Waiting For Just King

Waiting for the 'Just King': The Agrarian World of South-Central Java from Giyanti
(1755) to the Java War (1825-30)

Author(s): Peter Carey
Source: Modern Asian Studies , 1986, Vol. 20, No. 1 (1986), pp. 59-137
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/312483
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Modern Asian Studies 20, I (I986), pp. 59-137. Printed in Great Britain.
Waitingfor
Waitingfor the
the'Just
'JustKing':
King':
The
The Agrarian
AgrarianWorld
WorldofofSouth-Central
South-Central
Java
Java from
from Giyanti
Giyanti(1755)
(1755)totothe
the
Java War (1825-30)
PETER CAREY
University of Oxford
I. Introduction
STUDENTS ofJavanese society have long recognized that the

(i825-30), the bitter five-year struggle against European col
in Java, constituted a watershed in the history of modern Ind
his recent textbook, Professor Ricklefs has characterized the ye
'the beginning of the truly colonial period .in Java', arguing t
Java War marked the transition point between the 'trading' er
Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the years of 'colonial'
exploitation ushered in by Johannes van den Bosch's well known
'cultivation systems'.1 In military and political terms, the costly Dutch
victory over theJavanese made them, for the first time in their three and
a half centuries of involvement in the archipelago, the undisputed
masters of Java.2 At the same time, scholars of Javanese Islam have
suggested that the defeat of the Javanese leader, Dipanagara (I785-
I855), and the religious ideals for which he fought (most notably his goal
of strengthening the institutional position of Islam inJavanese society),
temporarily undermined the morale and self-confidence of the Islamic
The author would like to thank the following for their comments and help on earlier
drafts of this paper: Professor Ben Anderson (Cornell University), Professor Merle
Ricklefs (Monash University), Dr C. A. Bayly (St Catharine's College, Cambridge), Dr
Jeya Kathirithamby-Wells (University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur) and Dr Peter
Boomgaard (Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam). Much of the material in this paper was
originally presented at the 2nd Anglo-Dutch Conference on Comparative Colonial
History in Leiden in September 198I.
See end of text for note on currency values and abbreviations.
1 M. C. Ricklefs, A History of Modern Indonesia c. I300 to the Present (London and
Basingstoke: Macmillan Press Ltd, I98I), pp. I05, I 14.
2 Ibid., p. I I4.
oo26-749X/86/ogo6-o50I$02.00 ?I986 Cambridge University Press
59

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60 PETER CAREY
communities in Java.3 Specialists in the history of the central Javanese

principalities (vorstenlanden), especially those interested in cultural
developments, have also seen the Javanese failure in 1825--30 as a
setback to the vitality and independence of the Javanese cultural
tradition, a time whenJavanese society began to turn in on itself and lose
something of its strength and flexibility.4
While all these aspects are crucial, it seems to be often overlooked that
there could have been no Java War without the support of the central
Javanese peasantry, and that the war itself was almost unique in the
annals of Javanese history before the present century in that it was
fuelled by an agrarian revolt of impressive social dimensions. This was
clearly recognized by contemporary Dutch observers who spoke of the
massive support forthcoming for Dipanagara from the rural areas of
south-central Java and the spirit of hostility to the Europeans which
gripped the indigenous inhabitants of the archipelago at this time. 'It is
not the war as such or the number of our enemies which causes my
greatest concern about [the future of] our rule here', wrote one of the
most percipient of these contemporaries, Willem van Hogendorp (1795-
I838), 'but it is the spirit of the whole population ofJava from one end to
the other, and I include in this the spirit [of the populations] in the most
important of our possessions in the outer islands, in Borneo and
Makasar, and throughout all Sumatra, they are fed up with us [zij zijn
ons moede]'.5 This opinion was echoed by others such as Francis Valck, an
official with more than twenty years' experience in various central
Javanese Residencies, who stressed somewhat anachronistically perhaps
that
the spirit of the ordinary Javanese is against us, not because we Dutchmen treat
him badly, but because he is imbued with a feeling of national identity [met
gevoel van nationaliteit], and because, despite all the benefits he obtains from us, he
3 See Philip van Akkeren, Sri and Christ. A Study of the Indigenous Church in East Java
(London: Lutterworth Press, 1970), p. 44; and Mitsuo Nakamura, 'The Cresent Arises
over the Banyan Tree. A Study of the Muhammadiyah Movement in a CentralJavanese
Town', unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Cornell University, 1976), pp. 27ff, IOI.
4 See Th. G. Th. Pigeaud, Javaanse Volksvertoningen. Bijdrage tot de Beschrijving van Land
en Volk (Batavia: Volkslectuur, 1938), p. 29; Id., Literature of Java. Catalogue Raisonne of
Javanese Manuscripts in the Library of the University of Leiden and other Public Collections in the
Netherlands, vol. I (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, i967), pp. 7-9; and P. B. R. Carey,
'Aspects ofJavanese History in the Nineteenth Century', in Harry Aveling (ed.), The
Development of Indonesian Society from the Coming of Islam to the Present Day (St Lucia:
University of Queensland Press, I979), pp. I04-5.
5 H. Graafvan Hogendorp (ed.) Willem van Hogendorp in Nederlandsch-Indie, 1825-1830
('s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff, 19I3, p. I79. An original copy of Willem van
Hogendorp's report on his visit toJava during the height of theJava War (1825-30) can
be found in Hogendorp no. 53I pt C.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING' 61
cannot suppress the wish to be ruled, albeit in a worse fash

