Women’s Fisheries Management, Conservation, and

Policy:
A Case Study in Palau

B1996415
Elchung Gladys Hideyos

A thesis submitted
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the degree of Master of Arts
in the Sophia University
Graduate Program in Global Environmental Studies

July 2021
 Acknowledgments
To Professor Anne McDonald, my deepest and sincere gratitude for your supervision,
guidance, patience, love, and support throughout this academic research journey. Thank
you for believing in me and for pushing me to be better.

To APIC, thank you for the financial, love, and support during the past two years and
my time in Japan. Thank you for allowing me to further my education.

To MCT, thank you for considering me as a candidate for the scholarship and allowing
me to further my education. Thank you for your financial, love, and support throughout
this research journey.

To Executive Director Ann Singeo, thank you for the guidance, love, expertise, and
support during this research. Thank you for providing me the opportunity to do my
internship and research at Ebiil. To my Ebiil Society Family, thank you for all the love
and support. I really appreciate all of you.

To Caroline Ferguson, thank you for your guidance, expertise, love, and support
during this research. Your help was very much appreciated.

To My Sophia Friends, thank you for all the love and words of encouragement. I
appreciate each and every one of you. To Annette Ludwig, thank you for your love and
support and being by my side through this whole journey. To Erika Salazar, I owe you
a depth of gratitude for your support during this thesis journey. I am forever grateful.

To Participants, thank you for your knowledge, expertise, advice, and support that
were invaluable to this research. Thank you to all who rendered their help during this
research.

Lastly, to My Family, thank you for the never-ending love and support. Thank you for
always believing in me. I dedicate this to you all.

Kom kmal mesulang!

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 Table of Contents
Acknowledgments……………………………………..………...………………….…..2
Table of Contents………………………………………..………...……………………3
List of Figures and Tables………………………………………………………….…...5
Abbreviations…………………………………………………...………………..……..7
Summary……………………………………………….……….………...…………….8
Chapter 1……………………………………………………………...………….......11
1.1 Introduction………………………………………………………...……………...11
1.2 Problem Definition……………………………………………………....…...……12
1.3 Problem Rationale…………………………………………...……...……….....….16
1.4 Research Objectives……………………………………………..………..…….…18
1.5 Research Questions…………………………………………..………..…………..18
1.6 Thesis Structure……………………………………………….……...………..….18
Chapter 2: Literature Review…………………………………..…………………..19
2.1 Importance of Coastal Marine Biodiversity and Ecosystems…...……….………..19
2.1.1 Drivers and Threats to Coastal Marine Biodiversity and Ecosystems…..22
2.2 Coastal/Nearshore Fisheries in Small Island Developing States (SIDS)….........…23
2.2.1 Women’s Fisheries…………………………………………….…….......24
2.3 Exploring Coastal Fisheries Management Strategies………….………………….25
2.3.1 Community-Based Management (CBM)………………………………..27
2.3.2 Ecosystem-Based Management (EBM)………………………………....28
2.4 Policy for Coastal Marine Ecosystems and Fisheries…………………….……….28
Chapter 3: Methodology……………………………….………………...………….31
3.1 Description of the Study Site…………………………………………………...…32
3.2 Ethical Considerations………………………………………………...………..…34
3.3 Research Design……………………………………………………………….…..36
3.4 Methodological Framework…………………………………………………….....37
3.4.1 Data Collection………………………………………………………….38
3.4.2 Data Analysis Methods………………………………………………….39
Chapter 4: Results and Discussion: A Case Study in Palau……...……………….40
4.1 Overview of Palau…………………………………………………….…………...40
4.2 Coastal Fisheries Management, Conservation, and Policy in Palau………...….....42
4.2.1 Coastal Marine Ecosystems and Marine Resources………………….…42
4.2.1.1 Threats to Marine Invertebrates…………………………….....46

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 4.2.2 Resource Management and Policies related to Coastal Fisheries…….....50
4.3 Women in Fisheries in Palau………………………………………………….......58
4.4 Assessing Marine Invertebrate Policies…………………………………….…..…65
Chapter 5: Conclusions and Recommendations…………………...……...……….71
5.1 Answering Research Questions………………………………………….....……..72
5.1.1 What are the current drivers and practices causing coastal marine
degradation in Palau?.……………………………………………..…………..72
5.1.2 What are the challenges of sustainable women’s fishery practices?........73
5.1.3 How can policy better the marine invertebrate fisheries management?...74
5.1.4 How can women’s roles and stewardship be integrated into fisheries
policy?……………………………………………………………………..…..75
5.2 Recommendations and Further Research……………………………………….....76
5.3 Limitations of the Study……………………………………………………..…….77
References…………………………………………...………………………...………79
Appendix I…………………………………………………………...…...…...………94
Appendix II………………………………………………………………..…………..95

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 List of Figures and Tables
Figure 1: World map showing the location of Palau with a red point. Adapted from
Google Maps (n.d.)

Figure 2: Map showing Palau’s location in the Micronesian region. Adapted from
Mapsland (n.d.) (www.mapsland.com/oceania/micronesia)

Figure 3: Map of Palau showing the main chain of islands (consisting of 14 states out of
the 16 states of Palau). Adapted from Palaugov.pw (n.d.) (www.palaugov.pw)

Figure 4: Qualitative Research Methodology

Figure 5: Most consumed sea cucumbers in Palau: hairy greyfish color (Actinopyga sp.)
(top photos); sandfish (Holothuria scabra) (bottom, left); brown curryfish (Stichopus
vastus) (bottom, right). Adapted from Pakoa et al. (2014b)

Figure 6: Picture of hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.) chopped up two different ways,
sold at Tebadel Store in Airai (Photo by: Elchung G. Hideyos)

Figure 7: Columns from left to right: hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.), dragonfish
(Stichopus horrens), dragonfish (Stichopus horrens) marinated in kimchi base, brown
curryfish (Stichopus vastus), and crocus giant clam (Tridacna crocea) sold at Yano’s
Market right in the center of Koror (Photo by: Elchung G. Hideyos)

Figure 8: Hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.) densities in Ngardmau State. Adapted from
PICRC Technical Report 12-01 (2012)

Figure 9: Map showing Palau’s Protected Areas on land and in nearshore marine areas
2018. Adapted from Palau Automated Land and Resource Information System
(PALARIS)

Figure 10: Palau National Marine Sanctuary (PNMS) map. Adapted from Palau
Automated Land and Resource Information System (PALARIS) (www.picrc.org)

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Figure 11: Woman gleaning for sea cucumber. Photo taken from Lee et al. (2020)

Figure 12: Baby sandfish (Holothuria scabra) released into the nearshore seagrass
habitat in Ollei village, Ngarchelong, during Ebiil Society’s project. February 2021
(Photo by: Elchung G. Hideyos)

Table 1: Table 1. List of common marine invertebrates harvested and consumed in

Palau based on interviews and observations.

Table 2: Advantages and vulnerabilities of improving marine invertebrate policies in

Palau.

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 Abbreviations
BMR Bureau of Marine Resources
CBD Convention on Biological Diversity
CBFM Community-Based Fisheries Management
CBM Community-Based Management
EBM Ecosystem-Based Management
EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone
EQPB Environmental Quality Protection Board
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization
FSM Federated States of Micronesia
GDP Gross Domestic Product
IPBES International Science-Policy Platform on
Biodiversity & Ecosystem Services
MC Micronesia Challenge
MEA Millennium Ecosystem Assessment
MPA Marine Protected Area
NBSAP National Biodiversity Strategy and Action
Plan
NCP Nature’s Contribution to People
NGO Non-Governmental Organizations
PAN Protected Areas Network
PCS Palau Conservation Society
PICRC Palau International Coral Reef Center
SIDS Small Island Developing States
SPC Secretariat of the Pacific Communities
TEK Traditional Ecological Knowledge
TNC The Nature Conservancy
UN United Nations
UNCLOS United Nations Convention on the Law of
the Sea

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Summary
The coastal areas are the transitional zone between land and ocean, which
provide benefits such as food, coastal protection, regulation of coastal water quality,
coastal stabilization, spawning, and nursery habitats for many species. Over 70% of the
world’s population lives in coastal regions, making them a hotspot for many services to
human society and biodiversity. Increasing populations of people have contributed to
many negative impacts on coastal marine ecosystems driving the higher extraction rates
of the resources. Overexploitation and coastal marine degradation are global
environmental issues increasing the losses of biodiversity, ecological functions, the
provision of many ecosystem services, and changing ocean structure. Fish and marine
invertebrates provide over 3.3 billion people with about 20% of the mean animal protein
consumption per capita.
Fisheries is perceived as a male-dominated industry, but women make major
contributions in the value chain and providing food security. In 2013, more than 56% of
the total estimated coastal fisheries catch came from women in Pacific SIDS. In the
Pacific islands, such as Palau, women’s major fishing activities include the harvesting,
processing, and selling of marine invertebrates and some finfish. Women mostly harvest
various marine invertebrates like sea cucumbers, clams, crabs, urchins, sea snails, and
slugs in the shallow coastal habitats, known as reef gleaning.
The fundamental purpose of this study was to understand the issues and gaps of
women’s fisheries management, conservation, and policy by exploring four research
questions: 1) What are the current drivers and practices causing coastal marine
degradation in Palau?; 2) What are the challenges of sustainable women’s fishery
practices?; 3) How can policy better the marine invertebrate fisheries management?; 4)
How can women’s roles and stewardship be integrated into fisheries policy?
This is a qualitative research thesis exploring a case study in Palau located in the
Northwest Pacific Ocean. Primary data collection consisted of interviews with elder
women fishers (60-75 years of age), governmental officials (i.e., Palau National
Government, Protected Area Network, and the Bureau of Marine Resources), NGO
stakeholders (i.e., Ebiil Society, Palau Conservation Society, and The Nature
Conservancy), and researchers (i.e., Palau International Coral Reef Center). Included in
the primary data collection were direct observations, informal conservations, formal and
informal meetings, including community events and a workshop, with local community

8
members conducted in Babeldaob and Koror with the support of the Ebiil Society. Data
was then transcribed, translated into English, and analyzed.
The research attempts to analyze literature and field interviews of different
stakeholders (women elder fishers, government officials, NGO officials, and
researchers) from a narrative approach identifying the key factors that influence the
development of a better comprehensive gender-inclusive fisheries management and
policies and sustainable use of coastal marine invertebrate resources.
Based on primary data collection, this research confirms that women and men in
Palau still use coastal marine ecosystems for livelihood and survival needs. The Palau
coastline stretches over 1,519 km with various coastal habitats that include mangroves,
mud basins, seagrass beds, lagoon sediment bottoms, deep algal beds, and coral reefs
(fringing and barrier reefs and atolls). These diverse coastal marine habitats provide
local communities with various services, with fishing activities being the most
significant. The participants who were interviewed for this research revealed that mostly
women, and some men, heavily rely on coastal marine invertebrate resources for
subsistence use and income.
Threats to marine invertebrates in Palau were identified as (1) Overexploitation
and unsustainable fishing practices, (2) Sedimentation from land-based activities, and
(3) Increased water temperatures due to climate change. The marine invertebrates
mostly harvested by women are sea cucumbers; the top three species consumed are
sandfish (Holothuria scabra), hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.), and brown curryfish
(Stichopus vastus). From official reports, it has been demonstrated that populations of
sea cucumbers have declined severely (around 88% from 2009 to 2011) due to
commercial exportation. Therefore, policies were implemented to control exportation,
but there is an evident gap for local use.
The primary focus on coastal fisheries and ecosystem management in Palau
currently go through modern MPAs, which have evolved from the bul (traditional
conservation area). Spatial management of MPAs has several challenges: size, type of
habitat, shape, community support, and human capacity. The state governments manage
and control coastal marine ecosystems from land to 12 nautical miles seaward but face
many financial and human resource limitations.
The results from interviews indicate that the threats to women’s fisheries are
increasing. Women have been traditionally recognized as the main reef gleaners (marine
invertebrate fishers). However, many younger generations have lost interest in these

9
fishing practices, evidencing TEK loss of coastal marine biodiversity and the
environment. Driven by a cash economy, more fishers, including men, are harvesting
marine invertebrates neglecting traditional practices that have shown to be sustainable
for resource extraction.
In addition, women’s key roles in coastal marine fisheries have been overlooked
mainly due to the lack of gender-disaggregated data, but different stakeholders like
NGOs are supporting and raising women’s concerns. Furthermore, this study revealed a
fundamental need for effective and improved policies for coastal fisheries, including
marine invertebrates, that use a comprehensive and gender-inclusive approach, aiming
to provide sustainable livelihoods for the Palauan people.

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Chapter 1
1.1 Introduction
Around the globe, fisheries have been considered as more of a male-dominated
industry. However, this is very much misunderstood because women’s involvement in
fisheries is occurring worldwide. The recognition of women in fisheries is crucial to
gaining a comprehensive understanding of resource use and towards developing
integrated sustainable resource policies that include both women and men. For example,
in the Small Island Developing States (SIDS) in Oceania, where the people heavily rely
on fisheries, women have had a crucial role in providing staple food supplies for their
families, including the collection of nearshore fish and marine invertebrates (Harper et
al., 2013). However, in the Pacific, most fishing initiatives focus more on developing
commercial fisheries and supporting men’s offshore and nearshore activities, while
women receive little support for their nearshore activities (FAO, 2015).
Located in the northwest Pacific Ocean lies a small island country called the
Republic of Palau. With a population of a little over 18,100, Palau’s traditional society
has always been closely connected to its surrounding environment (UN World
Population Prospects, 2019). With increasing globalization, Palauans are challenged
with preserving their cultural heritage (Mita, 2010). More specifically, actively
maintaining and transmitting traditional knowledge sets from one generation to the next,
including those knowledge sets and practices related to resource management and other
traditional customs. Like many other SIDS, Palauan’s daily life activities involve some
aspect of the ocean. As a small island but large ocean country, 70% of Palauans are still
engaged in subsistence fishing for food security, income, recreation, and cultural
practices today (Ebiil Society et al., 2020). Among subsistence fishers, fishing
knowledge is mainly based on traditional ecological knowledge (TEK), which Berkes
(1993) defines as the knowledge and beliefs that are handed down through generations
by cultural transmission about the relationships of all living things with their
environment. With many different terms for traditional knowledge, this study uses the
term TEK for the knowledge sets and practices of the fishers in Palau that are based on
years of experience and observations in nature. From the mid-1970s, Robert E.
Johannes, a tropical marine biologist, began to document the importance of integrating
TEK of fishing communities in modern marine conservation and management in Palau
and other parts of Oceania (Ruddle, 2008). Although most of Johannes’ work in Palau

11
focused on the TEK of Palauan fishermen, he was able to pioneer the critical role of
TEK in modern fisheries conservation and management and identified that there is an
issue of TEK slowly being lost (Johannes, 1981).
In terms of fisheries, it is seen as a man’s activity– more specifically in the
Palauan context, it means to go fishing for finfish. However, women play a critical role
at the community level in coastal fisheries that have been largely overlooked and
excluded in decision and policy making for fisheries at the national and state
government level (Matthews and Oiterong, 1991). Women provide an essential source
of protein with their major activity of reef gleaning and other nearshore activities
(Chapman, 1987). Reef gleaning, the harvesting of marine invertebrates, is considered a
unique cultural practice for the Palauan people, especially for women, which can still be
seen today. Reef gleaning is dually a resource management and knowledge sharing
activity where women play the central role as harvester, knowledge transmitter, and
teacher. Children often accompany their mothers and aunties to the shallow coastal
waters, where they are taught how to glean while listening to oral stories about cultural
practices and social norms (Ferguson, 2021). However, changes in socio-economic
conditions have resulted in more fishers (both women and men) harvesting marine
invertebrates because it is seen as an easy, low-technology fishing activity for food and
a source of income that anybody can do. Thus, putting more pressure on the marine
invertebrate populations.
Past and current activities of overharvesting have led to the decline in marine
invertebrates that have fundamental roles in the coastal ecosystems. However, while
finfish fisheries have been carefully examined and managed well, marine invertebrate
fisheries are lacking support and inclusion in fisheries policies at both national and state
government levels. Because of this, there is much potential that many marine
invertebrates will be wiped out, which will consequently impact the coastal marine
ecosystems and the well-being of the Palauan people. This thesis investigates the
missing links of developing initiatives for marine invertebrate fisheries, women fishery
policies, and understanding the impacts of human activities on marine invertebrates.

