schools based on their aptitude. There is a growing difference in the prestige
between elite schools like Raffles Institution and Anglo-Chinese School compared to other
non-elite schools. As the community becomes divided, social classes emerge, and citizens
become increasingly unwilling to help those outside their social groups. This draws parallels
to Teck How’s classist communitarian mindset.

The reception of the book itself was relatively positive. Isabelle Ow comments that “Thoughts
of the ‘common’ Singaporean waft off the pages of this book” (Ow, 2018, para.2). Ow cites
how in Orphans “there was a lot of frustration expressed by both characters, though the
underlying reason for this was not made apparent” (Ow, 2018, para.3). The review lacks
deeper analysis into the underlying social and moral issues that insights this frustration. Ow
did not pick up on Alfian’s commentary on classist communitarianism and performative piety.

Another review indicated that the “Corridor’s motif (was) inspired by government-built flats
(HDB flats)” (Woods, 2018, p.2). The familiar setting creates a window of relatability through
which the reader interprets and interpolate the stories. Wood commented that themes in the
story Bugis include “questioning of traditional social & religious values, critique of
behavioural conformity and pretence” (Woods, 2018, p.7). Wood states that although this
story is critical of society's behavioural conformity and pretence, it does not propose an
alternative, with the stories ultimately “ending with unhappiness and dissonance” (Woods,
2018, p.8). Without a proposed alternative, Alfian, despite his criticism of pretence, indicates
that pretension is undeniable and unavoidable. This review was insightful and aligned with
Alfian’s own thinking, since titling his collection Corridor drew from the motif of an HDB
public housing estate.
Review of Ministry of Moral Panic
Similar to Corridor, Ng reviews that the Ministry of Moral Panic “cuts across a wide swathe of
traditionally uncomfortable subjects”, with an assemblage of unique characters applauding
the bold yet realistic choices in characters and themes (Ng, 2014, para.3,4). However, not all
readers reviewed the book in such a positive light. Alfian Sa'at himself was initially appalled
by the "thoughtless stereotypes" in the book. (Sa’at, personal communication, 2013). As a
result, several of his followers rejected her book and disputed these supposed “stereotypes”.
One report of this incident interprets the furore as the very "moral panic" that Koe exhibits in
her book. It exemplifies how hyper-sensitive topics are closeted, so when raised are
received with a social frenzy. The review comments that “Koe's definition seems to be
especially prescient when her stories successfully provoked an example of such a moral
panic.” (Ng, 2014, para.7). While eventually revoked and apologised for his initial judgement,
the fact remains that society is easily provoked by the harsh realities indicated in the book.

One of these harsh realities is the fragility of filial piety highlighted by Love is no Big Truth.
Ng summarised it as a story about a “woman from a generation that is often not forthcoming
about emotional and domestic issues” (Ng, 2014, para.8). Koe highlights these domestic
issues through the “paradoxes and hypocrisies latent in a conservative Asian family” (Ng,
2014, para.8). Comparatively, in the present, hypocritical family expectations persist,
however, individuals have become more empowered to defy expectations. In recent years, a
higher percentage of married couples are going their separate ways. (Han, G. Y., 2021,
para.9) This trend is attributed to factors such as less stigma towards divorce, and poor
conflict management skills (Han, G. Y., 2021, para.1). With less stigma towards divorces,
more couples dissolve their marriages instead of submitting to a failing relationship. Unlike
the story where filial piety is a pursued appearance, family values are neglected, as the
number of broken families in Singapore rise. Individuals lean towards a more autonomous
lifestyle, as they digress from the communitarian ideal encouraged by the Shared Values.

LIMITATIONS OF STUDY

The study is limited as it analyses three English proses written by two authors. The literature
scene in Singapore is a diverse and complex one, with several authors writing local literature
in other languages. Singapore has always been a multilingual society, and the country has
four official languages: English, Malay, Mandarin and Tamil, with each having its own set of
morals. To only study English literature out of the four, ignores the ethical principles of the
others. Since the Shared Values are a secular document, comparing multilingual texts
across these Values could draw parallels between the different cultures in Singapore and
governing values. Should time permit, a wider swathe of literature across authors and
languages can be analysed to present a more comprehensive study on the ethical
vocabulary in Singapore’s literature.

CONCLUSION

After analysing the three texts, the study concludes that literature serves as an instigator
towards moral discourse in society. From childhood, books educate youth on integral values
by demonstrating them through stories. The moral of the story has an influential impact on
readers as it stimulates their ethical conscience. The three stories selected each provided
ethical commentary on fragments of lives in contemporary Singapore.
A unifying thread between the stories is the characters’ pursuit of values for appearances.
The primary instigator of this pursuit is societal pressures. In Orphans, this is elaborated on
through Teck How's need for societal validation. He is unwilling to do a charitable deed in the
absence of his community's approval. In Bugis, individuals like Salmah and entire
communities like Bugis live under the pretence to fit the ideal Singaporean mould. These
correspond to Love is No Big Truth, where the protagonist endures an unhappy, broken
marriage, and does not divorce, in fear of society's condemnation. Governing Values like
filial piety, compassion and religiosity, are not actualised in contemporary Singapore.

The narratives were critical of how these values have deviated from their original purpose in
practice. Instead of weaving them into the national identity through genuine pursuit and
inculcation, citizens project values for appearances. This serves as a criticism of the Values
themselves, indicating how the chase of national identity has resulted in individuals and
entire communities living under pretension. Even with the government (1991, p.10)
recognition of the Shared Values as evolving and dynamic rather than permanent, little has
changed since 1991 (Singapore Parliament, 1991, p.10). Literature serves to expose
society’s moral facade, thus reminding citizens to re-engage in discussions on national
identity. Literature is a catalyst to bring moral discourse to a functioning society.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to sincerely thank my Expert-Mentor, Asst Prof Dimitris Dimitris, for his
mentorship and valuable feedback, my Teacher-Mentor, Dr Fang, for her continuous support,
Mr Alfian Sa'at for his engaging in an interview, and the HSSRP Committee for providing me
with this opportunity

REFERENCES

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Singapore. Ministry of Education, & Victoria Junior College. (1989). Shared Values for All
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