and chiefs. He [thus] constantly sees us as foreign tyr
customs, religion and dress differ [completely] from his
At the local level between 1825 and I839 thes
sentiments and sense ofJavanese identity were tran
support for Dipanagara and his armies in a number
InJuly 1825, shortly after Dipanagara had set up th
to the south of Yogyakarta, a widespread popular up
one of the southern provinces of the neighbourin
which nearly engulfed the administrative capital
country areas, the houses of European land-tax inspec
the ground and Javanese officials associated with th
ment were harassed.7 It was the same in other ar
Ngawi and along the Sala river, a vital trade route, w
traders and tollgate keepers (bandar) were put to
survivors besieged in Dutch garrison outposts.8 T
major port cities like Batavia (Jakarta), Semar
Surabaya, which had been demolished or allowed
during the peaceful years of the later eighteenth ce
rebuilt, and it seemed for a time as if the whole of c
lost to Dutch control.9 In the core apanage regio
around the royal capital of Yogyakarta, there was sc
district which did not play some part in the ini
adjacent territories belonging to the other central J
the inhabitants of government areas who were
hostilities, were also forced to follow suit.10 Ac
estimates, some two million Javanese, or four-fifths
central Java, were exposed to the ravages of war,
cultivated area sustained damage and upwards of a q
Javanese died, mostly from famine and disease.1l
6 Dj. Br. 18, F. G. Valck, 'Geheime Memorie behoorende bij
der Residentie Djocjocarta over het jaar 1839', 31 March I840
7 P. B. R. Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara. An Account of t
War (1825-30) (Kuala Lumpur: Art Printing Works Sdn. Bhd.
Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, i98I), p. 260 n.
P.J. F. Louw, De Java-Oorlog van 1825-30, vol. I (Batavia: Lands
Nijhoff, 1894), pp. 25 ff, 36 ff.
8 See Peter Carey, 'Changing Javanese Perceptions of the Ch
CentralJava, I755-1825', Indonesia, no. 37 (April I984), pp. 1
9 See Louw, Java-Oorlog, vol. I, chs X-XIV.
10 Dj. Br. 9B, H. MacGillavry, 'Nota omtrent den staat derJ
de thans bestaande onlusten en de middelen welke tot herstel
kunnen worden aangewend', 13 May i826.
11 W. Bosch, De vermeerdering van Java's bevolking beschouwd als de

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62 PETER CAREY
But,
But, despite
despitethe
theterrible
terribledestruction
destruction
of of
lives
lives
andand
property,
property,
and the
and the
devastating
devastatingepidemics
epidemicswhich
which the
the
war
war
brought
brought
in its
in wake,
its wake,
largelarge
numbers
numbers
of
of centralJavanese
centralJavanesepeasants
peasants
remained
remained
loyal
loyal
to Dipanagara
to Dipanagara
almost
almost
to the
to the
end.
end. They
Theyprovided
providedthe
thebulk
bulk
ofof
thethe
recruits
recruits
for for
his armies,
his armies,
porters
porters
for the
for the
transport
transportof
ofvaluable
valuablewar
warmaterial
material(including
(including
the the
smuggling
smuggling
of of
gunpowder
gunpowderfrom
fromthe
thenorth
northcoast
coast
in in
dried
dried
fish),
fish),
the the
manufacturers
manufacturers
of of
explosives
explosivesand
andshot
shotininsecret
secret
village
village
locations,
locations,
the the
operators
operators
of ferry
of ferry
services
services across
acrossthe
themain
mainriver
river
arteries,
arteries,
andand
organizers
organizers
of mountain
of mountain
sanctuaries. A Dutch officer even noted how farmers would leave work
in the ricefields to take part in the destruction of Dutch mobile columns

worsted in battle by Dipanagara's regular troops.12 Women also appear
to have played a prominent role in the war effort: female soldiers dressed
in men's clothes were found amongst the slain outside Yogyakarta i
September I825, and at least two ladies of good birth became prominent
cavalry commanders.13 The Indonesian Women's Assault Regiment
(Barisan Srikandi/Laskar Putri Indonesia) was not an invention of th
twentieth century!14
The most important aspect of the rural support afforded Dipanagara
during these years, however, was the willingness of the local peasan
communities to carry out marketing activities in areas controlled by his
troops and to continue to pay the market taxes to his designated officials
In the last year of the war, the narrow strip of land between the Prag
and Bagawanta rivers in south-central Java was providing upwards o
three thousand guilders a month in market taxes, and without this
income Dipanagara's armies could not have stayed in the field.1
Indeed, it was the success of the Dutch strategy of building small fortifie
outposts to guard the areas recently 'pacified' by Dutch troops, the
benteng stelsel (fortification system), which had the effect of denying
Dipanagara access to local taxes and forced him reluctantly to the
voor Nederland (Rotterdam: M. Wijt en Zonen, 1851), pp. 113-14; H. J. de Graaf,
Geschiedenis van Indonesia ('s-Gravenhage & Bandung: W. van Hoeve, 1949), p. 399; and
Peter Carey, 'The origins of theJava War (I825-30)', English Historical Review, vol. XC
no. CCCLVIII (January 1976), p. 52 n. I.
12 Dj. Br. i9u, F. V. H. A. de Stuers (?), 'Inleiding tot de geschiedenis van den oorlog
opJava', n.d., p. 9; and see Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. xxxixff, 276 n
160.
13 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. XLIII, 284 n. 205.
14 For a photograph of the Laskar Putri Indonesia in Surakarta in 1946 during the
Indonesian Revolution against the Dutch, see Nugroho Notosusanto (ed.), 30 Tahu
Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (Jakarta: Departemen Pertahanan-Keamanan,
Pusat Sejarah ABRI, 1976), p. 23.
15 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. LXVIII n. I85; E. S. de Klerck, De Java
Oorlog van 1825-30, vol. IV (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij & 's-Hage; M. Nijhoff, I905), p
682.