1.2 Problem Definition

The ocean covers about 70% of the earth with various organisms and comprises
a very complex food web, which provides many services to human well-being and
livelihoods (UNEP, 2006; Bindoff et al., 2019). Covering up most of the earth, the

12
ocean’s vital role in the earth’s system is storing and transporting large amounts of heat,
freshwater, and carbon and exchanging these with the atmosphere (Rhein et al., 2013).
The oceans are very important to all life on earth; however, anthropogenic activities are
altering the ocean and its resources in many ways (Oceans and Coasts, 2019). The
oceans are in a crisis where past and current human activities are damaging the planet’s
main life support system (Laffoley et al., 2019). Drivers of global ocean degradation are
caused by climate change, overexploitation, pollution, habitat loss, and other pressures
as well as cumulative impacts (Yadav and Gjerde, 2020; Blasiak et al., 2020). The
impacts of climate change (ocean warming, ocean acidification, and deoxygenation)
create a trio combination that negatively affects the productivity of the oceans (Bijma et
al., 2013). Increasing rates of ocean acidification and rising temperatures have been
shown to affect corals and other marine organisms with hard skeletons and shells made
up of calcium carbonate (Barange et al., 2018). With increasing anthropogenic
influences and natural forces, they have the potential to push ecological systems beyond
their limits of sustainability and increasing variability in environmental conditions
(Crossland et al., 2006).
Coastal marine ecosystems are globally the most productive systems and consist
of many different complex habitats (UNEP, 2011). As the transition zone between land
and ocean components, intense interactions occur here, making coastal systems
vulnerable to natural changes and anthropogenic pressures (Crossland et al., 2006). The
high density of human populations on coastal land causes most of the adjacent marine
ecosystems to be impacted by many disturbances (Bindoff et al., 2019). Many coastal
marine ecosystems have been under stress, with many decades of constant
overconsumption, pollution, habitat destruction, and climate change (UNEP, 2011;
Nichols et al., 2019). The impacts of climate change and sea-level rise are major global
issues; however, SIDS are disproportionately some of the most vulnerable to climate
change and are some of the lowest contributors to carbon emissions globally (UNEP,
2014).
Marine invertebrates are vital species that inhabit coastal ecosystems but are
some of the most at risk to the increasing pressures of human activities (Mather, 2013).
In addition to environmental degradation, direct harvest and exploitation of marine
invertebrates for food and other purposes like pharmaceutical, jewelry, and aquarium
trade have been a major threat (Collier et al., 2016). Globally, invertebrate fisheries
have been an increasing new resource for commercial fishing due to the pressures on

13
finfish fisheries (Eddy et al., 2017). The global commercial demand for marine
invertebrates, such as crustaceans and bivalves, started in the 1950s and later branched
out to cephalopods and echinoderms (Anderson et al., 2011). By 2004, 34% of global
invertebrate fisheries were already seen as overexploited (Anderson et al., 2011).
Furthermore, their exploitation can have strong ecosystem impacts that affect other
trophic groups by changing their biomass within coastal marine habitats (Eddy et al.,
2017).
Sea cucumbers (Echinoderms from the class Holothuroidea) are significant
coastal marine benthic communities and are commercially overexploited (Purcell et al.,
2016). For more than 400 years, sea cucumbers have been a highly-priced commodity in
the Chinese markets (Manez and Ferse, 2010; Purcell et al., 2013). Driven by the high
demand in mainland China and other Asian markets, the Indo-Pacific region has been
harvesting and exporting more than 30 species of sea cucumber (Purcell et al., 2018).
Pacific Island nations have been one of the major exporters of dried sea cucumbers,
often referred to as bêche-de-mer, and other invertebrate products to the Asian markets
(primarily Chinese) since the early 1800s (Friedman et al., 2011).
Many Pacific Islands still use traditional community-based resource
management; however, cash economies and export markets for marine resources eroded
these practices (Johannes, 2002). The high market demand for export and lack of
alternative income sources for fishers have impacted the management of coastal
resources, like sea cucumbers, in many Pacific Islands (Purcell et al., 2014). The sea
cucumber fisheries in the Pacific have been compromising social and ecological
resilience by the overexploitation of stocks (Friedman et al., 2011). For example, in
Vanuatu, primary management controls were on the licensing of export operators and a
minimum sea cucumber size limit (Pakoa et al., 2014a). In Samoa, a moratorium on
commercial exports was implemented when sea cucumber populations declined
drastically (Sapatu and Pakoa, 2013). The national governments implemented limited
measurement strategies to control exports. This made community-based management
struggle with effective measures to control the subsistence, commercial harvest, and
selling of sea cucumbers. The downfall of sea cucumber fisheries in the Pacific is
mainly due to poor knowledge, inadequate information, and the lack of management
response (Pakoa et al., 2014a).
The islands in the Micronesia region have been exporting dried sea cucumber
that goes back to the 1920s to China and Hong Kong (Pakoa et al., 2014b). Being one

14
major exporter of sea cucumbers to these Asian markets, Palau supplied about 84 tons
of dried sea cucumbers between 1922 to 1938 (Pakoa et al., 2014b). The different
species of sea cucumbers that were collected included: sandfish (Holothuria scabra),
black teat fish (Holothuria whitmaei), surf redfish (Actinopyga mauritiana), hairy
blackfish (Actinopyga miliaris), hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.), and prickly redfish
(Thelenota ananas) (Pakoa et al., 2014b).
The exportation of sea cucumbers and other invertebrate products brought many
concerns to Palauans, especially the women fishers who depend on this type of fishery.
Women fishers raised their voices in public forums about their observations of
decreasing population size of sea cucumbers, noting the declining trend was observed
when these invertebrates became a commercial value. Public awareness grew about
threats to sea cucumber stocks driven by unsustainable harvesting practices to meet
market demands from overseas, leading to pressures on the government to take action to
address depleting stocks and stress on coastal marine ecosystems in Palau. This resulted
in the inclusion of sea cucumbers in the Marine Protection Act of 1994, where specific
marine species were banned from commercial exports. In addition to this act, there was
a ban on the use of scuba equipment to collect invertebrate species and reef fish (Barr et
al., 2016). Despite punitive measures taken to protect sea cucumbers, there was a
reversal in policies in 2011. Perhaps it was due to the initial success in stock
replenishment, but in 2011, Palau decided to initiate a six-month trial fishing period for
sea cucumbers (Pakoa et al., 2014b). Unfortunately, high prices for the supply led many
Palauan fishers - both men and women, to rush to harvest all the sea cucumbers they
could collect for short-term personal financial gain (Ferguson, 2019). This six-month
fishing period resulted in a massive overharvesting event that had state governments and
community members concerned because it was difficult to effectively control the
harvesting activities (Pakoa et al., 2014b).
Although export bans have been reinstated in Palau, threats to the sustainable
use of sea cucumbers and other marine invertebrates remain due to the unregulated and
undocumented subsistence and local domestic use. Like other Pacific SIDS, there are
many challenges with the effective management of marine invertebrates and coastal
fisheries at the community level. The drivers of marine invertebrate depletion have
negative impacts on the coastal marine ecosystem and the overall well-being of human
livelihoods.

15
1.3 Problem Rationale
With 70% of the world’s population living in coastal regions, they are
considered a hotspot for a wide variety of services to human society, such as food,
shoreline protection, recreational activities, tourism development (Lafolley et al., 2019).
Coastal ecosystems provide various benefits such as food, coastal protection, coastal
stabilization, regulation of coastal water quality and quantity, and biodiversity and
spawning habitats for many important species (Oceans and Coasts, 2019; UNEP, 2006).
However, coastal marine ecosystem degradation drivers put these roles, services, and
marine invertebrate biodiversity at risk (Nichols et al., 2019). Globally, marine
invertebrate fisheries have been rapidly increasing with little scientific research despite
their high socio-economic importance (Anderson et al., 2011).
Overfishing and the impacts it has on coastal ecosystems have been much of
concern for SIDS. Unfortunately, little action has been taken to manage the use of
nearshore habitats and specifically invertebrate species (UNEP, 2014). Many fishing
activities go unreported and unregulated, causing a gap in understanding how much is
being taken out of coastal ecosystems. There is limited data and research on nearshore
fisheries management from their pre-exploitation state (UNEP, 2014). In particular,
women in Pacific SIDS have a large role in fisheries that is often undervalued in
management and policy development. The available information on fisheries
participation and the associated benefits are scattered and inconsistent (Gillett, 2016).
There is also limited gender-specific data for fishing activities where there is a lack of
evidence of women’s presence in fisheries-related activities (Harper et al., 2013). SIDS
have a high dependency on coastal ecosystems, especially in small-scale fisheries, for
food security, nutrition, and livelihoods (UNEP, 2014; Bell, 2018). The health and
livelihoods of many people who live on small islands and the coasts are directly linked
to the ocean through its resources and are very vulnerable to the impacts of climate
change, environmental degradation, and the depletion of the coastal marine resources
(Oceans and Coasts, 2019). Fisheries research is vital to manage marine resources while
maintaining the health of the ecosystems. This requires an understanding through
scientific research and the inclusion of TEK in island community usage of their already
limited resources. Using a gender-inclusive approach is also needed for a
comprehensive strategy for fisheries policy development (Harper et al., 2013).
The people of Palau had used traditional methods for marine resource
management way before contemporary western strategies were implemented (Johannes,

16
1981). Current coastal management strategies have been focused on spatial
management, marine protected areas (MPA). Spatial management has had some good
results in increasing marine biomass; however, many marine resources outside these
MPAs have lacked protection and effective regulations (NEPC, 2019). The research and
data for coastal resources outside of MPAs in Palau are inadequate and lack a gender
approach to management. Women in Palau have been overlooked in management and
policies for marine invertebrates in which they are the primary harvesters. Development
of fisheries and programs have focused more on finfish, which have neglected attention
towards the subsistence use of marine invertebrates. With the exclusion of policies
supporting women fisheries, marine invertebrates are being overharvested using
unsustainable practices, which places more pressure on coastal marine ecosystems.
There is the need to include all stakeholders in management and policy development to
sustain marine resources.
Management of the fisheries is essential, and this includes the conservation of
coastal marine biodiversity. The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) is an
international agreement signed by 150 countries at the 1992 Rio Earth Summit
committed to the conservation of biological diversity, sustainable use of its components,
and fair and equitable sharing of benefits arising from the utilization of genetic
resources. CBD makes sure to focus on marine and coastal biodiversity. Palau became
part of CBD by becoming a signatory in 1998. This initiated Palau to create the
National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan (NBSAP) in 2004, which has been
updated as a “2015-2025” version (PCS, 2016). The initial reason for these initiatives
was that Palau has the most diverse terrestrial biodiversity in the Micronesian region.
The level of diversity in marine biodiversity is considered one of the highest in the
world (PCS, 2016). This is significant because Palau is in the Coral Triangle, which is
the region with the highest marine diversity of any shallow water area in the oceans
(Colin, 2009).
Palau is also committed to the Micronesia Challenge (MC), which started in
2006, to effectively conserve 30% of the near-shore marine resources and 20% of the
terrestrial resources by 2020. MC is a shared commitment by some of the world’s
smallest island countries of the Micronesian region. It is a strategic tool used to
implement and support the UN 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and the CBD. In
addition, Palau has been a long-time supporter of regional and international initiatives
concerning environmental conservation.

17
 Because Palau supports international and regional initiatives like the above, it is
crucial to managing marine invertebrate fisheries from a local perspective. The coastal
resources have many different stakeholders. The collaboration between the national
government, state governments, community members, non-governmental organizations
is significant in redefining policies that can help support sustainability and conservation
targets. The inclusion of women is essential for the management and sustainable use of
coastal marine ecosystems. In doing so, there will be a better understanding of marine
invertebrate fisheries.

1.4 Research Objectives

The objectives of this research are as follows:
1. To understand the ecological impacts of the multiple threats to the coastal
marine ecosystems.
2. To explore better management practices for marine invertebrate fisheries.
3. To understand the importance of women’s TEK to support fishery practices and
policies.

1.5 Research Questions

This research investigates marine invertebrate fisheries in Palau and will be
examining the following questions:
1. What are the current drivers and practices causing coastal marine degradation in
Palau?
2. What are the challenges of sustainable women’s fishery practices?
3. How can policy better the marine invertebrate fisheries management?
4. How can women’s roles and stewardship be integrated into fisheries policy?

1.6 Thesis Structure

This research thesis is divided into five chapters. Chapter 1 describes the coastal
marine ecosystems services and marine invertebrates. It will also discuss coastal and
fisheries management. In addition, this research discusses women’s role in fisheries and
how to incorporate them into management and policy. Chapter 2 explores the literature
review of the importance of coastal marine ecosystems and biodiversity, coastal
fisheries management and policy, and women in fisheries. Chapter 3 is the methodology
of the research study. Chapter 4 is the results and discussions based on the case study

18
where field-based research and primary data were collected. Finally, Chapter 5
concludes with revisiting and answering the research questions with additional
recommendations and further research that may support management, conservation, and
policy development for coastal and marine invertebrate fisheries.

Chapter 2: Literature Review

This chapter explores reviewed literature of journal articles, grey literature,
governmental reports focusing on coastal marine environments and fisheries. The first
section details the importance of coastal marine biodiversity and ecosystems and the
potential driver and threats. The second section looks into coastal and nearshore
fisheries in SIDS and the inclusion of women fisheries. The third section explores
coastal fisheries management strategies that include community-based management and
ecosystem-based management. Lastly, this chapter will examine different policies for
coastal marine ecosystems and fisheries.

2.1 Importance of Coastal Marine Biodiversity and Ecosystems

Coastal zones are complex and consist of different ecosystems that include a
variety of plants and animals. The “coastal zone” can be defined differently in specific
regions depending on the type of coastal terrain, the length of the coastline, and the
spatial boundaries set by humans (Wong et al., 2014). However, it is globally
understood that the coastal zone is the interface or narrow transition between land and
ocean. These coastal ecosystems include coral reefs, mangroves, salt marshes, and other
wetlands, seagrass and seaweed beds, beaches and sand dune habitats, estuaries and
coastal lagoons, forests, and grasslands (Crossland et al., 2006). The coastal marine
zone includes the intertidal and nearshore marine ecosystems greatly influenced by
terrestrial and marine processes (Ruttenberg and Granek, 2011). They are essential areas
for feeding, nursery, spawning, and migration for many commercially and ecologically
important fish species (Henseler et al., 2019). These habitats have very important
ecosystem functions and services that many species use for all stages of their life cycle.
Coastal ecosystems and biodiversity also provide a wide range of human
ecosystem services (Liquete et al., 2013). According to the Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment (2005), there are four categories of ecosystem services that benefit humans:
provisioning services, regulating services, cultural services, and supporting services.