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WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING6 63
conference table in February-March
February-March I830.16
I830.16 Even
Even then,
then, had
had it it not
not been
been
for his dishonourable arrest
arrest by
by the
the Dutch
Dutch atat Magelang
Magelang (28(28 March
March I830)
I830)
at the beginning of the so-called
so-called 'peace
'peace negotiations',
negotiations', it
it is
is likely
likely that
that he
he
could have continued to hold
hold out
out for
for many
many months
months longer.
longer. TheThe crowd
crowd of
of
supporters which he drew to to himself
himself even
even on
on his
his short
short march
march from from his
his
mountain retreat in northern
northern Bagelen
Bagelen to
to Magelang
Magelang in
in late
late February
February
1830 was proof enough that
that his
his name
name still
still commanded
commanded widespread
widespread
allegiance.1 7
Certainly Dipanagara himself was well aware of the need to maintain
a close link with the common people. Brought up in a village
environment on an estate surrounded by rice farming communities some
miles from Yogyakarta, Dipanagara had experienced a rather unique
education by the courtly standards of his day.18 His aged great-
grandmother, a powerful personality who oversaw his spiritual and
religious instruction, had inculcated in him the need to identify with the
common man, and, in his youth, he had undertaken extensive journeys
on foot to various religious sites in the Yogya area where he had mixed
with low born santri (students of religion) and ordinary pilgrims.19
Later, after he had taken over the management of his great-grand-
mother's estate, he won himself a reputation for his unusually economi-
cal and careful administration which made him one of the richest and
most popular landlords in the Yogya area by the time of the outbreak of
theJava War in I825.20 In a retrospective conversation, he remarked to
his Dutch captors in I830 that he had always taken care to participate
personally in the planting and harvesting of rice (padi) in the lands under
his control, stating that these activities 'helped to popularize the chiefs
with the people'.21 The Dutch, for their part, noted that in their
experience there had never been a Javanese leader with so much
16 De Klerck, Java-Oorlog, vol. IV, pp. 682ff; Peter Carey, 'The Indonesian Army and
the State: Problems of Dwi Fungsi in Early Nineteenth Century Perspective', Indonesia
Circle (Java Number), no. 26 (Nov. 1981), pp. 53-4.
17 dK 209,J. B. Cleerens (Menoreh) to F. D. Cochius (Magelang), 27 Feb. I830; E. S.
de Klerck, De Java-Oorlog van 1825-30, vol. V (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij, & 's-Hage: M.
Nijhoff, I908), pp. 554-5, 723.
18 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. xLff.
19 See Carey, 'Pangeran Dipanagara and the Making of the Java War (1825-30):
The End of an Old Order inJava', VKI (forthcoming, 1986), ch. III; and M. C. Ricklefs,
'Dipanagara's Early Inspirational Experience', BKI, vol. 130 (i974), pp. 227-49.
20 S. Br. 55,J. I. Van Sevenhoven, 'Nota over de landverhuringen aan partikulieren
in de Vorsten Landen op Java', i6 March 1837; and Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad
Dipanagara, pp. LXVIII n. I86, 238 n. 20, 240 n. 27. Dipanagara's personal wealth was
important in helping to finance the opening stages of the war.
21 De Klerck, Java-Oorlog, vol. V, p. 744; Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p.
240 n. 27.

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Map 1. Map of Central and East Java Showing the Core Apanag
Javanese Courts pre-1811. (Map outline taken from De Klerck, De
and adapted by J. Wilbur Wright of Oxford.)

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
personal
personal influence
influence over
over the
the south-central
south-centralJavanese
Javanesepopulations
populationsasas
Dipanagara,
Dipanagara, and
and they
they ascribed
ascribed the
thesecret
secretof
ofhis
hisunusual
unusualcharisma
charismatotohis
his
extraordinary
extraordinary ability
ability for
for getting
gettingononas
aswell
wellwith
withthe
thecommon
commonpeople
peopleasas
with the
the most
most elevated
elevated officials,
officials,aatalent
talentwhich
whichhad
hadmade
madehimhim'much
'muc
loved everywhere'.22
everywhere'.22
During
During the
the course
course of
of theJava
theJava War,
War,Dipanagara
Dipanagaratried
triedtotolive
liveup
uptotothe
the
popular
popular expectations
expectations of
of him
him asasthe
thelong-awaited
long-awaitedJavanese
Javanese'Just
'JustKing'
King
(Ratu Adil)
Adil) who
who would
would institute
instituteaaperiod
periodof
oflight
lighttaxation
taxationandandprovide
provide a a
cornucopia
cornucopia of
of cheap
cheap provisions
provisionsafter
afteraatime
timeofofdarkness,
darkness,oppression
oppressionand and
depravity,
depravity, the
the classic
classic jaman
jaman kala-bendu'.23
kala-bendu'.23Thus
Thushehegave
gaveout outthat
thatheh
would only
only demand
demand aa maximum
maximumof offour
fourSpanish
Spanishdollars
dollars(i (iSp.D.
Sp.D.= =63-
63
66 stuivers)
stuivers) on
on ajung
ajung ofof land
land (an
(anarea
areawhich
whichcould
couldbe
beworked
workedby byfour
fou
peasant
peasant households,
households, on on average
averagearound
aroundfour
fourhectares),
hectares),regardless
regardlessofof
whether
whether the
the latter
latter was
was 'fat
'fat or
or thin'
thin'(i.e.
(i.e.fertile
fertileor
orinfertile),
infertile),and
andininhis
his
instructions
instructions to
to his
his subordinate
subordinateofficials
officialsheheprohibited
prohibitedchanges
changesininexisting
existing
irrigation
irrigation networks,
networks, the
the levying
levyingof
ofadditional
additionaltaxes
taxesand
andthe
thesequest-
sequest
ration of
of plundered
plundered goods.24
goods.24 There
Thereisisevidence
evidencethat
thathis
hisorders
orderswere
wer
sometimes
sometimes enforced:
enforced: at
at least
least one
onelocal
localofficial
officialwas
wasflogged
floggedfor
fordemanding
demanding
more taxes
taxes than
than he
he was
was allowed,
allowed,and
andone
oneofDipanagara's
ofDipanagara'sown
ownbrothers
brother
was forced
forced toto commute
commute allall the
thetribute
tributepayments
paymentsininananarea
areatotothe
thesouth
south
ofo
Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta because
because the
the local
local inhabitants
inhabitantswere
weresosoimpoverished.25
impoverished.25ItItis is
difficult
difficult to
to draw
draw any
any firm
firm conclusions
conclusionsabout
aboutthe
theefficacy
efficacyofofDipanagara's
Dipanagara'
style of
of administration
administration during
duringthe
thewar
waryears.
years.But
Butthe
thepractical
practicalimpact
impact
was perhaps
perhaps less
less important
important than
thanthe
thepopular
popularimage
imageof
ofa a'Just
'JustRuler'
Ruler
which he
he cultivated
cultivated amongst
amongst the
thecommon
commonpeople.
people.With
Withconsummate
consummat
skill he
he succeeded
succeeded in in embodying
embodyingthe
thewidespread
widespreadmillenarian
millenarianexpec-
expec
tations
tations of
of the
the time,
time, and
and made
made himself
himselfthe
thefocus
focusfor
forthe
theideals
idealsand
andlongings
longings
which had
had gripped
gripped the
the Javanese
Javanesecountryside
countrysidein
inthe
theyears
yearsbefore
beforethe
th
outbreak of the war.
It is not the intention of this essay to consider the scattered
22 Van Hogendorp, Willem van Hogendorp, p.. 154; Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad
Dipanagara, pp. xLff; Dj. Br. 6, P. H. Van Lawick van Pabst, 'Nota ter betoogen der
gelijkmatigheid van den oorlog van den jare 1746 met dien van den tegenwoordigen tijd
[i.e. Java War (ed.)]', 5 Nov. 1828, f. 3.
23 On the Ratu Adil beliefs in Java, see G. W. J. Drewes, Drie Javaansche Goeroe's. Hun
Leven, Onderricht en Messiasprediking (Leiden: Vros, 1925), pp. 168-82; A. C. Harjaka
Hardjamardjaja, Javanese Popular Belief in the Coming of Ratu Adil, a Righteous Prince
(Rome: Pontifica Universitas Gregoriana, 1962); Sartono Kartodirdjo, Religious
Movements of Java in the Igth and2oth Centuries (Jogjakarta: Pertjetakan U.I.I., 1970); and
Id., 'Agrarian Radicalism in Java: Its Setting and Development' in Claire Holt (ed.),
Culture and Politics in Indonesia (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1972), pp.
7 - 25, esp. pp. 94-7.
24 Carey (ed. and Trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XL. 25 Ibid., p. LxvIII n. 183.