19
These ecosystem services directly affect humans and their well-being. Provisioning
services are defined as the material products taken from ecosystems, including food and
fiber, fresh water, fuel, medicines, and ornamental products. Regulating services are the
benefits obtained from the regulation processes of ecosystems, which include air quality
maintenance, climate regulation, water regulation, erosion control, water purification
and waste treatment, pollination, and storm protection. Cultural services benefit people
from the cultural heritage, spiritual and religious value, educational value, aesthetic
value, traditional and formal knowledge system, social relations, recreation, and
ecotourism. Finally, supporting services are fundamental to producing all the other
ecosystem services, including soil formation, nutrient cycling, and primary production
(MEA, 2005; Daily, 2003; Daily, 1997).
These ecosystem services and functions are impacted by the relationship humans
have with biodiversity. People are dependent on ocean resources for livelihood and
well-being. One of the major services that coastal and marine ecosystems provide is
nutritional provisioning services (UNEP, 2006). Indigenous communities that live on
small islands or on the coast have a very close connection to the ocean, depending
highly on this natural environment for subsistence use. There is also a great demand
from these ecosystems for the aquarium trade, building materials (for house and boat
construction), and medicines (Thaman, 2002).
The International Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem
Services (IPBES) assesses the status and trends of humans’ impacts on biodiversity for
policymakers to make better evidence-informed decisions and strategies. This report
provides warnings on reducing nature’s contribution to people (NCP) that impacts
humans and biodiversity (IPBES, 2019). NCPs are understood as ecosystem services
and functions. It gives regional projections of the environment based on different
scenarios. These scenarios explain how provisioning (material) NCPs are strongly
linked to species richness and regulating NCPs. It identified that the species richness in
coastal marine ecosystems is declining, which reduces the full benefits of regulating
NCPs. This is very important to understand that the overexploitation of natural
resources can alter the environment, limiting the full benefits of regulating NCPs.
Although most studies around ecosystem services address terrestrial ecosystems,
some authors, such as Liquete et al. (2013), citing Costanza et al. (1997) and Martinez
et al. (2007), have estimated that around 60% of the economic value of the entire
biosphere depends on coastal areas. Since most studies focused on marine and coastal

20
areas, ecosystem services have mainly concentrated on food production in fisheries
(25%) due to their facility to approximate from a qualitative perspective and the
economic relevance (Kandziora et al., 2013). Food provision (provisional services),
water purification (regulating and maintenance services), coastal protection, recreation,
and tourism, mainly in mangroves, wetlands, and coral reefs, are the most studied
through academia (Liquete et al., 2013; Brown et al., 2008).
Scientific literature emphasizes the increasing significance of coastal resources
for provisional services. According to FAO (2020a), approximately 59.51 million
people were engaged in primary aquaculture and fisheries in 2018. Asia holds the
highest percentages of aquaculture workers and fishers (85%) followed by Africa (9%),
the Americas (4%), then Europe (1%) and Oceania (1%). In 2018, 88% of 179 million
tons of fish were directly used for consumption. Fish provides 3.3 billion people with
about 20% of the mean animal protein consumption per capita (FAO, 2020a).
As mentioned previously, coastal ecosystems provide an array of ecosystem
services: absorbing storm surges, tidal waves, carbon sinks, providing income,
employment, tourist destination, sourcing construction materials, home to 600 million
people worldwide, place of recreation, and spiritual and cultural sacredness (Brown et
al., 2008; UN Ocean Conference, 2017). Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MEA)
and other reports (Bai et al., 2013; Carugati et al., 2018; Sutton et al., 2016) have
illustrated that the systems and services supported are being driven to degradation, and
if the decline remains status quo, coastal systems will not be able to maintain human
well-being. Furthermore, future trends from climate change, invasive species, pollution,
economic development, human migration, and population increase are expected to
exacerbate these conditions further.
The provision of ecosystem services and human well-being depends on
biodiversity and healthy ecosystems (WWF, 2020). For example, coastal habitats like
seagrass beds, mangroves, and open sand habitats are highly productive habitats for
many benthic organisms (Seitz et al., 2014). Benthic, coming from the Greek word
Benthos, means “deep of the sea.” Benthic communities are composed of invertebrates,
such as sea cucumbers, clams, sea slugs, and crustaceans, that live on or in the seabed
(Anderson et al., 2010).
Invertebrates play key ecological roles in marine ecosystems. The ecology of
marine invertebrates differs greatly among species. However, they contribute to the
overall regulation of carbon, nitrogen and sulfur cycling, water column processes,

21
pollutant distribution, secondary production, and transport and stability of sediments
(Snelgrove, 1997). For example, sea cucumbers (Holothuria scabra, one of the most
valuable sea cucumber species overharvested globally) are known as bottom cleaners
that ingest large amounts of sand to feed on bacteria, microalgae, and organic detritus
attached to the sand and discharge “clean sand” recycling the nutrients on the ocean
floor (Wolkenhauer et al., 2010). Thus, these organisms that inhabit the ocean floor
have fundamental roles in the overall health of marine ecosystems.

2.1.1 Drivers and Threats to Coastal Marine Biodiversity and Ecosystems

More than two billion people across the globe reside within 100km of estuaries
and coasts and rely heavily on the coasts for provisional services. Preservation of
ecosystem services and steps to alleviate poverty are hindered by the degradation of
marine and coastal resources. Impoverished communities dependent on ecosystem
services live in an array of environments, such as small island nations like Haiti in the
Caribbean Sea to the flood-prone slums of Manila, Philippines. Although secluded from
social services, these areas are not out of reach from “roving banditry.” A coined
dilemma in the global arena of “tragedy of commons” where the rate of resource
exploitation far exceeds the response of local institutions (Brown et al., 2008; Berkes et
al., 2006).
Often impoverished communities dwell among the wealthy and are separated
from seashores and fishing grounds where the effluent incur greater economic benefits
from tourism. Coastal beaches and seas have always been major tourist attractions.
Coastal tourism has been growing exponentially in global tourism and is an important
sector for the economies of SIDS (UNEP, 2006). In the islands, the majority of tourism
attractions include diving, snorkeling, beautiful beaches, and other marine-related
recreational activities. Unfortunately, economic benefits are disproportionately
distributed. The current system of coastal ecosystem services is set up where the rich are
getting richer, and ecosystem services are degraded, undermining the ability of the
marginalized to conserve the ecosystems that sustain them (Newton et al., 2007). The
disadvantaged are faced with similar challenges in high reliance on ecosystem services
and high exposure to natural disasters and extremities that occur naturally or
anthropogenically driven (Brown et al., 2008). Understanding how ecological and social
systems are impacted by marine and coastal degradation is crucial to address the
dynamics between poverty alleviation and ecosystem services.

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 Many anthropological activities and their results consequently represent drivers
of change in marine ecosystems, such as climate change, overfishing, land-based and
ocean-based pollution, coastal development, invasive species, offshore infrastructure,
shipping, mariculture, and deep-sea mining (WWF, 2020). In particular, fishing has
several negative impacts such as overexploitation, habitat destruction, seafloor
destruction, and contamination reducing population size, extinction of species, and
trophic cascades restructuration (IPBES, 2019).
From the global to local scale, degeneration of marine and coastal resources and
productivity has been reported. With the development of remote sensory technology and
modeling, aerial data has identified the extent of degradation in coastal resources. For
instance, FAO (2020b) reported that between 1990 and 2020, the area of mangroves
worldwide has depleted by 1.04 million ha; the current mangrove area is estimated at
14.8 million ha. Similarly, as of 2008, 96 countries in the world have lost 19% of the
original area in coral reefs; 20% are under threat of extinction within 20–40 years, and
15% of coral reefs are classified as seriously threatened with loss within the next 10–20
years (Wilkinson, 2008).
Drivers of change in natural resources vary to multiple degrees and function on
different scales from global climate change, international financing to national policies
and local resources regulation. Several drivers may directly affect ecosystems or
disadvantaged coastal communities, whereas other drivers indirectly influence the
natural, societal, and political climate. Examples of direct drivers include unsustainable
fishery practices, pollution, access to ecosystem services and land, where cultural and
religious perspectives influence values placed on ecosystem services. On the other hand,
indirect drivers are the policies and institutions regulating and altering direct drivers.
Thus, it is not enough to just assume degeneration trends with varying certainty; what
should be focused on is the impact of drastic depletion of resources on ecosystem
services and sectors of society (Brown et al., 2008).

2.2. Coastal/Nearshore Fisheries in Small Island Developing States (SIDS)

Fishing contributes to the livelihoods, nutritional food security, and socio-
economic well-being of millions of people worldwide (FAO, 2009). For SIDS, fisheries
are one of the most important sectors mainly because they have very large exclusive
economic zones (EEZ) that generate high revenue (Fox et al., 2016). Compared to
offshore fisheries (important for government revenue and GDP), coastal and inshore

23
fisheries are more important to local populations and small-scale fishing communities
regarding food security and income (Alisjahbana et al., 2020). About 90% of fishers
worldwide are categorized as small-scale fisheries, many of which are found in
developing states (FAO, 2005). There is an estimated 80 million tons/year that is
produced by marine capture fisheries, with 85% of that coming from small-scale coastal
fisheries (GEF Secretariat, 2016).
Coastal resources include a variety of finfish, invertebrates, and seaweed
(Gillett, 2011). As an important source of protein, seafood consumption in coastal areas
and SIDS is immensely higher than those in developed countries (Hay, 2013).
Therefore, coastal fisheries have a wide range of fishing techniques, including reef
gleaning, trapping, spearing, netting, drop-lining, and trolling (Alisjahbana et al., 2020).
Primarily for artisanal (small-scale fishing in the domestic market) and subsistence use,
adding commercialization export puts coastal fisheries under significant stress and
increases overexploitation (SciCOFish Project Team, 2013; Alisjahbana et al., 2020).
The high value for commodities export from coastal resources in Pacific SIDS have
been documented by the Secretariat of Pacific Community (SPC) and have become of
major concern to the depletion of the coastal ecosystems (Gillett, 2011). This can be due
to the dependency of communities on seafood with the added high dependency on
income from domestic and commercial fisheries (SciCOFish Project Team, 2013). The
drive for income as the demand rapidly increases can have a negative impact on
sustainable fisheries.
Sea cucumber (bêche-de-mer) is considered the most valued exported coastal
fishery in SIDS, and it is mostly harvested by women (Alisjahbana et al., 2020). In the
Pacific, bêche-de-mer trade is the oldest commercial fishery for invertebrates that were
exported to Asian markets in China, Hong Kong, and Singapore (SciCOFish Project
Team, 2013). Sea cucumber is an important source of food and income for many
communities in the Pacific (Gillett, 2011). The high demand for sea cucumber in the
Asian markets has increased the price and has caused the overharvesting of stocks.

2.2.1 Women’s Fisheries

Women have made major contributions to fisheries in different parts of the
world, even though it may be seen as a more male-dominated industry. They are
involved in the harvesting, processing, marketing, and finance aspects of fisheries, but
many of their roles have been overlooked and unrecognized in official statistics, sector

24
policies, and development programs (Harper et al., 2013; Gopal et al., 2020). This can
be mainly due to the lack of gender-disaggregated data relating to fishing activities in
the value chain (FAO, 2015).
Chapman (1987) documented some early traditional roles of women in fisheries
in Oceania, where they actively participated in reef gleaning and some fishing in the
shallow nearshore habitats. Reef gleaning during low tide required simple technology of
using only bare hands to collect marine invertebrates like sea cucumbers, clams, crabs,
urchins, sea snails, and slugs (Chapman, 1987; Matthews and Oiterong, 1991). Women
and children primarily did reef gleaning in providing for food security and livelihood
(Harper et al., 2013).
In addition to the subsistence use of nearshore resources, women’s contributions
to small-scale fisheries are very high, especially in SIDS. In 2013, about 56% of the
total estimated catch came from women in Pacific SIDS, indicating their significant role
in food security and livelihood (Harper et al., 2013). As women harvest and process
their own catch, they also process the catch that men bring in. Thus, their roles in the
post-harvest sector are very dominant in small-scale fisheries (FAO, 2015). However,
gender studies reveal that women are often given unpaid positions under-acknowledged
in the fishing sector (FAO, 2020a).
Women’s roles have been vital to food security and the value chain for many
years. However, gender inequalities for fisheries still continue (Harper, 2019). The
views of fisheries are seen as a men-dominated need to change (FAO, 2016b).
Understanding the human dimensions of fisheries and identifying main stakeholders
could improve fisheries management and policy development and bring more attention
to women and gender (Harper, 2019). Since both men and women participate in fishing
activities, a gender approach is needed to comprehensively understand how humans
interact with marine species and marine ecosystems (Kleiber et al., 2015).

2.3 Exploring Coastal Fisheries Management Strategies

Understanding how humans use and interact with nature is vital for ecosystem
health, human well-being, and sustainable development. According to FAO, fisheries
management is defined as is the integrated procedure of collecting data, analyzing,
designing, consulting, policymaking, allotting of resources, devising, and execution
along with proper enforcement where required protocols direct fishing activities to
guarantee the productive continuity of marine resources and the attainment of fisheries

25
targets (Cochrane, 2002). The overall goal is to maintain sustainable fish and marine
species populations while understanding how humans use and interact with these
species and their habitat.
The production of sustainable fisheries is a complicated situation that needs to
be resolved and approached from the global, regional, and local scales. The
sustainability of fisheries is dependent on both longstanding fish stock and the
ecosystem that sustains them. Komul et al. (2020) write that fisheries management
should be organized within the framework of the entire ecosystem conservation with
various goals. It is necessary for these targets to concentrate on social needs as well as
the versatile nature of marine ecosystems and drivers of change. Therefore, it is crucial
to obtain accurate data that show comprehensive, detailed, and relevant awareness of
the varying factors to provide quality decision-making.
In many SIDS, the jurisdiction of coastal fisheries rests with the government. As
with many other governments, SIDS fisheries management is based on Western systems
regulating open-access fisheries via directives on catch quota, gears, fishing zones, and
open seasons of species (Cycon, 1986). Although this kind of management is needed
when the fish life cycle occurs in diverse geographic areas or fish stock is widespread,
there is still a need for traditional community-based management. Traditional
management is particularly effective in zones regulated by local communities and are
where resource availability directly impacts them. Allowing communities the access and
right to divide and supervise their resources providing significant social and ecosystem
services benefit (Adam, 1996).
The inclusion of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) has contributed
largely to the efforts of resource management. It has become a major focus tool for
ecosystem-based and community-based management (Menzies, 2006). TEK plays a
valuable role in conservation, resource management, and sustainability. In literature,
there is no single definition of TEK. Some common terms similar to TEK include
indigenous knowledge, local knowledge, indigenous science (Nakashima, 2012).
Although there are different labels for this knowledge, they can be interchangeable
within context. According to Berkes (1993), TEK can be defined as “a cumulative body
of knowledge and beliefs, handed down through generations by cultural transmission,
about the relationship of living things with one another and with their environment.”
Menzies (2006) argues that even though TEK is traditional long-term practice, it is
important to understand that it adapts to change and can incorporate contemporary

26
technology over time. However, it is crucial to be able to separate TEK from
contemporary knowledge. This can be done by documenting elders’ knowledge, who
are often the direct holders of TEK and comparing it to the younger generations’
knowledge (Menzies, 2006). This research will use Berkes’s (1993) definition of the
knowledge, beliefs, and observations in nature that are handed down through the elder
generations.

2.3.1 Community-Based Management (CBM)

For SIDS, the priority stakeholders of natural resource management are the local
communities. Therefore, it is important to include these communities that rely on
natural resources in decision-making and the management of their resources (Kleiber et
al., 2019). This is the main principle of community-based management (CBM) and
other forms of co-management, where it is seen as one of the best approaches to create a
balance between resource users and the conservation of biodiversity (Smallhorn-West et
al., 2020). The focus is the well-being and livelihood of people that will also support the
conservation of biodiversity.
In the Pacific, many island communities have been involved in managing their
resources, especially fisheries, for many centuries, even before western influence came
(Johannes, 1978). The reef and lagoon were the most important food sources; so, these
communities understood the importance of managing their coastal resources.
Nowadays, governments (both national and state-level) and non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) are working with communities in managing their resources under
Community-Based Fisheries Management (CBFM) established by the Secretariat of the
Pacific Communities (SPC) (SPC, 2010). This gives an opportunity for the main
stakeholders to express their issues regarding fisheries, share their TEK of the fisheries,
and engage in resource management.
The goal in community-based management is to ensure that the role of local
knowledge is highlighted in the decision-making progress. The community approach in
fisheries management assumes that the village, families, or clusters of individuals can
be distinguished with an interlinked relationship. It assumes that fishing villages are
devoted to the well-being of those involved in fisheries rather than on tourism,
infrastructure, etc. The behavior of fishermen or women and their target marine species
are in line with both village location and established territory rights and access. It

27
guarantees that local fisher families themselves are participants and streamlines
inefficient, ineffective government bureaucracy (Allison and Ellis, 2001).

2.3.2 Ecosystem-Based Management (EBM)

In today’s jurisdictional demarcation and political boundaries, it is challenging to
address complicated matters regarding ecosystems. The economic expansion in coastal
zones often falls under the governance of several local governments, and the jurisdiction
of resources may fall on more than one state. Many separate agencies may supervise
pollution and resource monitoring. However, water, aqua organisms, marine vessels,
and humans freely flow between these invisible boundaries. Ecosystem-based
management may offer several advantages over the existing framework. By
coordinating in a particular geographic area, institutions can lessen replication and
therefore utilize resources to the fullest in a better sustainable way. By endorsing
identification and connection with an area, stakeholders, private sectors, governments,
and the public may build a sense of stewardship for these resources. If properly
executed, ecosystem-based management would amend current fragmented strategies,
although extensive successful implementation will take both effort and time (U.S.
Commission on Ocean Policy, 2004).
Compared to a CBM, ecosystem-based management (EBM) is an approach
where the focus is on protecting and conserving the ecosystem structure and functions
to provide for people’s livelihoods (SPC, 2010). It considers the impacts of fishing on
all fish stocks and the impacts of the environment (climate change impacts) on the
ecosystem and fish stocks (Hay, 2013). The focus should not just be on managing the
fishery but also look at the other threats to the ecosystem of the specific species.
Ecosystems are interconnected, so when there is a change in one area, it could disrupt
any part of the ecosystem. Thus, EBM requires integrated management and policies
from various sectors. The core elements in EBM focus on recognizing connections
within and around ecosystems, using an ecosystem services perspective, addressing
cumulative impacts, managing various objectives, and embracing change, learning, and
adapting (UNEP, 2011).

2.4 Policy for Coastal Marine Ecosystems and Fisheries

In terms of governance and policy for the coastal marine issues, they are more
complex compared to terrestrial issues. As defined by Zacharias (2014), policies are a

28
set of strategic decisions and plans intended to address social and environmental
problems that are often challenging and controversial. Internationally, several
agreements and guidelines aim to cope with major matters that humanity faces, such as
climate change and loss of biodiversity. In this regard, the Paris Agreement, Sustainable
Development Goals with UN 2030 Agenda, and even Aichi Biodiversity Targets from
the CBD set a framework to deliberate effective action by national governments. Thus,
after ratifying these agreements at the national level, it is imperative to transform them
into more actionable policies or reinforce existing ones (Hameiri and Jones, 2016).
However, even though countries sign to compromise to the goals established at the
international level, there are many issues that national and subnational governments
have to contend with, such as cultural barriers, lack of human and technical capacity,
lack of funding, awareness, and education, within others.
Regarding coastal and fisheries management, the United Nations Convention on
the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) 1982 sets the first basis on a legal framework for
protection and management of the sea, defining rights and responsibilities of the
countries in the world's ocean (Campbell et al., 2016). Under this structure, several
agreements have aligned to UNCLOS globally and regionally. For example, the Pacific
Islands Regional Ocean Policy represents a common framework for conservation,
sustainable development, and management of the habitats and resources in the region,
which in 2002, the Pacific Island leaders approved. This policy sets up guiding
principles for collective and individual action based on the UNCLOS, which include
improving the understanding of the ocean, sustainably developing and managing the use
of ocean resources; maintaining the health of the ocean; promoting the peaceful use of
the ocean; and creating partnerships and promoting cooperation. In 2017, the ocean
policy was renewed with a focus on SDG 14- Life Below Water. Another international
agreement operating under the UNCLOS regarding coastal management and
sustainability is the UN Fish Stocks Agreement (1995) that encourages the member
states to protect fish stocks in and out of the EEZ (von Schuckmann et al., 2020).
Collaboration between multiple sectors, governmental and non-governmental, is
required to improve coastal management, a reason why environmental agendas and
fisheries interests have to be aligned. There have been several regional initiatives
regarding coastal fisheries management, for example, the Vava'u Declaration in 2007,
Palau Declaration on ‘The Ocean: Life and Future’ - Charting a course to sustainability
in 2015, and Future of Fisheries Roadmap in 2015. However, these have mainly

29
resulted and compiled into two major policy guidelines: the Food and Agriculture
Organization (FAO)'s Voluntary Guidelines for Securing Sustainable Small-Scale
Fisheries (2015) and A New Song for Coastal Fisheries – Pathways to Change: The
Noumea Strategy (2015). At the supranational level, these two policy guidelines have
been developed, one globally and other specifically in the Pacific Island Region, that
attempts to help the operationalization of the wide aim of sustainable and equitable
small-scale fisheries. Both make recommendations to national and state governments to
implement strategies and policies aligned with key domestic factors and look for
various stakeholders for participation, such as governmental, inter-governmental, and
non-governmental actors (Song et al., 2017).
The amount of scholarships researching multilateral environmental policies has
increased in the last years. However, there is a recognized gap that is yet to be widely
developed, acknowledging the domestic policy landscape that affects the effective
implementation and achievements of the international aims (Lenschow et al., 2005). For
instance, various authors have explained the importance of coherency (Scobie, 2016),
actors’ role, and their understanding of policy design and implementation (Zittoun,
2009). Song et al. (2019) evaluate policies regarding coastal management in Kiribati,
Solomon Islands, and Vanuatu. Overall, they state that gender is an emerging theme
among the national fisheries. However, there is a significant lack of understanding and
inclusion of gender approach in policies in the Pacific Islands, with little engagement
from the national and local governments.
Regarding particular policies for sustainable marine invertebrate management,
Lee et al. (2020) state that implementing policies for marine invertebrates, especially in
the Pacific, is recommended that governments and national fisheries agencies consider
strong enforcement of minimum size limits and control of exporters. Some examples
have been found in the Solomon Islands, where there is a Sea Cucumber Fishery
Management and Development Plan 2014. Furthermore, several other Pacific countries
have attempted to design management plans for this group of marine invertebrates, such
as Fiji, Papua, New Guinea, Marshall Islands, Samoa, Tonga, and Vanuatu. Lee et al.
(2020) state that successful strategies are included in sea cucumber fishery management
plans. Many of these include inclusive committees, limiting access, encouraging local
participation, size limits, list of permissible species, restricting harvest methods,
exportation restrictions, restriction on the number of export licenses, standardized
labeling and packaging, and annual reports and evaluation of the resource. Nevertheless,

30
these management plans have several limitations, such as the unclear structure of
management and committees, undefined time frames, use of quotas, lack of definitions
for terms used in the management plan, and promotion of unproven and over-complex
approaches (Lee et al., 2020).
In Palau, the state of the marine invertebrates has resulted in regulations to ban
commercial exports through the Palau Marine Protection Act of 1994. However, local
consumption and the domestic market are continuing to affect the resources. This Act
empowers the Minister of Fisheries to declare any regulation needed to minimize the
overharvesting of sea cucumbers. A draft of a national sea cucumber national plan was
proposed in 2008 but was not approved because of the lack of effective controls in
fisheries (Pakoa et al., 2014b). In Palau, commercial sea cucumber fisheries are under
national and state control. Furthermore, it has legislated the ban for commercial
exportation of six sea cucumber species: prickly redfish, surf redfish, white teatfish,
sandfish, hairy blackfish, and black teatfish. Although special licenses to cultivate and
export certain species, such as brown curryfish, opens a window for an illegal harvest of
other banned species. On the other hand, coastal ecosystem management in Palau is
still linked to traditional management practices where every state comes under the
authority of traditional chiefs, responsible for local management systems, recognized
under Palau’s Constitution (Ridep-Morris, 2004).
In summary, humans are very dependent on ecosystem services provided by
coastal marine ecosystems. Fisheries are one of the most important provisioning
services for humans; however, it is one of the major drivers to coastal marine
degradation. People living on the coast and in SIDS rely heavily on the marine
environment and are very vulnerable to environmental change. Understanding how
humans interact with these coastal marine environments and biodiversity is crucial for
effective management and policy development to conserve and protect these vital
habitats.

Chapter 3: Methodology
In this chapter, the methodology of the study is explained. First, it describes the
study site. It then goes onto the ethical considerations that were the guidelines of the
research. Lastly, it explains the research design and the methodological framework that
was used for this study.

31
3.1 Description of the Study site
This study was conducted in the Republic of Palau, located in the North Pacific
Ocean (Figure 1), in the Micronesian Region. The Micronesia region (Figure 2) consists
of small island countries and U.S. territories: Palau, Federated States of Micronesia
(FSM), the Marshall Islands, Nauru, Kiribati, Guam, and the Northern Mariana Islands.
The Republic of Palau is located in the northwestern region of Micronesia. Palau is an
archipelago that consists of more than 500 small islands with only nine inhabited
(BMR, 2019). The main island chain of Palau (Figure 3) consists of one large volcanic
island, Babeldaob, and a group of small limestone islands centered at about 7°N and
134°E, which all stand on a single shallow platform (Colin, 2009). With a little over
18,100, the majority live in Koror State, the country’s urban area (UN World Population
Prospects, 2019). Ten out of the 16 states can be found on the largest island called
Babeldaob, a rural area. Koror and Babeldaob are accessible by roads and connected by
a bridge. The other island states around Koror and Babeldaob, which are only accessible
by boat or small aircraft, include Kayangel atoll (north of Babeldaob) and Peleliu and
Angaur State (south of Koror). The last two states that are the most isolated islands
(about 300-500 km southwest of the main chain of islands) consist of Hatohobei and
Sonsorol, most commonly known as the Southwest Islands of Palau (Colin, 2009).

32
Figure 1. World map showing the location of Palau with a red point. Adapted from
Google Maps (n.d.)

Figure 2. Map showing Palau’s location in the Micronesian region. Adapted from
Mapsland (n.d.) (www.mapsland.com/oceania/micronesia)

33
Figure 3. Map of Palau showing the main chain of islands (consisting of 14 states out of
the 16 states of Palau). Adapted from Palaugov.pw (n.d.) (www.palaugov.pw)

3.2 Ethical Considerations

Ethical considerations are crucial in qualitative research, which has guided the
research of this study. Conducting this type of research, there are important guidelines
to consider before, during, and after the study. For this reason, this research uses the
following three ethical principles:
1. Free, prior, and informed consent
2. Confidentiality and anonymity
3. Avoiding biases

34
 Free, Prior, and Informed Consent
In any research that involves human behavioral analysis, it is most important to
provide free, prior, and informed consent for the study. According to FAO (2016a), free
consent refers to giving voluntary consent without coercion, intimidation, or
manipulation. Prior refers to the consent being given to the participant in advance or
before any commencement in the research. Informed consent refers to the information
that should be provided to the participant before seeking consent (FAO, 2016a). The
intent of informed consent is for participants to enter the research voluntarily and freely
with full information about what the participants will contribute to the study and that the
participants give consent before they contribute in any way to the research.
Following the oral culture, interview sessions started with much respect and
thanking the participant before and after the interview. The oral culture of passing down
knowledge is important to the Palauan culture, and therefore verbal consent was used
with the utmost respect for allowing interviews. Furthermore, the oral transmission of
knowledge is what makes participants eager to be interviewed. Because of this, verbal
consent was used with the utmost respect of allowing the interview.
The researcher was able to engage in workshop discussions and community
events relating to the thesis topic that went through Ebiil Society and partners (Stanford
University, The Nature Conservancy (TNC) Palau, Palau Conservation Society (PCS)).
First, a representative from the Ebiil Society gave a brief introduction to the researcher.
Then the researcher shared more detail about the study and reassured that all the
information collected will only be used for academic purposes.
Confidentiality and Anonymity
Confidentiality and anonymity are two terms that have distinct definitions but
are linked concepts in research. Wiles (2013) describes confidentiality as information or
data collected from participants during the research process that will not be released,
and the identity of the participants will be protected. Anonymity is where an individual’s
identity is anonymous or kept secret (Wiles, 2013). Anonymity is one of the ways to
keep the information confidential. During interviews and group discussions, the
researcher gave verbal explanations that the information collected would be confidential
and that their names will be kept anonymous. Instead, when sharing information from
individuals, the individuals will be referred to based on the group represented:
government officials, non-government officials, researchers, and fishers. This study

35
acknowledges the importance of the perspectives of each participant while continuing to
practice confidentiality and anonymity.
Avoiding Biases
Biases can occur in any type of research and can occur at any point in the
research process. In qualitative research, bias is reduced or avoided when the selection
of participants is random, or all stakeholders are considered (Smith and Noble, 2014).
Various stakeholders such as governmental officials, non-governmental officials,
researchers, and fishers were involved in the data collection process, so different
perspectives were included.
The information used in this study was primary data collected by the researcher
out in the field from the different stakeholders. Another way to minimize bias was to
allow participants to speak in either English or Palauan (Palau native language),
whichever they were more comfortable speaking, so that information was interpreted
correctly. For secondary data, sources came from governmental reports, peer-reviewed
articles, grey literature, etc. This study explored various secondary sources and was
appropriately cited and referenced.
It was also the researcher’s responsibility to be honest and share the findings
with the community and those who took part in the research process. Since the
information was collected in English and Palauan, information was analyzed and
translated into English the best way possible. The information that was difficult to
obtain or was not included during this study is acknowledged as “limitations of the
study” and is used to suggest future recommendations in Chapter 5.

3.3 Research Design

This qualitative study follows the case-study design in which the researcher
explored a current issue through in-depth data collection from interviews, observations,
documents, reports, and others. Yin (2003) explains how the research design is a logical
plan that answers “how” and why” questions and coming up with conclusions.
According to Creswell (2012), a good qualitative case study has the researcher
collecting various forms of qualitative data to explore different perspectives, points of
view, behaviors, and decision-making of different stakeholders. This ensures that the
issue is looked through an array of lenses which allow multiple aspects to be obtained
and understood (Baxter and Jack, 2008).

36
 The study was conducted on a remote island in the North Pacific Ocean, where
traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) is still practiced today. To ensure a more in-
depth data collection, examining the environmental issue was done from the global,
regional, and local scales. The research design explores the perspectives of multiple
stakeholders. It explores how TEK can be used in the sustainable use of natural
resources and the conservation of coastal marine ecosystems.

3.4 Methodological Framework

The methodological framework was carried out according to a qualitative
research methodology conducted in three stages:
1. Scoping
2. Data Collection
3. Data Analysis
Figure 4 represents the flow chart of the research methodology framework following the
three stages used in this study.
Figure 4. Qualitative Research Methodology
Qualitative Research Methodology
On-site Research Off-site Research
Scoping the field Scoping available literature on Google Scholar

Snowballing sampling and contacting Consultation with Academic Advisor to

relevant individuals develop research questions and proposal

Collecting literature from multiple information

Prepare necessary equipment (field sources (peer-reviewed articles,
notebook, pencil, recorder) government/non-government reports, grey
literature, etc.)