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66 PETER CAREY
millenarian movements which manifested themselves in the Javanese

countryside in the decade before the Java War.26 Instead, the main
focus will be on the tensions and pressures which built up in the agrarian
society of south-central Java from the late eighteenth century onwards.
It should be stressed that the picture presented here is a very fragmented
and partial one. The sources used derive mainly from the Residency
Archive of Yogyakarta in the Indonesian National Archives (Arsip
Nasional) in Jakarta. Some additional materials have also been taken
from volumes in the Surakarta Residency Archive in the Arsip Nasional,
from the detailed reports drawn up by British administrators (notably
John Crawfurd) on Yogyakarta and the annexed provinces in Central
and East Java (Kedhu, Pacitan, Wirasaba and Japan [Majakerta]) in
I812-13, and from the Dutch surveys of the territories acquired from the
central Javanese courts in the aftermath of the Java War, namely
Banyumas, Bagelen, Madiun and Kedhiri.27 These latter have recently
been the subject of an important paper by a Dutch historian, W. R.
Hugenholtz, who is currently preparing a thesis on the history of the
land-rent and the process of economic unification in nineteenth-century
Java.28 The geographical weighting of the present essay will thus be
very much towards the core apanage regions of south-centralJava, with
particular reference to Yogyakarta, although occasional comparative
forays will be made into the western and eastern outlying provinces
(mancanagara) of the Central Javanese courts. At the same time, the
period discussed will be a restricted one, namely the seventy years from
the Peace of Giyanti in I755, which divided central Java between the
two main courts of Yogyakarta and Surakarta, and the outbreak of the
Java War in 1825. Despite these restrictions, it is hoped that the
information presented here can provide a basis for a more wide-ranging
study of the central Javanese peasant society in the late eighteenth and
26 For a discussion of these see Carey, 'Pangeran Dipanagara', VKI (forthcoming,
I986), ch. X.
27 For a survey of these sources see P. B. R. Carey, 'The Residency Archive of
Jogjakarta', Indonesia, no. 25 (April 1978), pp. I 5-50; Id. (ed. and trans.), Babad
Dipanagara, pp. xxxiI--xxxvi; C. 0. Blagden, Catalogue of Manuscripts in European
Languages belonging to the Library of the India Office. Volume I: The NMackenzie Collections. Part
I: The 1822 and The Private Collection (London: Oxford University Press, 1916), pp. 107-
12; V. J. H. Houben, 'Afstand van Gebied met Behoud van Aanzien. Een onderzoek
naar De Koloniale verhouding op midden-Java in I830', unpublished Doctoraalscriptie
(M.A. Thesis) (Leiden, 1982), passim; and E. S. de Klerck, De Java-Oorlog van i825-3o,
vol. VI (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij & 's-Hage: M. Nijhoff, I9go), passim.
28 W. R. Hugenholtz, 'Traditional Javanese Society and the Colonial Exploitation
System: Regional Differences in the 'Appropriated Principalities' in I830', paper
presented to the Fourth Indonesian-Dutch Historical Congress, 23-29 July I983,
Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

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early
early nineteenth
nineteenth
centuries
centuries
which canwhich
elucidate
can
stillelucidate
further thestill
complex
further
economic
economic and and
socialsocial
background
background
to the Javato
War.29
the Java War.29
II. The Structure of the Javanese Apanage System
Before embarking on a detailed examination of the economy and society

of south-central Java in the 755-1825 period, it is necessary to turn
aside for a moment to consider the structure of the late eighteenth-
century Javanese apanage system as it is revealed in the contemporary
European reports.30
According to the Javanese conception of sovereignty, the ruler was
'overlord' (i.e. enjoyed usufruct and ultimate disposition) of all the lands
in his kingdom. His overriding concern was for the upkeep of his court,
his extensive family, his provincial administrators (Bupati) and officials
(abdi-Dalem), and, perhaps most important of all, his military establish-
ment of court-based bodyguard troops and mounted levies from the
outer regions (mancanagara). All this was maintained by labour services
(corvee) and tribute payments, both in cash and kind, produced by the
agricultural population. The essentially military nature of the Javanese
apanage system, which harked back to the days of the Javanese 'war
band', can be seen in the conditions of the royal land grants (piagem-
Dalem) which stipulated that armed levies should be produced whenever
the ruler required them.31 The very names of the old office-holders of
theJavanese state, Panewu, Penatus, Paneket and Penglawe (i.e. heads over
one thousand, one hundred, fifty or twenty-five armed men), and the
titles of some of the provincial administrators such as Arung Binang
('Lord of the Red Pikes') and Sawunggaling ('Golden Fighting Cock'),
or the older toponyms for some of the apanage districts in south-central
Java, such as Tanah Sulastri (lit.: 'Land of the Pikes'), present-day
Bagelen, underlined the essentially military character of the original
Javanese polity.32
29 See Carey, 'Pangiran Dipanagara', VKI (forthcoming, I986).
30 On the sources used, see above n. 27. Reference has also been made to the two
classic descriptions of the traditional Javanese apanage system by G. P. Rouffaer,
'Vorstenlanden', Encyclopaedia van \Nederlandsch-Indie, vol. IV (Ist edn, 's-Gravenhage:
Martinus Nijhoff & Leiden: E.J. Brill, I905), pp. 587-653; and Soemarsaid Moertono,
State and Statecraft in Old Java: A Study of the Later Mataram Period, i6th to igth Century
(Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, I968).
31 IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt 7,John Crawfurd, 'Remarks on the Nature and Condition of
landed tenures under the Native Government of Java with some suggestions for the
improvement of the Land Revenue in the territories of the European power', 7 May
1813 (henceforth: Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures'), p. 232.
32 Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 6 o n. i. The use of the term tumbak ('lance') to refer