Conduct interviews following all ethical

Creating a database
protocols;

37
Attend workshop and community meetings
through Ebiil Society

Organize data (field notes, transcripts,

Organize information by theme
images, etc.) by theme

3.4.1 Data Collection

As mentioned previously, the case study research site is the Republic of Palau,
where the primary contact of the site for scoping was conducted in February 2020. In
the first visit to the study site, free, prior, and informed consent was obtained. The
researcher spent three and a half weeks scoping the field, reading, and working with the
Ebiil Society with related projects to this thesis topic. Unfortunately, due to the
coronavirus pandemic, returning to the field for a second time to collect data took
longer than anticipated.
Following the principles of ethical considerations, participants were informed of
the purpose of the study. During scoping, the researcher participated and contributed to
an ongoing project of Women’s Fisheries in Palau coordinated by the Ebiil Society in
partnership with researchers and scientists from Stanford University, Oregon State
University, and the Bureau of Marine Resources (BMR). Ebiil Society is an NGO that
was established in 2005, and its main mission is to preserve and conserve the natural
and cultural resources of Palau that will provide sustainable livelihoods for the Palauan
people. In addition, it is a learning institution that provides conservation and
environmental education and awareness through TEK to many participants.
Contributing to the project on Women’s Fisheries while scoping for this study, the
researcher provided participants information on the purpose of this study and an
introduction of what was needed in future formal and informal interviews. Interviews
included one-on-one interviews, 2-3 people interviews, workshop interviews, and
discussion groups.
The initial data collection was from September 2020 to March 2021. The data
collected for this research is categorized into two—on-site research and off-site
research. On-site data is obtained from primary sources that the researcher collected
from interviews, informal conversations, direct observations, formal and informal

38
meetings, including community events and a workshop. The important stakeholders
involved in this research are government officials, non-government officials,
researchers, fishers, and some youth. The total number of participants was about 50 in
total. This total can be categorized as 16 individual interviews (6 elder female fishers
from Babeldaob, 5 government officials, 3 non-government officials, and 2
researchers), a workshop of 20 individuals (consisted of women and men fishers, state-
governmental officials, researchers, and youth), and community events of about 13
individuals (consisting of fishers, state-governmental officials, researchers, and some
youth). The workshop and community events were supported by the Ebiil Society.
To further describe the data collected, the fishers involved were mostly women
(some men included) and ranging from 60-75 years of age (with some other younger
fishers). Youth involved were aged from 10 to 25 years of age. Government agencies
involved included the Palau National Congress, Protected Area Network (PAN) Office
and State, and BMR under the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, and the Environment.
Also involved was a semi-autonomous organization called Palau International Coral
Reef Center (PICRC). Finally, the non-governmental organizations involved are the
Ebiil Society, Palau Conservation Society (PCS), and The Nature Conservancy (TNC)
Palau.

3.4.2 Data Analysis Methods

The data collected throughout the study was analyzed through holistic analysis
capturing the attitudes and perceptions on a larger scale (Creswell, 2012). The
collection of this data developed the themes that support the objectives of the research,
which are (1) To understand the ecological impacts of the multiple threats to the coastal
marine ecosystems, (2) To explore better management practices for marine invertebrate
fisheries, and (3) To understand the importance of women’s TEK to support fishery
practices and policies.
In Palau, marine resource management can improve in areas of neglect—the
overharvesting of marine invertebrates. TEK and practices of marine invertebrate
fisheries are important for protecting the overall coastal marine ecosystem and
sustainable use of natural resources. Therefore, environmental issues must be addressed
and analyzed to support decision-making and policy development. The framework for
policy analysis developed by Greenberg (2007) looks at six policy criteria important in

39
assessing marine invertebrate fisheries management, exploring the advantages and
vulnerabilities of each criterion. The six criteria are as follows:
1. The reaction of elected officials and staff
2. The reaction of non-government stakeholder groups
3. Human and ecological health
4. Economic costs and benefits
5. Moral imperatives
6. Time and flexibility

In summary, this chapter explains the methodological approaches chosen to

meet the research aims and objectives. By following ethical considerations of
qualitative research, the researcher was able to collect perspectives of different
stakeholders to have a better understanding of the issue. The different data collection
supports this research by achieving its three objectives.

Chapter 4: Results and Discussion: A Case Study in Palau

This chapter includes the results and discussions from the case study where
field-based research and primary data were collected. The first section is the overview
of the research site. The next section discusses the coastal fisheries management,
conservation, and policies in Palau. Following that is the section on the roles of women
in fisheries in Palau. Lastly, the limitations and potentials for marine invertebrate
policies are assessed.

4.1 Overview of Palau

The Republic of Palau, or Belau, consists of a small landmass of 459 km² and a
large exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of about 630,000 km² (Monaco et al., 2012).
Babeldaob island is the largest island with more than 80% of the total landmass (PCS,
2016). It has a tropical climate with average temperatures of 27°C, relative humidity of
82%, and an average rainfall of 381 cm per year (Colin, 2009). With over 7,000
terrestrial and 10,000 marine species known to exist in Palau, it has some of the most
diverse terrestrial biodiversity in the Micronesian region and most diverse marine
environments globally (PCS, 2016). In addition, Palau is located in the Coral Triangle,

40
which is the region with the highest marine diversity of any shallow water area in the
oceans (Colin, 2009).
The original settlement in Palau was approximately 3,000 years ago by migrants
of Southeast Asia (Clark et al., 2006). Foreign colonization in Palau started in 1885
with Spanish missionaries that settled and converted many Palauans to Christianity
(Ueki and Clayton, 1999). Then, in 1899, Spain sold Palau to Germany, where their
interests included having laborers mine for phosphate and cultivating coconut palms for
copra (Ueki and Clayton, 1999). After Germany’s defeat in World War I, they sold
Palau to Japan in 1919 (Thomas et al., 2018). The Japanese colonial government had
much influence on the Palauan culture from 1914-1944 (Thomas et al., 2018). During
this Japanese era, traditional practices were discouraged, and much education was in the
Japanese language and development (Ueki and Clayton, 1999). Then after Japan’s
defeat in World War II in 1945, the United States gained administration of Palau, where
it became part of the United National Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands (Thomas et
al., 2018). Finally, in 1994, Palau gained its independence with a Compact of Free
Association with the United States (Gruby and Basurto, 2013).
Palau established a constitutional democratic government once it gained
independence in 1994 (SPREP and EDO NSW, 2018). The national government is run
by an elected president and consists of three branches: executive, legislative, and
judiciary. In addition, the Council of Chiefs, consisting of each state’s highest
traditional chiefs, is the advisory group to the president on traditional laws and customs.
This council gives traditional chiefs advisory authority at the national level and is very
important for preserving traditional customs while having a democratic government.
Palau consists of 16 states, each with its own local government and
constitutional conventions. The 16 states include Koror, Melekeok (state capital), Airai,
Aimeliik, Ngatpang, Ngeremlengui, Ngardmau, Ngaraard, Ngarchelong, Ngiwal,
Ngchesar, Peleliu, Angaur, Kayangel, Sonsorol, and Hatohobei. States have jurisdiction
and exclusive ownership of all living and non-living resources from the land to 12
nautical miles seaward (SPREP and EDO NSW, 2018). Thus, coastal marine
ecosystems and biodiversity are managed by individual states. As island people, most of
the population still depend on the land and sea for subsistence practices. The majority of
the population lives and works in the urban center, Koror. Just north of Koror is Airai
state (part of Babeldaob island) that is becoming an urban counterpart due to the
overpopulation in Koror. The rest of Babeldaob and the outer islands are the rural areas.

41
The official languages spoken in Palau are Palauan and English. Its economy is based
on tourism, fishing (including subsistence and commercial), and agriculture and heavily
relies on external financial assistance from the United States, Japan, and Taiwan.
Palauan society has a matrilineal system (Osman, 2003).

4.2 Coastal Fisheries Management, Conservation, and Policy in Palau

4.2.1 Coastal Marine Ecosystems and Marine Resources
The coastal marine ecosystems are essential to the livelihood of people living on
small islands. Palau’s different coastal marine habitats include mangroves, mud basins,
seagrass beds, lagoon sediment bottoms, deep algal beds, and coral reefs (fringing reefs,
barrier reefs, and atolls) (Marino et al., 2008). The total coastline stretches for over
1,519 km (BMR, 2019). Mainly, the coastal habitats in Palau are represented by
lagoons (over 1,034 km2), outer reefs (265 km2), and inner reefs (187 km2), and
mangroves (45 km2) (Friedman et al. 2009). Thus, marine environments in Palau are
very diverse and have been important with fishing use, management, and conservation
(Johannes, 1981).
Among the many uses of coastal marine areas, fishing is a significant activity
within these different coastal marine areas that many local people rely on for
subsistence and a source of income. Seafood is the primary source of protein for most
local people, where the average annual fish consumption in Palau is 34.4 kg per capita
and can go as high as 86 kg per capita in remote areas (BMR, 2019). In particular,
marine invertebrates are a delicacy and a unique source of seafood that the Palauan
people still harvest today. Thus, the lifestyle of the Palauan people revolves around the
ocean. People who live on Babeldaob and the outer islands of Kayangel, Peleliu,
Angaur, and the Southwest Islands still practice subsistence fishing and farming daily
compared to the working population in Koror.
Reef gleaning, the harvesting of marine invertebrates, has been a cultural
practice in the main chain of Palau islands, especially women, for many generations. In
the Palauan language, cheled is the general term for marine invertebrates. They include
various sea cucumbers, mangrove clams, sea snails, worms, slugs, giant clams, sea
urchins, etc. These occur within the shallow waters of mangroves, mud basins, seagrass
beds, and lagoon sediment bottoms.
Based on interviews and observations, a wide variety of marine invertebrates are
harvested for food, but some are becoming rarer over time (Table 1). For fishers, sea

42
 cucumbers are most common to collect because there is an edible variety that is easy to
collect. There are about 28 known species of sea cucumber found in Palau, with more
than nine species edible to the Palauan people (Pakoa et al., 2009). Twenty-six out of
the 28 were previously harvested for commercial export (bêche-de-mer trade) in the
past (Pakoa et al., 2014b).

Table 1. List of common marine invertebrates harvested and consumed in Palau based
on interviews and observations.
Common Name Scientific Name Palauan Name

Sandfish Holothuria scabra Molech

Hairy greyfish Actinopyga sp. Cheremrum

Brown curryfish Stichopus vastus Ngimes

Impatient sea cucumber Holothuria impatiens Sekesakel

Prickly redfish Thelenota ananas Temtamel

Sea Cucumber
Dragonfish Stichopus horrens Irimd

Chalkfish Bohadschia marmoratus Mermarch

Brown sandfish Bohadschia vitiensis Mermarch

Black teatfish Holothuria whitmaei Bakelungal

Crocus giant clam Tridacna crocea Oruer

True giant clam Tridacna gigas Oktang

Smooth giant clam Tridacna derasa Kism

Giant Clam Fluted giant clam Tridacna squamosa Ribkungal

Elongate giant clam Tridacna maxima Melibes

Bear paw giant clam Hippopus hippopus Duadeb

China giant clam Hippopus porcellanus Duadou

Mangrove clam (a) Anodonita edulenta Ngduul

Mangrove Clams
Mangrove clam (b) Nucula rugosa Delbekai

43
 Coral worm snail Ceraesignum maximum Eoul

Snail/Slugs/other Tiger conch snail Strombus luhuanus Smachel

Mangrove crab Scylla serrata Chemang

From observations, the most commonly consumed sea cucumbers are sandfish
(Holothuria scabra), hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.), and brown curryfish (Stichopus
vastus), which have also been identified by Pakoa et al. (2009) (Figure 5). Depending
on the type of sea cucumber, consumption varies. Sandfish is considered the most
valuable species because both the body and intestines are consumed. For hairy greyfish,
the body meat is the only edible part of the species. For brown curryfish and other close
relatives of the species, only the intestines are consumed.

Figure 5. Most consumed sea cucumbers in Palau: hairy greyfish color (Actinopyga sp.)
(top photos); sandfish (Holothuria scabra) (bottom, left); brown curryfish (Stichopus
vastus) (bottom, right). Adapted from Pakoa et al. (2014b)

According to elder women fishers in the interviews, the local market started
around the late 1970s to 1980s. Many women from Babeldaob (northern rural areas) sell
their harvest in Koror (the main urban center of the working population). The local
market supplies various local foods from cooked fish, raw marine invertebrates,

44
bananas, mangos, local vegetables, and local juices. This facilitated a local
commercialization area where the working population in Koror could buy local foods
instead of harvesting themselves.
Over the years, there has been an increase in the number of stores, local markets,
and restaurants that sell various marine invertebrates. Upon observation, common
marine invertebrates that are sold in many stores (Figure 6 and Figure 7) in Koror and
Airai are hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.), brown curryfish (Stichopus vastus),
dragonfish (Stichopus horrens), mangrove clam (a) (Anodonita edulenta), crocus giant
clam (Tridacna crocea), giant clams (Tridacna spp.), and mangrove crab (Scylla
serrata). The local markets, found around Babeldaob (usually one per state), can have a
larger variety of marine invertebrates and other local foods. The local markets are run
by community members and are generally only once a week (differs between states).
Based on visiting stores and local markets carried out during fieldwork around Koror
and Babeldaob, there are always supplies of marine invertebrates every week or
biweekly. Local commercialization has also been acknowledged by Pakoa et al. (2009),
who mentions that it takes about 20 animals to make a pack of pickled sea cucumber,
sold approximately at USD 5.00 a pack. The meat of sandfish (Holothuria scabra) and
hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.) is sold at USD 1.50 a pack of half a kilogram (Pakoa et
al., 2009).

Figure 6. Picture of hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.) chopped up two different ways, sold
at Tebadel Store in Airai (Photo by: Elchung G. Hideyos)

45
 Figure 7. Columns from left to right: hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.), dragonfish
(Stichopus horrens), dragonfish (Stichopus horrens) marinated in kimchi base, brown
curryfish (Stichopus vastus), and crocus giant clam (Tridacna crocea) sold at Yano’s
Market right in the center of Koror (Photo by: Elchung G. Hideyos)

Although traditionally done only by women, it has been observed that many
men also partake in reef gleaning today. It is considered a low-tech activity that is very
accessible to individuals and a fast way to make money. The increase in local demand
throughout the years has created a small-scale domestic market for marine invertebrates
that could be devastating if not managed well (Pakoa et al., 2009). Women fishers
interviewed revealed that local demand for marine invertebrates is increasing and has
attracted many people to harvest, as is acknowledged in the following extract from an
interview:
Money is driving more people to harvest more anytime. Nowadays, you
can find raw sea cucumbers in the stores with supplies every week.
Before, you didn’t see lots of sea cucumbers in the stores because those
who harvested only collected during bor (the morning low tide).
- 53 year old female government official (Koror, Palau, March 2021)

4.2.1.1 Threats to Marine Invertebrates

Many anthropological threats for marine resources within the coastal and
nearshore ecosystems come from both land and sea. Marine invertebrates are diverse

46
and play critical roles in marine ecosystems; however, their populations and ecosystems
have been overexploited (Eddy et al., 2017). Throughout Palau, nearshore fishers of
both finfish and marine invertebrates express similar concerns of declining marine
species populations. The decline in marine invertebrates was discussed during a
workshop conducted by the Ebiil Society and supported by the field interviews. The
identified top reasons included overharvesting, more fishers, sedimentation (pollution
from land-based activities), and increased water temperatures (climate change).
The major reason for the decline in marine invertebrates is overharvesting.
Women fishers interviewed described how the commercial harvest in the past for sea
cucumbers and other invertebrates exported to Asian markets (mainly China) was the
primary cause of major population declines. As it is shown in the next extract from the
interview:
The Asian export was the main reason sea cucumbers declined a lot. It
was a time where women, men, and children were overharvesting during
the day and even at night. I participated in harvesting, but I will not
support the export again because the numbers greatly declined.
- 60 year old woman from Ngardmau (Babeldaob, Palau, December
2020)

During the 2011 open season for sea cucumber export, 2,526.5 bags of bêche-
de-mer (dried sea cucumber) that was about 72.5 tons were exported (Pakoa et al.,
2014b). According to Pakoa et al. (2014b), there was also an unauthorized period of
harvesting sea cucumbers (27.3 tons of bêche-de-mer) from 2009 to 2011 before the
open season, which was classified as aquacultured sea cucumbers. However, there was
no evidence suggesting that they were cultured. This period of exporting sea cucumber
(bêche-de-mer) impacted the fisheries greatly.
A survey done by PICRC showed an 88% decline in hairy greyfish (Actinopyga
sp.) densities between 2009 and 2012 in only one state, Ngardmau (Golbuu et al.,
2012). Two sites in the Ngardmau state were surveyed: Ngermasech MPA and an area
right outside this MPA, where it is open to fishing. Both areas were fished, as well as
other states in Babeldaob, during this six-month open period. The PICRC 2012
technical report results show that the six-month open fishing period led to a significant
decrease in sea cucumber populations (see Figure 8). Subsequently, in 2012, a national

47
ban was established on commercial fishing and the exportation of sea cucumbers (Rehm
et al., 2014; Pakoa et al., 2014b).

Figure 8. Hairy greyfish (Actinopyga sp.) densities in Ngardmau State. Adapted from
PICRC Technical Report 12-01 (2012)

Because there is still a domestic market today, marine invertebrates continue to

be harvested at a concerning rate. Driven by an opportunity to make money, an
increasing number of fishers (both men and women) are harvesting more to sell. Some
are using unsustainable practices and illegally harvesting (based on interviews and
observation). For example, sea cucumbers like brown curryfish (Stichopus vastus)
should be harvested and processed in their natural environment of seagrass beds. Only
the intestines of brown curryfish are collected, and the body should be thrown back into
its environment to regenerate. The unsustainable practice that has been seen is that
fishers would take large amounts of brown curryfish and bring them to the shore to
clean and process. Then after collecting the intestines, they would just throw the body
parts in the shallow waters, which is not where they live. Based on observations, the
body parts then end up being washed up on the shores and perishes. Another
unsustainable practice is that fishers do not use a minimum size limit when harvesting
due to no regulations. Overharvesting of all sizes of any species does not give them
enough time to mature and can disrupt their reproduction cycles (Pakoa et al., 2014b).
Overharvesting and unsustainable practices put pressure on marine invertebrate
populations. For example, sea cucumber reproduction depends on broadcast spawning,

48
which means they need an adequate number of individuals in an area to reproduce
(Golbuu et al., 2012). Furthermore, gaps in information with no regulations to manage
or control the subsistence use of marine invertebrates (including domestic selling)
leaves a big opportunity for overexploitation, unsustainable practices, and potential
illegal harvesting. Therefore, more research is needed according to the interviewees:
I think marine invertebrates are important to Palauan culture as a staple
food. I think it’s important to do more studies to understand the life cycles
of invertebrates to make sure we harvest the mature ones.
- 32 year old female researcher (Koror, Palau, February 2021)

Another major threat to the marine invertebrate fisheries and the coral reefs is
sedimentation. The largest island of Babeldaob comprises of highly erodible volcanic
red soil with steep topography that makes it very susceptible to soil erosion (Koshiba et
al., 2013). The rate of development and land clearing on Babeldaob (for agriculture,
new housing, and other projects) has been rapidly increasing, which has caused adverse
impacts to the watersheds and surrounding marine ecosystems in terms of sedimentation
and runoff (Golbuu et al., 2011). Based on interviews and observations, the increase in
development and land clearing on Babeldaob is mainly due to Koror becoming too
overpopulated and crowded. The Environmental Quality Protection Board (EQPB)
requires a permit for any earth-moving project; however, there is no monitoring to
ensure no negative impacts on the surrounding environment (identified in interviews
with governmental and NGO stakeholders). The lack of monitoring in land-use change
around Babeldaob has put many watersheds and coastal environments at risk. Studies
have shown that large amounts of sedimentation, excess nutrients, and turbidity can
degrade habitats within coral reefs (Fabricius, 2005). Because the health of nearshore
coastal ecosystems and richness in marine biodiversity is linked to land-use practices, it
is important to consider marine impacts and land-based impacts (Quiros et al., 2017).
Many women fishers that live on Babeldaob expressed their concerns about
sedimentation entering the coastal waters and affecting marine invertebrates. The
construction of roads in villages and the Compact Road of Babeldaob was one specific
indicator of soil erosion mentioned in interviews. The Compact Road is a 53-mile-long
paved road that connects the ten states of Babeldaob and provides access to Koror,
which the U.S. Army constructed from 2001 to 2007 (U.S. Army Corps of Engineers,
1998). This very large project altered much of the untouched terrestrial environment

49
around Babeldaob. Before the Compact Road was built, villages in the states of
Babeldaob had existing dirt, gravel, or crushed coral roads, many of which still exist
today. These unpaved roads that are still seen today negatively impact the watersheds
and surrounding marine environments of Babeldaob (Golbuu et al., 2011). In addition,
there are existing paved secondary roads that connect the villages to the Compact Road.
The construction of these roads created better access from Babeldaob to Koror;
however, it was one of the largest land-use changes that resulted in soil erosion issues.
One elder woman described how excessive amounts of sedimentation had impacted her
where she was no longer able to harvest sea cucumbers, as the following extract from
the interview shows:
The development of the roads is one cause of the decline in marine
invertebrates. The roads in my village are still loose dirt roads that
haven’t been paved. I have seen much of the seagrass beds become
covered in sedimentation where the sea cucumbers and the seagrass
plants are dying.
- 67 year old woman fisher from Ngchesar (Babeldaob, Palau, October
2020)

Climate change was also addressed in the workshop and the interviews, and that
the increased water temperatures are impacting marine invertebrates. The impacts of
climate change affect all life and can reduce harvests from small-scale coastal fisheries
that include finfish and invertebrates (Barange et al., 2018). Researchers and NGO
stakeholders addressed their concerns about how climate change impacts nearshore
fisheries and, more specifically, marine invertebrates. In northern Babeldaob, one
woman fisher described that if temperatures were so high during the lowest tide, she
observed sea cucumbers to look like they were melting and dying. This is also
supported by the 2020 national survey, where it states that 25% of fishers who harvest
marine invertebrates describe the unusual occurrence of sea cucumbers melting (Ebiil
Society et al., 2020). These observations in nature could help with addressing the threats
to marine invertebrate fisheries and their ecosystems. It is critical to understand the
different factors influencing change and policy development for marine invertebrates.

4.2.2 Resource Management and Policies related to Coastal Fisheries

50
 Resource management in Palau results from a traditional system merging with
western conservation strategies that focus on protected zones where anthropogenic
activities such as fishing are restricted to conserve biodiversity. Palau’s political system
is rather complex, and many factors influence coastal ecosystems and fisheries
management.
The traditional conservation method, bul, a moratorium, was first used by pre-
colonial society (pre-1885) to manage marine resources surrounding coral reefs and
lagoons (Graham and Idechong, 1998). For example, a bul was declared by traditional
chiefs when a particular resource was overexploited, or an important spawning site for
fish was identified (Lambeth, 1999). Once Palau’s formal government was established,
buls evolved to the modern-day management of MPAs (Friedlander et al., 2017).
By the mid-1990s and early 2000s, almost every state had established fishing
control through buls and legislated MPAs with the support of TNC and PCS (Gruby and
Basurto, 2013). By 2003, 13 states out of the 16 had already established 26 conservation
areas (Gruby and Basurto, 2013). In 2007, there were 31 MPAs that covered more than
40% of Palau’s nearshore marine area (Marino et al., 2008). In 2017, 35 MPAs were
established throughout Palau of nearshore mangroves and seagrass to offshore coral
reefs where more than 45% of the country’s nearshore waters were under some form of
protection (Friedlander et al., 2017). In 2019, a total of 47 MPAs in the nearshore
marine area were formally recognized (Figure 9) (NEPC, 2019).
On January 1st, 2020, Palau implemented the Palau National Marine Sanctuary
(PNMS) that protects 80% of Palau’s EEZ as a no-take MPA, and the other 20% is a
domestic fishing zone (Figure 10). The PNMS is one of the largest no-take MPAs in the
world, covering 475,077 km², which is 38 km² for every Palauan citizen (PICRC and
COS, 2019). This conservation strategy is recognized by local stakeholders as very
important for the sustainable use of marine biodiversity, as the following extract from
the interview shows:
The Palau National Marine Sanctuary (PNMS) strategy is to help relieve
stress on nearshore fisheries. The export ban of nearshore fish helps
relieve stress on nearshore fisheries. MPAs in coastal areas help with
creating a spillover effect into open-fishing areas. With more reef fish,
there is more sand for the sea cucumbers and other bottom cleaners. That
will hopefully support women’s fisheries.
- 49 year old female NGO official (Koror, Palau, February 2021)

51
Figure 9. Map showing Palau’s Protected Areas on land and in nearshore marine areas
2018. Adapted from Palau Automated Land and Resource Information System
(PALARIS)

52
 Figure 10. Palau National Marine Sanctuary (PNMS) map. Adapted from Palau
Automated Land and Resource Information System (PALARIS) (www.picrc.org)

Palau is committed to different regional and international agreements such as the

Micronesia Challenge (MC), which started in 2006, to effectively conserve 30% of the
near-shore marine resources and 20% of the terrestrial resources by 2020. Accordingly,
the Protected Areas Network (PAN) Act was initiated in 2003 and created a framework

53
that empowers and supports state governments to designate and manage marine and
terrestrial protected areas (Friedlander et al., 2017). The PAN system is implemented
through the national government, providing support, consistency, and expertise for
protected areas in state territorial waters (Bique et al., 2018).
From the 47 (nearshore) MPAs (Figure 9), 25 of those are in PAN sites (NEPC,
2019). These protected areas consist of both restricted no-take zones and community-
managed zones. The effectiveness of MPAs depends on a variety of matters like size,
age, type of habitat, and how it is managed (Gouezo et al., 2018). For example, No-take
MPAs in Palau have been seen to be effective in increasing fish biomass, compared to
non-MPAs, and having the potential to create a spillover effect for local fishers
(Friedlander et al., 2017). However, national evaluations mention that most
communities do not agree that MPAs provide livelihood, economic, cultural, or spiritual
benefits (NEPC, 2019). In addition, there are limitations and challenges for effective
management of these protected areas, as is recognized by the following extract from the
interview:
For PAN sites, most of the MPAs are coastal and usually adjacent to the
large rivers that have rich nutrients from the watershed, making them
very susceptible to soil erosion from land. On land, there are no
monitoring of earth moving projects unless someone reports the runoff
and sedimentation that get into the coastal habitats, which doesn’t
happen much. Some poaching inside the protected areas, but not a lot.
- 53 year old female government official (Koror, Palau, March 2021)

Although the western approach (MPA) is recognized as the primary governance

system, traditional bul is still a governance system respected by the local stakeholders
for the protection of marine areas. Direct funding goes through the modern government
making them the initial managers of protected areas with resources to implement
conservation and protection strategies. However, there is a rich hybridization of western
management and traditional bul that provides a deeper understanding of marine
biodiversity (Pilbeam et al., 2019). As it is shown in the following extract:
Coastal resources are actively managed and protected by the state, with the
back-up support from traditional chiefs. When traditional chiefs support state
laws and policies, they can greatly influence community members to follows
those state laws. Even though the formal government systems have the rights to

54
 coastal resources, I believe it is still a joint management of state and traditional
systems. The state works with the traditional chiefs to make management
decisions that should benefit the community.
- 49 year old female NGO official (Koror, Palau, October 2020)

MPAs have been the primary focus of management for nearshore fisheries
which are implemented from a spatial approach, overlooking the importance of species
approach management (NEPC, 2019). This is supported by interviews with
governmental stakeholders, as is shown in the next quote:
When it comes to nearshore, we tend to focus on spatial management not
so much on species management and that is probably because the state
governments have limited resources. Management is limited to one type—
MPA. They don’t consider species, which marine invertebrates come into
place. To ensure a certain species or group of species are protected,
MPAs are not enough.
- 50 year old female government official (Koror, Palau, March 2021)

When referring to species (marine invertebrates) management, most resources

are not protected by MPAs. Still, there are national policies that recognize the threats to
species and include regulations for their protection (NEPC, 2019). The Marine
Protection Act of 1994 is the current policy at the national level that includes the
exportation bans of sea cucumbers, trochus, wild giant clam, and other specific species
(Pakoa et al., 2009). More recently, the Ban of Reef Fish (2020) states that any
nearshore reef species cannot be exported, expanding regulations to all reef species.
Interviews with national government stakeholders explained that designing and
implementing national laws for species protection is focused on threatened species due
to high commercial value. However, there is still a need for a strategic sea cucumber
management plan to address the urgent need to conserve these species.
According to the State of Environment Report (2019), the response of Palau’s
national government to nearshore fisheries has been slow and insufficient, with
fundamental knowledge gaps. For example, most species do not have size limits to
harvest, and existing size information (used only voluntarily) is inadequate. Also, most
of the research is based in Koror and has focused on men, neglecting the role of women
in nearshore fisheries who, traditionally, are the primary marine invertebrate resource

55
users. In addition, there is inadequate monitoring and feedback during open seasons,
especially for invertebrates, and with an additional difficulty of tracking the harvests
and prices. Further, research into invertebrates and non-reef habitats is yet to be
addressed (NEPC, 2019).
Palau’s national government has not developed enough strategies to manage
nearshore fisheries, especially at the species level, putting several species of fish and
invertebrates at risk. Over 79% of the nearshore fisheries catch is considered
unsustainable (NEPC, 2019). In addition, there is not enough financial investment for
nearshore fisheries management addressed by key stakeholders such as the BMR under
the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, and the Environment (CEA, 2016). Some
alternatives have been implemented, such as aquaculture and offshore fisheries, but are
yet effective in reducing pressure on the nearshore natural resources (NEPC, 2019).
At the state government level, many challenges influencing management were
identified in interviews that include differences in political interests, marine tenure, state
government limitations, and key stakeholders. Based on interviews, political interests
identified focuses on other matters like finfish and offshore pelagic fish management,
neglecting marine invertebrates. NGO stakeholders interviewed agree that
implementing effective policies and regulations regarding marine invertebrates must be
a consensus and articulation at the national level, so there are no conflicts between
states due to differences in political interests. In that way, national policies for marine
invertebrate fisheries could create transparency and uniform regulations that all
stakeholders should follow.
Marine tenure has a major influence on management and policy development.
Because each state government has the exclusive authority for all living and non-living
resources from state land to 12 nautical miles out to sea, they are the primary decision-
makers for coastal management (SPREP and EDO NSW, 2018). Some states do require
fishing permits. For example, Ngarchelong and Kayangel state have jurisdiction over
Palau’s northern reefs. They require fishing permits for different types of users (both
residents and non-residents), limiting the harvest quota. However, effective
enforcement, compliance, surveillance, and monitoring are challenges (TNC, 2016).
Based on interviews with government stakeholders, marine tenure is a factor concerning
nearshore fisheries management, as shown in the following extract:
Ownership. Who owns what has a huge effect on how a resource is
managed because that owner needs to have connections and access to the

56
 resources. If the owners don’t have the resources, management cannot
take place.
- 50 year old female government official (Koror, Palau, March 2021)

Based on interviews, within the national and state governments, there are many
obstacles and challenges regarding managing marine resources at the state level,
including lack of human resources, financial and capacity building challenges. For
example, individual states are responsible for fishing and protecting their territorial
waters; however, they do not have their own police and law enforcement agencies
(Terrill et al., 2015). Each state has state rangers whose responsibilities are limited to
only administering and enforcing permits, and they also cannot implement punitive
measures. From interviews with government stakeholders, it was revealed that human
capacity and funding are a major challenge that impacts the management of marine
resources. All these obstacles vary from state to state and influence the development of
marine invertebrate policies.
Due to national and state government management constraints, NGOs and
community members play a key role in fisheries management. Environmental NGOs are
fundamental to support the achievements of sustainable and conservation targets,
especially nearshore fisheries management at the community level by reinforcing
community-based management strategies (Govan, 2009; McConney et al., 2014). From
interviews, NGOs have been recognized as a trustful link between community members
and the national and state governments regarding sustainable fisheries management. The
Palau Gender and Natural Resources National Report 2020 identifies that most local
respondents (43%) trust NGOs more than park rangers, traditional leaders, and elected
officials (Ebiil Society et al., 2020). This indicates the importance of NGOs regarding
marine resource management.
The interviewees identified environmental NGOs like Ebiil Society, PCS, and
TNC as organizations currently engaging community members in fisheries management
and sustainable resource use. One of the well-recognized international NGOs is TNC
that works with MC in the Coral Triangle region, supporting the creation of MPAs, the
management of nearshore fisheries, sustaining livelihoods, and sustainable financing for
conservation (SPC, 2010). From interviews, a local NGO, Ebiil Society, is
acknowledged for being a crucial partner in supporting and engaging communities in
management and decision-making for their natural resources using a gender-inclusive

57
approach. They are also currently raising the voices of women fishers with concerns
about marine invertebrate management and TEK preservation.
To summarize, nearshore fisheries management is approached differently by the
national government, state government, NGOs, and the local communities. Addressing
issues from a spatial approach of MPAs to acknowledging the roles of stakeholders in
coastal fisheries management is essential for effective policies for marine invertebrate
strategies. Some concerns have arisen from the national government level throughout
this section where MPAs are not enough to ensure species-level protection. From the
state government level, marine tenure, political interest, government limitations are the
main concerns in marine invertebrate management, policy design, and implementation.
Lastly, NGOs are crucial in bridging national and state governments and community
members, especially women fishers, who rely on coastal marine resources for
sustainable livelihoods.