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
68 PETER CAREY
By
Bythethe
early early
nineteenth
nineteenth
century, this military
century,
basis of the
this
Javanese
militar
apanage
apanagesystemsystem
had been modified
had beensomewhat,modified
and military somewhat,
exigencies
no
nolonger
longer
loomed loomed
quite so large:
quite
the word
so'cacah'
large:
('household'),
the word for 'c
example,
example,had come
hadto refer
come to the
tonumber
refer of cultivators
to the and number
their o
dependants
dependants(anywhere
(anywhere
between three and
between
thirty people)
three
who could
and be thir
maintained
maintained on a particular
on a area particular
ofirrigated riceland
area(sawah)
ofirrigated
rather than rice
to
tothethe
number number
of armed men of anarmed
area couldmen
produce.anIt had
area
thus could
become pro
as
asmuch
much a unit aof unit
economic ofmeasurement
economic as a military
measurement
term.33 But theas a m
princes
princes and nobles
andofnobles
the blood (putra-sentana)
of the blood and the(putra-sentan
ruler's senior
officials,
officials, thepriyayi
thepriyayi
(lit.: 'parayayi' (lit.:
= 'younger
'parayayi'
brothers' of the
= 'younger
sovereign), br
who
who werewereoften allied
oftento him allied
by family
toties,
himstill had
bymilitary
family obligations
ties, stil
even
evenin theinearly
the nineteenth
early century.
nineteenth
Thus they were
century.
required toThus
parade they
on
onhorseback
horseback
with somewith
of theirsome
mountedoftroops
their
on the mounted
occasion of tr
important
importantcourt ceremonies
court such
ceremonies
as the Garebeg,such
the thrice-yearly
as the Gare
Javanese-Islamic
Javanese-Islamic feasts, and were
feasts,
expected
and
to take
were
part inexpected
major
military
military exercises
exercises
and reviews asand
ordered
reviews
by the ruler.34
as ordered
The warrior by th
ethic
ethicstill still
pervadedpervaded
the cultural life
theof the
cultural
centralJavanese
lifecourts
of thewhich,centr
in
inthethe
apt description
apt description
of one recent historian,
of one hadrecent
the aspect historian,
of'armed h
camps
campsconstantly
constantly
celebrating the
celebrating
virtues of war inthe
song virtues
and dance, of
maintaining
maintaining the solidarity
thebetween
solidarity
rulers andbetween
followers in almost
rulers
dailyand f
court
courtrituals,
rituals,
constantlyconstantly
alert for opportunities
alert to strike
for outopportunit
at rival
kings'.35
kings'.35 Later, during
Later, the during
Java War, Dipanagara
the Java was able
War,to make
Dipan
extensive
extensiveuse of the
use levies
ofofthe
those levies
Yogya princes
of and
those
royal Yogya
officials who
prince
to
tothethe
lengths
lengths
of one rood
ofin land
one measurements
rood in islandalso significant
measurements
here and dated back
is also
at sign
least
leastto the
toDemak
thedynasty
Demak of the
dynasty
late 5th to mid-
of i6th
the centuries,
late 5thsee ibid.,
top.mid-
6 7. On the
i6th cen
military
military originsorigins
of other Bupati
of titles
otherin Yogya
Bupati
(e.g. Natayuda,
titlesYuda-asmara,
in Yogya (e.g
Yudakusuma,
Yudakusuma, Yudaprawira
Yudaprawira
etc.) and the military
etc.)character
and ofthe
the I8th
military
century cha
Javanese
Javanese state, see
state,
furthersee
IOL Mack.
further
Pr. 2 pt 30,
IOL pp. Mack.
175-7, 'ListPr.
ofJavanese
2 pt titles
30,and pp. 175
proper
propernamesnames
of personsofwithpersons
explanations with
of their explanations
meanings', n.d.; and M.
of C. their
Ricklefs, mean
Jogjakarta
Jogjakarta under Sultan
under Mangkubumi
Sultan 749--I792:
Mangkubumi
A History of the
749--I792:
Division of JavaA(London:
History o
Oxford
Oxford University
University
Press, I974), pp.
Press,
422-3 n. I974),
I. pp. 422-3 n. I.
33
33Rouffaer,
Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden',
'Vorstenlanden',
pp. 617-I8; NvB Portfolio
pp.22617-I8;
pt 4, H. G.NvB
Nahuys Portfolio
van
Burgst,
Burgst, 'De Montjonegorosche-Djocjokartasche
'De Montjonegorosche-Djocjokartasche Landen', n.d. (c. 1830); and Hiroyoshi
Landen',
Kan6,
Kan6,'Land'Land
Tenure System
Tenure and theSystem
Desa Communityand in the
Nineteenth
Desa Century
Community
Java' i
(Tokio:
(Tokio:Institute
Institute
of Developing
of Economies
Developing
Special Paper
Economies
no. 5, 1977), p. Special
22 n. 43. Paper
34
34Dj.Dj.
Br. 45,
Br. M. Waterloo,
45, M.'Opgave
Waterloo,
van Sulthan's'Opgave
Inkomstenvan en Troepen',
Sulthan's
22 March Inkom
I808; and Dj. Br. 23, P. Engelhard (Yogyakarta) to H. W. Daendels (Batavia/
Buitenzorg), 2 June I808, who gave an account of a military review held by HB II (r.
1792-I8IO/I8I I-I2/I826-28) at the royal country estate of Arja(Raja)winangun to the
east of Yogyakarta during the early period of the Sultan's confrontation with Daendels,
in which over 5,000 men took part including sizeable detachments from the eastern
outlying (mancanagara) provinces (N.B. when compared to Surakarta, Yogyakarta had
very few western mancanagara provinces, see Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 589 and above
Map i).
35John Anthony Day, 'Meanings of Change in the Poetry of Nineteenth-Century
Java', unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Cornell University, 1981), p. 86.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE JUST KING' 69
)re apanage areas Outlying provinces