4.3 Women in Fisheries in Palau

In Palau, women represent 47% of the total population and have designed roles
under a matriarchal society (NEPC, 2019). Traditionally, men and women had roles
equally important for society, but nowadays, women hold fewer positions of power than
men. However, more women are attaining higher education than men. Also, women are
considered more vulnerable to climate change and extreme weather events such as
storms and sea-level rise due to the high impact of these environmental changes in the
natural habitats they rely on, like taro patches and seagrass beds (Kitalong, 2013). Some
of the recognized roles of women are related to taking care of the children and house,
producing the food, mending the taro patch, and preparing the fish caught by the men
(Lambeth, 1999).
In particular, women are involved in fisheries activities that include the
harvesting, processing, and selling of marine invertebrates in addition to some finfish
(Matthews and Oiterong, 1991; Lambeth, 1999). Because of their contributions to
fisheries, women in Palau are important to the domestic market value and ensuring food
security for their families. In 2008, Palau statistics estimated approximately 1,400
fishers between the formal employed and subsistence, where 32% were small-scale
women fishers with a catch estimation of 758 tons by 2010 (SPC, 2013; Gillett, 2016;
Harper, 2019).

58
 Women harvest various marine invertebrates such as sea cucumbers, clams, sea
slugs, and sea snails in the mangrove, seagrass, and coral reef habitats, known as reef
gleaning, which is a practice traditionally done by women only. Nowadays, both women
and men are harvesting marine invertebrates for food and income within open-access
marine areas that are not designated as MPA. However, according to a nationwide
survey, women make up the majority (58%) of sea cucumber fishers (Ferguson et al.,
2019). The Palau Gender and Natural Resources National Report 2020 identifies that
15% of women fishers and 27% of men fishers collect marine invertebrates to sell (Ebiil
Society et al., 2020). This shows that harvesting marine invertebrates is mostly for
subsistence use, but there is still high dependence on selling marine invertebrates for
income (Ebiil Society et al., 2020). From interviews with NGO stakeholders, the
volume for those who harvest for economic purposes is disproportionately larger than
the volume harvested for subsistence. According to Pakoa et al. (2014b), a woman
fisher from Ngatpang State who sells over 120 packs can make around USD 248 per
week from selling sea cucumbers. From observations, the domestic market demand
comes from the local markets around Babeldaob, stores in Koror and Airai, and
restaurants and hotels in Koror.
Based on observations and key stakeholder interviews, any woman can be
involved in marine invertebrate fishing, and it represents an important practice to
strengthen women sharing. Collecting is carried by two or more women fishers at low
tide by wading and snorkeling (Figure 11). The catch is loaded onto a small canoe, or
bamboo raft then brought to shore to process.

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 Figure 11. Woman gleaning for sea cucumber. Photo taken from Lee et al. (2020)

Mainly, management practices are based on TEK that sets informal rules of
appropriate times and ways of harvesting marine invertebrates. For example, based on
interviews, women fishers follow the time of bor, which is the low tide in the morning.
They also harvest around the full moon, before, during, and after, following the lunar
cycles. The morning low tide harvests mean that sea cucumbers are found in shallow
waters, the intestines are free of sand, and they are easily accessible to the women
fishers (Pakoa et al., 2009). In addition, women fishers indicated that it is the best time
to collect sea cucumbers without having the intestines full of sand. This observation is
also documented by Matthews and Oiterong (1991) and Pakoa et al. (2009).
Another rule followed is that the cleaning and processing of sea cucumbers
needed to be done in seagrass habitats. The processing of different parts of sea
cucumber varies from species to species. From interviews, women fishers only
collecting the intestines throw pieces of inedible sea cucumber bodies back into their
habitats to regenerate and be harvested later. For example, harvesting brown curryfish

60
intestines is done twice a month, separated by a 10-day “rest period” to allow animals to
regenerate their internal organs (Pakoa et al., 2009). This was considered a type of
traditional approach to stock replenishment and regeneration by women. Such
knowledge and practices have positive implications concerning resource sustainability.
Another example to process other species, such as the hairy greyfish, is
collecting the body by hanging it out overnight to let the body soften and letting the
contents slowly leave the body wall (Pakoa et al., 2014b). Based on observations,
another method is to rub salt on the hairy greyfish to soften the body and let the
contents leave the body wall faster before processing the body meat within a day, which
makes the cleaning easier.
Reef gleaning is an important part of Palauan culture relating to resource
management transmitted through oral history and experiential and observational
learning. “Omengederir a redil,” translated into “women’s fishery,” is the practice of
harvesting marine invertebrates in the nearshore ecosystems that has been passed down
through generations by storytelling. Ensuring the passing down of knowledge is
fundamental to conserve cultural heritage and to strengthen the connection between
human and nature environment, which is highlighted in the following extract from the
interview:
I grew up where traditional sustainable use of resources was part of my
daily life. Compared to younger generations who were not taught the
Palauan stewardship, and are now searching and learning the traditional
ways. Our institution values TEK from elders for teaching the younger
generations that have somewhat lost that connection to nature.
- 55 year old female NGO official from Ngarchelong (Babeldaob,
Palau, February 2021)

Although these traditional management practices are important to Palauan

culture, there has been a loss of TEK over the years, making them unrecognized by
younger generations today (Forsyth, 2011). Modern and western influences have also
discouraged the interests of younger generations to learn about reef gleaning. This is
linked to the loss of relevance of traditional education systems based on experiential
learning where children went out with their parents, aunties, and uncles into nature and
learned how to harvest. Thus, based on observations and the fieldwork, there is a

61
knowledge gap between elder women fishers (over 60 years old) and the younger
generations (under 25 years old). Many of the younger generations and some middle-
aged adults (30-50 years old) do not know the biodiversity of sea cucumbers in their
territorial waters, which also have implications for their conservation and management
(Johannes, 1978; FAO et al., 2021). Women fishers explained that nowadays, children
do not have much of an interest in going out to harvest marine invertebrates like sea
cucumbers, as supported by the following extracts from interviews:

I am sad that the marine invertebrate practices might be lost because

many people have lost interest in harvesting. My children are not
interested in going with me out in the shallow waters to harvest.
- 67 year old woman fisher from Ngchesar (Babeldaob, Palau, October
2020)

My mother taught me that if you are not going to eat it, don’t take it. And
if you are going to take something, take the biggest ones and leave the
small ones to grow.
- 70 year old woman fisher from Ngarchelong (Babeldaob, Palau,
September 2020)

Other than the loss of TEK and practices, women face major challenges related
to sustainable livelihoods in Palau. Integrating women’s TEK of fisheries in scientific
research could be very beneficial to the sustainable management of resources. This also
allows coping with the impacts and uncertainty of changing climate and environment
while promoting local community wellbeing (Pilbeam et al., 2019).
Additional increasing pressure on marine invertebrate populations from
overharvesting, climate change, and sedimentation contributes to the major stock
decline and the potential of culture loss. This creates a potential burden to women
fishers who solely depend on reef gleaning for food and income, which the local
community in the interviews has recognized. Also, women are now competing with
more fishers, many of which have existing jobs and supplement their income.
Driven by a cash economy for commercial export (from pre-1994 and 2009-
2011), especially bêche-de-mer, this was the main cause of overexploitation (Pakoa et

62
al., 2014b). The overexploitation for the Asian markets led to changes in the perception
of an abundant and easily accessible resource. With no formal regulations for local
harvest and consumption to ensure sustainability, the sea cucumber populations have
further declined. From interviews, elder women fishers (above 60) share stories of what
the ocean used to be like long ago and how it has changed over time. For example, in
northern Babeldaob, in a village called Ollei, elder women shared stories of when they
were little (around the 1960s) how coastal areas were filled with sea cucumbers and
other marine invertebrates. They notice the decline in sea cucumber population,
highlighting the current difficulties to find edible species and having to travel farther to
collect them, as is implied in the following extract from the interview:
When I was younger, there was an abundance of sea cucumbers right in
front of Ollei Port. We used to harvest close to the port and didn’t need to
go further out. However, nowadays, there are hardly any edible sea
cucumbers in front of Ollei Port because they were wiped out.
- 61 year old woman fisher from Ngarchelong (Babeldaob, Palau,
September 2020)

Another challenge is to voice up the concerns of women in fisheries. Despite

their active roles in fisheries, Palauan women are excluded in decisions and
policymaking. Even though fisheries management priorities in Palau have been more
focused on finfish resources that involve mostly men, there is a new rise for women
fishers through partnerships with different NGOs and other stakeholders. An example of
this is the Ebiil Society’s project, in collaboration with the BMR. The project is
currently experimenting with sea cucumber spawning and establishing a small-scale
community aquaculture program to address the declines in marine invertebrates and
increase women networking (Figure 12). However, further research is needed to
preserve Palauan culture, as shown in the following extract:
I think marine invertebrates are important to Palauan culture as a staple
food. I think it’s important to do more studies to understand the life cycles
of invertebrates to make sure we harvest the mature ones.
- 32 year old female researcher (Koror, Palau, February 2021)

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 Although there is a long way to go, more voices of women are growing in
management and policy design, as the following extract from the interview shows:
The voices of women are limited but growing. There are more women
managers in PAN and NGOs, more women in state legislature that
understand the importance of women participation in coastal
management and policy.
- 49 year old female NGO official (Koror, Palau, October 2020)

Figure 12. Baby sandfish (Holothuria scabra) released into the nearshore
seagrass habitat in Ollei village, Ngarchelong, during Ebiil Society’s project.
February 2021 (Photo by: Elchung G. Hideyos)

To conclude this section, women have very important roles and are key
stakeholders in coastal fisheries. However, they face many challenges that are
impacting their traditional way of life and culture that is closely shaped by their

64
relationship with the coastal marine ecosystems. Therefore, coastal fisheries
management needs a comprehensive, gender-inclusive approach that includes
women in the formal designing of policy dialogues that could influence the
implementation and monitoring of marine invertebrate fisheries.

4.4 Assessing Marine Invertebrate Policies

Subsistence use and domestic selling of marine invertebrates go unregulated and
undocumented. Policies to manage the nearshore fisheries are limited to exportation
bans, specific species protection, and MPAs. Currently, there are limited policies for
specific marine invertebrates that have been overexploited due to their high commercial
value for exportation. Many factors can influence policies in regards to managing
marine invertebrates’ fisheries. Therefore, the sustainable management of marine
invertebrates needs to collaborate with all significant stakeholders, including fishers, all
state governments, the national government, PAN state offices, researchers, buyers
(stores, restaurants, and hotels), etc., to assess the potentials and limitations of marine
invertebrate policies. If states created different policies for marine invertebrates, there
could conflict with nearby states. For example, if regulation sizes for sea cucumbers
were significantly different in neighboring states, fishers might harvest in conditions
with larger size limits for more harvest. NGO stakeholders identified that a unified
collaboration between state governments and the national government could create
effective uniformed policies to manage marine invertebrates. This type of collaborative
approach is essential for effective decision-making and awareness. To address the
limitations of marine invertebrate policies in Palau, this study will use Greenberg’s
(2007) six-factor policy framework to assess the advantages and disadvantages of policy
options for marine invertebrates. The six policy criteria look at the following factors:
1. The reaction of elected officials and staff
2. The reaction of non-government stakeholder groups
3. Human and ecological health
4. Economic costs and benefits
5. Moral imperatives
6. Time and flexibility

Considering the advantages and vulnerabilities of these factors from Greenberg (2007)
may lead to a comprehensive understanding and effective decision making for marine

65
invertebrates. The following table will show the importance of improving marine
invertebrate policies by testing Greenberg’s environmental policy framework.

Table 2. Advantages and vulnerabilities of improving marine invertebrate policies in

Palau.

Greenberg’s Six Policy Criteria

Importance of marine invertebrate policies in Palau

Criterion Advantages Vulnerabilities

Human and Ecological As the study revealed,
Health marine invertebrates are an
essential source of food
security for the local people
and have fundamental roles
within the coastal
ecosystems.
Could put pressure on other
reef fish/nearshore species.
A source of traditional
Palauan food and fishing
practice could go extinct if
no policies are developed.

Human and ecological The study showed that

health will benefit from the
resources being sustainably
managed.
Regulating species
harvesting outside of the
MPAs can improve species
management.
Managing the problem
could provide the
opportunity for impacted
areas to recover and
replenish.
coastal ecosystems are
impacted by overfishing,
affecting the people who
depend on them and their
ecological health.
Lack of better management
on land-use change and
development can deplete
the coastal ecosystems.

66
The Reaction of Non- The study showed that
Government Stakeholders NGOs could support
community members to
bring awareness and
pressure policymakers to
make new policies for
women’s fisheries.
The inclusion of TEK of
women fisheries is critical
for management strategies.
Scientists and researchers
can give scientific
information on how
policies are beneficial and
how well they will work.
NGOs can help spread
awareness and provide
training in monitoring
invertebrates communities.
The study revealed that
NGO (Ebiil Society) is
67
Some scientific information
may be misleading and
create tension between
fishers.
Some fishers could feel like
this will only have negative
outcomes to the current
way they fish by limiting
what they can harvest,
which will reduce their
income.
Sometimes “conservation”
can have different
meanings and can create
conflict between
community members.
 establishing small-scale
community aquaculture for
sea cucumbers to reseed
into the wild and food
security.

The Reaction of Elected The state government has
Officials and Staff the power to create
regulations to help its
community people.
Getting support from
citizens during election
seasons could influence
them to address marine
invertebrate policies.
The few women leaders in
government will be highly
supportive.
State governments do not
see it as an issue to make
regulations right now.
Hence, power to not do
anything.
It is not a priority issue like
finfish fisheries.
The study showed that if a
species is not commercial,
it may not be regulated,
putting pressure on the
domestic value.

The study showed that

Women’s fisheries (marine
invertebrates) are essential
to the Palauan culture.