agara agung) ( \mancanagara)
Ruler
OURT COURT
2/5' Apanage Bupati 2/5

holder
ROVINCE / PROVINCE
)ptional) /5 Demang/Mantn-desa
v--- 1/5s De ng Mnt-d Junior
j l riyayl1/
ISTRICT DISTRICT
- 1/5 Beei Bekel ee D eman Be el / Dem \ 1/5
I LLAGE V\ \ \ / \ VILLAGE
_2/5 K ( sikep sikep

HAMLET
dependents (numpang/rayat) dependents (numpang/rayat)

shares of harvest and agricultural produce.
This would be reduced by about a fifth for
apanage holders if Demang/Mantri-desa manacanagara
were used. Some tribute (pajeg) in money (outlying areas)
and kind (eg. uwang bumi and hanks of
weaving cotton) was due to the ruler \ nagara agung
as his share (usually 17-20%) of the (core apanage lands)
taxes from the mancanagara areas.
Fig. I. The Javanese Apanage System in the Early Nineteenth Century Showing the
Major Administrative Levels and Tribute Division.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
PETER CAREY
70
rallied to his cause. Thus the essentially military character of the central
Javanese apanage organizations persisted until the final defeat of 1830,
when the reforms and land annexations of the post-war period
dismantled the old system for good.36
Before theJava War, the lands of the centralJavanese kingdoms were
divided into two main sorts: the core apanage regions or nagara agung,
situated close to the court, and the outlying territories or mancanagara,
located at some distance from the royal capitals (see Map I). This
geographical separation mirrored a more profound political difference
for the two types of area were administered along very different lines.
The first were either taxed directly for the upkeep of the ruler's court and
his personal retainers (in which case they were usually referred to as bumi
pamajegan [or pamosan]-Dalem) or they were given out as apanages for
members of his family and royal officials. In this case the apanage
holders enjoyed usufruct rights over the land, i.e. they had the right to
collect the taxes (pajeg) and some of the labour services which rested on
the lands and the population. Once a ruler had formally granted a
certain area in apanage, he himself no longer received any harvest
tribute from the lands, although the local population, in addition to
their duties to the apanage holders, still had to pay a certain amount per
jung of arable land to the royal administration as uwang-kerigaji (lit.: 'the
ruler's corvee' [kerig-Aji ) for public works and the upkeep of the Gunung,
officials who combined the roles of policemen and magistrates in the core
regions.37 The sovereign also enjoyed a modest income from the ground
rent tax for houses (pacumpleng),38 and the special levies imposed on the
36 For a detailed discussion of the I830-31 government reforms and territorial
annexations, see Houben, 'Afstand van Gebied', passim; and Klerck, J7ava-Oorlog, vol.
VI, passim.
37 Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 6I4; M. H.J. Kollmann, 'Bagelen onder het bestuur
van Soerakarta en Djojakarta', TBG vol. 14 (1864), pp. 355-7; and Anon., 'De toestand
van Bagelen in I830', TNJIvol. 20 (1858), p. 76. In some Yogya areas the police officials/
magistrates bore the title of 'Tamping', see J. F. C. Gericke, Javaansch-NVederduitsch
Woordenboek (ed. T. Roorda) (Amsterdam: Johannes Milller, I847), p. 290; Carey (ed.
and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, pp. 12-13, 60-i, 245 n. 39.
38 IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 223; Id., pt 4, 'Sultan's
Country by Mr. Crawfurd in I812. Observations on the Nature and Resources of the
Territories under the authority of the Sultan of Mataram' (henceforth: Crawfurd,
'Sultan's Country'), pp. I28-30; and P. H. van Lawick van Pabst, 'Beschrijving der
onderscheidene belastingen welke in de Oostelijke Montjo-Negorosche Landen geheven
worden', 21 Aug. I830 (henceforth: Van Pabst, 'Beschrijving') in De Klerck, Java-
Oorlog, vol. VI, p. 381 . The tax was levied at the rate of between one and two-and-one-
halfJava Rupees (post- 826 Dutch guilders) perjung, depending on the fertility of the
land, of which only about a quarter reached the royal treasury, the rest being left as a
douceur ('sweetener') for the village and provincial tax-collectors, who were charged with
assessing the tax according to the personal wealth of each householder. In some areas