Help achieve international

and regional agreements
related to the conservation

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 of biodiversity and
nearshore marine resources.
Economic Costs and Increase in local/sustainable
Benefits women’s fisheries market
network
More support from
restaurants that want to buy
from local women
Can keep the women’s
fishery market going for
generations with
sustainable practices.
Moral Imperatives The government wants to
sustainably manage marine
invertebrates for the
children and future
generations of Palau.
Women’s fishers should be
included in Fisheries Policy
because it is part of the
Palauan culture.
69
It is very costly to manage
the domestic market of
marine invertebrates.
The resources can decline,
reducing the women’s
market sales, which can
discourage buyers and
consumers.
Limitations and restrictions
could make women fishers
not support new policies.
Corruption in government
could compromise
regulations.
Some leaders do not
consider this as a current
problem.
Unsustainable practices,
illegal harvesting, and
overharvesting may be
 Explore how we can ensure
the stakeholders benefit
while protecting species.
Women fishers want to
conserve marine
invertebrates so that this
practice can continue in the
future.
driven by money income
preferences from local to
national levels and can
impact the environmental,
social, and economic
aspects

Time and Flexibility
Being able to be flexible It will take time for
while working with management policies to
different stakeholders focus on the benefits of
creates a better women fishers in the
understanding. domestic market due to the
lack of immediate concern
Being able to be flexible and information.
with issues of climate
change, people’s needs, and It will take too much time to
conservation of biodiversity get all stakeholders to agree
with uniform regulations.
As well as being flexible to
new changes in regulations

In understanding the limitations and potential of marine invertebrate fisheries

and coastal management, the study involved different stakeholders in looking at this
issue from different perspectives. In Palau, the state government elected officials are the
major decision-makers for resource management within the coastal ecosystems,
including marine invertebrate fisheries. The study showed that there is a need for
regulations for subsistence use and the domestic market of marine invertebrates before

70
they become depleted. In addition, better management strategies for land-use change
can determine the overall health of the coastal ecosystems due to the land-to-sea
linkages. Vulnerabilities of not having marine invertebrate fisheries seen as an
immediate concern could prolong management and policies, which can increase the
depletion of the resources.
The Ebiil Society is an NGO currently working on a multi-state dialogue on the
sustainable management and control of marine invertebrates. Because of the cultural
importance to women fishers, it is essential to strengthening their roles and engagement
in fisheries management and policymaking. Ebiil Society uses an ecosystem-based
approach that is community-driven to support the needs of women fishers (and also
including men fishers). NGOs are essential influencers to community management.
They are the link between communities and decision-makers. They provide support and
training for community members to take the lead in sustainably managing their
resources.
Threats to the marine invertebrates are impacting the nearshore environments.
Overharvesting and sedimentation are not only threats to the environment but also affect
human health. Marine invertebrates are traditionally known to have significant health
benefits. In Palauan culture, for one to be healthy, one needs to have a healthy
environment. Therefore, protecting and managing the marine invertebrate populations
will help the overall health of the marine ecosystems, which will, in turn, provide life
for humans.
The nearshore ecosystems provide many services and functions that Palauans
have the responsibility of conserving for future generations. Developing better
management and policy strategies for marine invertebrates benefits the island people
economically and socially. In addition, women’s fisheries are an essential part of
Palauan culture that should be passed down and not forgotten in time.

Chapter 5: Conclusions and Recommendations

This study examined the relationships between humans and the coastal marine
environment. It has explored nearshore fisheries management and the threats to coastal
marine ecosystems and biodiversity for SIDS that highly depend on the oceans for their
livelihoods, such as in Palau. Coastal fisheries management continues to be a challenge.
Therefore, this study explored different types of management and policies regarding

71
nearshore fisheries. In addition, this study investigated the roles of women in fisheries
and community engagement in natural resource management and policymaking. It also
analyzed the limitations and potentials of including marine invertebrate issues into the
current policy framework aiming for sustainable resource use. To conclude, this study
attempts to answer the following research questions:
1. What are the current drivers and practices causing coastal marine degradation in
Palau?
2. What are the challenges of sustainable women’s fishery practices?
3. How can policy better the marine invertebrate fisheries management?
4. How can women’s roles and stewardship be integrated into fisheries policy?

5.1 Answering Research Questions

5.1.1 What are the current drivers and practices causing coastal marine
degradation in Palau?
Coastal and marine ecosystems provide many goods and services (both direct
and indirect) fundamental for the wellbeing of human communities. However, as more
populations are settling and developing on the coasts, the surrounding marine
ecosystems are negatively impacted. For SIDS, like Palau, the land-to-sea or ridge-to-
reef ecosystems are closely linked and vulnerable to many anthropogenic changes in the
environment. For small island communities that have lived and managed their natural
resources for centuries, they have observed many changes in their environments
throughout the years.
This study identified several drivers to coastal marine degradation from both
land and sea, including overexploitation and unsustainable fishing practices,
sedimentation due to land-use change, and climate change. From literature and
interviews, fishing is the most important food system for islands and the Palauan
culture; however, it is also the major driver of coastal and marine degradation. The
overexploitation of marine resources has been an issue as the demand for seafood and
the human population rapidly increase, especially in Palau, with the lack of formal rules
and regulations for nearshore marine invertebrate species use and extraction. The study
revealed that some coastal habitats around Babeldaob had been degraded due to
overfishing and the use of unsustainable practices. When harvesting more than the rate
at which a species can recover and maintain a healthy population, the resources begin to
decline drastically. The use of unsustainable fishing practices when overharvesting

72
greatly reduces stock populations and has a cascade effect on the marine trophic
systems, especially in high biodiversity areas such as the Coral Triangle region where
Palau is located.
Another major driver to coastal marine degradation identified from interviews
and supported by literature is the sedimentation or runoff from land-use practices.
Clearing and development on land and the coasts have negatively impacted the
watersheds and surrounding marine ecosystems. For example, the construction of the
Compact Road and roads in villages on Babeldaob created access to Koror; however, it
was one of the largest land-use changes that resulted in runoff and erosion issues.
Today, some roads in villages around Babeldaob are still unpaved, loose dirt roads that
are very susceptible to soil erosion during high rainfall. In addition to that, there has
been an increase in settlement and development in Babeldaob (rural areas) in recent
years due to Koror (the urban area) being overpopulated and crowded. Clearing forests
and land for agriculture, housing, or other projects increases the amount of
sedimentation entering the watersheds and coastal marine habitats, leading to
biodiversity and habitat loss. It was revealed in the study that earthmoving practices
have no monitoring to control sedimentation entering the marine ecosystems. The land-
to-sea proximities for SIDS make the health of marine biodiversity and ecosystems
vulnerable to any type of land-use change, especially if not managed well. Different
stakeholders interviewed identified this as a serious issue that needs to be addressed at
the source, activities on land and coasts.
The study also revealed that climate change is another driver of coastal marine
degradation. Rising temperatures, sea-level rise, stronger and more frequent storms,
natural disasters, ocean acidification greatly impact island states. In the case of SIDS,
these countries are most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change; however, they are
some of the lowest contributors to carbon emissions into the atmosphere. From
interviews, many elder stakeholders explain that there has been a change in the ocean’s
temperature. The warmer ocean temperatures put stress on marine biodiversity and
human well-being. The study revealed there had been reports of marine invertebrates
being impacted by warmer oceans, causing them to melt at high rates.

5.1.2 What are the challenges of sustainable women’s fishery practices?

Sustainable practices are critical to avoiding overexploitation of marine
resources and ensuring future well-being. For Palau, and many other SIDS, local

73
communities, especially women, highly depend on subsistence fishing and small-scale
fisheries for their livelihood and food security. As a result, women who participate in
harvesting marine invertebrates face many challenges as primary fishers.
Marine invertebrates, like sea cucumbers, are considered a delicacy and are an
important part of Palauan culture. The study revealed that the harvesting of marine
invertebrates is mainly for subsistence use and also for a domestic market that supports
mainly women’s well-being. Unfortunately, the domestic market for marine
invertebrates has attracted more fishers (both men and women), and they are
overharvesting at increasing rates that are currently unregulated. Interviews with women
fishers revealed that many fishers today do not follow the traditional informal rules of
appropriate times and sustainable ways of harvesting sea cucumbers based on TEK.
Although the majority of fishers harvest for subsistence use, those who sell are
collecting more marine invertebrate species. Because the harvesting goes unregulated
and undocumented, further studies are still needed to understand and quantify how
much is being harvested and sold today.
Another challenge of women’s fisheries is that many of the younger generations
are not interested in reef gleaning. The study revealed that sustainable women’s
fisheries practices are not being passed down efficiently to the younger generations.
Modernization, western influences, and the lack of interest have created disconnections
between nature and the younger generations. As a result, a knowledge gap between
generations could lead to the loss of Palauan cultural heritage. Therefore, there is a need
to preserve women’s TEK and fishing practices to ensure the continuity of sustainable
practices shaped over centuries from a close relationship between women and marine
invertebrate species.

5.1.3 How can policy better the marine invertebrate fisheries management?
Various marine invertebrates are edible, and many have been overexploited due
to their high commercial and local value. For nearshore fisheries, the management of
marine invertebrates has had many challenges. Although Palau’s management of marine
resources is primarily focused on MPAs and commercial exportation, there have been
limited policies for species management and the local use of marine invertebrates.
Modern and western approaches to resource management and conservation
through MPAs have to work side-by-side with traditional institution systems to get
better support from local communities. There was evidence at the state government

74
level that lack of funding and human capacity are the biggest constraints to effective
coastal management strategies. Also, factors like political interest, marine tenure, and
key stakeholders influence the design and implementation of policies.
As revealed in the study, there are many stressors to the nearshore fisheries.
Effective and improved policies for nearshore fisheries, including marine invertebrates,
can ensure the sustainability of the resource while continuing to provide food and
income for local communities. Interviews with different stakeholders revealed that
establishing regulations on size limit, catch limit, and permitting fishers is needed to
improve the management of marine invertebrate fisheries. There is a need for more
policies that will benefit all stakeholders with effective implementation strategies. In
addition, improvement of enforcement and monitoring with support from community
members could help with the effectiveness of new policies.
Findings from the study identified many advantages and potentials to policies
for marine invertebrate fisheries. Establishing harvesting regulations inside and outside
of MPAs creates incentives for sustainable use of the marine resources and increases
awareness of the communities to conserve these species. Another advantage of effective
policies could follow the imperative moral principle of Palauan culture. Different
stakeholders revealed that it is important to conserve resources to sustain the people and
future generations of Palau. Many stakeholders interviewed expressed the need to
increase conservation and management strategies of marine resources to benefit key
stakeholders. Implementing policies for marine invertebrates not only manages how
humans use the resource but also conserves the species and the marine ecosystem as a
whole.

5.1.4 How can women’s roles and stewardship be integrated into fisheries
policy?
The integration of women’s roles in fisheries policy is still challenging. Surveys
from Matthews and Oiterong (1991) and Lambeth (1999) have documented women’s
roles in fisheries in Palau and, even then, addressed concerns of overfishing and the lack
of gender equality in fisheries policies. The lack of fisheries policies supporting women
fishers revealed that their issues are not being addressed equally compared to men’s
fisheries. This could be principally due to the lack of information regarding gender-
disaggregated data in fisheries which can be solved by acknowledging the important

75
role of women in fisheries and including this in the data collected regularly by national
census questionnaires.
Women are major contributors to small-scale fisheries worldwide, being the
direct stewardships of many marine invertebrate species. From actual harvesting,
processing, and marketing, women are involved in different fishing sectors and have
great knowledge of nearshore activities. In addition, women traditionally are the sole
caregivers of the household and have been known to be more aware of natural
resources’ availability. The study revealed that recognizing their roles in nearshore
fisheries is crucial for better and improved planning and management of coastal
fisheries. A comprehensive and gender-inclusive approach that includes women in
management and policy dialogues could improve designing, implementing, and
monitoring marine invertebrate fisheries.
Even though women’s roles in fisheries have been undervalued, their voices are
slowly growing with the support of NGOs. The study findings revealed that NGOs and
other organizations in Palau are some platforms that the governments highly rely on for
fisheries management and data collection. NGOs are recognized as working closely
with community members in different sectors relating to socio-economic and
environmental issues. Many NGO stakeholders identified that they value the TEK of
local communities, especially women, and the importance of engaging them in
management plans and policy development for their resources. As the link between
communities and decision-makers, NGOs can design more participatory and equitable
strategies for women. NGOs are an essential aspect in uplifting women fishers in
resource management and decision-making. They are the bridge that brings a
comprehensive collaboration between all stakeholders.

5.2 Recommendations and Further Research

Based on the findings of the study, many recommendations were made by
different participants. The study acknowledged that marine invertebrates and women’s
fishery practices lack adequate rules and regulations for sustainable resource
management. Participants indicated that it is the state governments’ responsibility to
address these issues because they are the authorized owners of nearshore marine tenure.
Once they address these issues, they can get support from the national government to
regulate and enforce policies. However, political interests and management limitations
affect the prioritization of women’s fisheries. Furthermore, enforcement, surveillance,

76
and monitoring challenges already exist in both terrestrial and marine protection
policies that could impact the effectiveness of new policies for marine invertebrates.
There is a fundamental lack of appraisal of women’s roles and changes in
fishing practices. Therefore to have a clear baseline of women’s fisheries, further
research in areas including the number of people involved, the amount and sizes
harvested, and changes in the resources are needed. In order to design and implement
effective policies for marine invertebrate fisheries, this information is key.
Many participants revealed that women’s fisheries are an important part of
Palauan culture. However, if overfishing and unsustainable fishing practices continue to
go unregulated, there is a possibility that this unique fishing practice will be lost. Many
women fishers interviewed indicated there are fewer marine invertebrates, so it is
getting harder to harvest due to the availability of the resources in open access areas and
restrictions to MPAs. Comprehensive collaborations with different stakeholders are
needed to protect and manage marine invertebrate fisheries.
As many participants revealed, land-use practices impact the health of the
surrounding marine environment. Current land-use practices are unsustainable and lack
efficient monitoring to control runoff. Many community members explained the need
for marine habitat restoration and rehabilitation due to many land-based pollutants.
Thus, further research is needed from the ridge-to-reef approach to address land-use and
coastal change management issues.
Nearshore fisheries management for many SIDS focuses on the ecosystem and
community-based approaches to help achieve sustainable and conservation targets.
Through these approaches, further research is needed to improve the effectiveness of
nearshore fisheries management. A few ongoing projects conducted by NGOs in Palau
integrate and engage fishers, especially women, in managing natural resources.
Research is currently being done in identifying important fishing grounds for both men
and women for the whole of Palau. Ebiil Society, in collaboration with BMR, is
conducting research in sea cucumber spawning to create a small-scale aquaculture at the
community level that could help replenish sea cucumber stocks and support food
security.

5.3 Limitations of the Study

During this research, there were some limitations identified. For example, time
limitations made it difficult to interview a wider range of fishers and other stakeholders

77
around Palau. Another limitation is that current research in women’s fisheries in Palau
is still being conducted, which would have added to the robustness of this study.

78
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Appendix I
Research Information
Research title: “Women’s Fisheries Management, Conservation, and Policy: A Case
Study in Palau”

Student researcher: Elchung Gladys Hideyos

Student ID: B1996415
Email: ghideyos@gmail.com
Academic Advisor: Professor Anne McDonald
Email: annemcdonald@sophia.ac.jp
Institution: Graduate School of Global Environmental Studies
Sophia University, 7-1 Kioichō, Chiyoda City, Tokyo 102-8554

Research Summary:
To develop sustainable strategies and better community-based management of coastal
fisheries in Palau, voices from different stakeholders must be acknowledged.
Consequently, my focus of this research is women in fisheries who are the primary
stewards of marine invertebrates in coastal ecosystems.

The aim of this research is to analyze the role of women and traditional ecological
knowledge in coastal/nearshore fisheries. To achieve this aim, I am interested in
gathering information from literature review and fieldwork through interviews,
meetings, and direct observation.

I intend to obtain comprehensive views of women’s fishing practices, traditional

ecological knowledge, marine invertebrates’ species, coastal resource management and
conservation, and nearshore fisheries management.

This interview will take about forty-five minutes. I, as the student researcher, would like
to gather in-depth information by recording through the interview. Information and
recordings from this interview will only be used for academic purposes.

Your participation is voluntary and highly appreciated.

I would like to obtain your verbal consent through recording if it is accepted and it is
understood of the nature of the student’s study before the interview proceeds.

Elchung Gladys Hideyos

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Appendix II
Interview Questions for Stakeholders
1. What is your age?
2. What is your background?
3. What does conservation mean to you?
4. What does resource management mean to you?
5. Do you see any issues with nearshore fisheries management in Palau? Please
explain.
6. Do you notice any issues specifically for marine invertebrates cheled (sea
cucumber, mangrove clams, giant clams, sea snails/slugs, sea urchins, etc.)
fisheries?
7. What are the current existing policies or regulations for cheled fisheries that you
know of? Please name and describe if any.
8. Are cheled important to Palauan culture? Please explain.
9. Do you eat cheled? If so, what kinds?
10. Do you personally harvest cheled? If so, what kinds?
11. Do you notice any drivers of coastal marine degradation that impact cheled in
Palau?
12. What are the challenges or missing links in policy regarding cheled fisheries?
13. Regarding the cheled fisheries management and policy, why do you think
women been overlooked in decision & policy making for fisheries? Please
explain.

95