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC2:34:56 UTC
local population at the time of court festivals (e.g. the Garebeg),

marriages, circumcision ceremonies and funerals, and visits by
placed European dignitaries such as the Governor-General, or
1808, the Governor ofJava's North-East Coast.39
The outlying territories were ruled by officials known as Bupa
Dutch parlance, 'Regents'), who collected the taxes that were
these lands on behalf of the ruler, a task for which they and
subordinates were paid by the allotment of tax-free 'official' rice
(tanah bengkok). Apart from small tribute payments in cash (uwang
which were delivered to the ruler, and the 'presents' (uwang bekti)
to the latter by newly appointed officials,40 the majority of the
from the mancanagara regions appear to have been rendered in kin
hanks of weaving cotton or special delicacies for the ruler's table)4
labour services, this situation being reflected in the low lev
monetization of the economies of the outlying areas when compa
the nagara agung.42 Above all, the labour services were important
for the Bupati and their subordinates, who used them for openin
new ricefields, and for the ruler, who relied on the military levies
the mancanagara in times of war, and on the building labourers fr
same areas in times of peace to work on royal construction projec
maintenance to the existing fabric of court buildings. These work
often numbered in thousands, accompanied the mancanagara Bupa
the court capitals at the time of theJavanese-Islamic festival to cel
the birth of the Prophet (Garebeg Mulud), when their yearly t
payments fell due.43 After the British imposed treaties on the cou
(e.g. Bagelin and the eastern mancanagara provinces) the tax was either paid in,
for the purchase of, hanks (tukel) of cotton yarn for broad cloth weaving, see A
toestand van Bagelen', p. 77; and T. S. Raffles, The History of Java, vol. I
Lumpur: Oxford University Press, I978), p. 134.
39 On these special levies, sometimes known as 'taker-turun' (kr. 'taker-tedhak') o
bekti pasumbangan', see Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', pp. 625-6; and Anon., 'De
van Bagelen', p. 79.
40 Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 623.
41 Kollmann, 'Bagelen', pp. 360-2; and above n. 38.
42 See below Section IV, 99-i00.
43 IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 234; and Dj. Br. 2
van den Berg, 'Memorie op het Hof van Djocjocarta onder den Sulthan Ham
boena den tweede ... aan zijn Successeur... Matthias Waterloo', I Au
(henceforth: Van den Berg, 'Memorie'), who pointed out that a three to four
work stint was normal although HB II, a Yogya ruler notorious for his labour d
sometimes kept the easter mancanagara workforce in the royal capital for ten mo
stretch. For a reference to the mancanagara Bupatis having to act as 'overseers' (m
their work forces during these periods, see Anon. (signedJ. L. V.), 'Bijdrage tot d
der residentie Madioen', TNJI vol. 17 (I855), p. 2.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
PETER CAREY
72
August I812, which annexed some of the outlying territories and

severely restricted the military establishments of the central Javanese
rulers, these labour services were apparently no longer demanded,
although the Bupati of the outlying areas still under Javanese rule
continued to journey to the courts for the Mulud festival until the end of
the Java War, when the last mancanagara territories were taken over by
the colonial government.44
Two other differences separated the administration, land settlement
and government of the outlying areas from the core regions. The first
concerned judicial and police arrangements: whereas in the nagara
agung, as has already been noted, these were in the hands of special
officials appointed by the royal administration who were answerable to
the ruler's prime minister (Patih) in the capital; in the mancanagara, the
Bupati themselves had responsibilities for these duties and there was very
little supervision from the centre apart from the personal contacts with
the court which were reinforced at the time of each Garebeg Mulud
ceremony.45 Even more important than this was the difference in
territorial administration between the two areas. In the mancanagara, the
Bupati governed contiguous administrative regions known as kabupaten
with the provinces belonging to the different courts being clearly distinct
from each other (see Map i). In the nagara agung, however, there was a
minute division of villages and lands between the apanage holders of the
two main courts (i.e. Yogyakarta and Surakarta), a situation which was
complicated still further by the creation of the two minor courts of the
Mangkunagaran and the Pakualaman in 1757 and i 8 2 respectively.46
The reasons for this 'patchwork quilt' pattern of landholdings and
villages seem to be quite clear. It had long been the practice ofJavanese
rulers to divide the apanage areas close to the court in order to prevent
possible political threats to their authority. In the ninth century, for
44 NvB Portfolio 22 pt 4, Nahuys van Burgst, 'De Montjonegorosche-Djokjokartasche
Landen', n.d. (c. I830), on the commutation of the labour services to a money payment
in 1812; and, on the 1830-3 reforms in the mancanagara territories, see De Klerck, Java-
Oorlog, vol. VI, pp. 152-228.
45 See above n. 43. According to Van den Berg, 'Memorie', the mancanagara Bupatis
were entirely dependent on the ruler's favour during their sojourns in the royal capital,
and they could be dismissed if their tribute (uwang bumi) payments were too low or their
workforce deserted. Many returned to their kabupaten, at least during the first period of
HB II's reign (i.e. 1 792-1810), almost bankrupted by their long stays in Yogya. On the
extensive intermarriage between the Yogya royal family and the offspring of mancanagara
Bupatis, another way in which the Sultans maintained political control over the senior
officials in the outlying territories, see Carey, 'Pang6ran Dipanagara', VKI (forth-
coming, i986), ch. II.
46 Hugenholtz, 'Traditional Javanese Society', pp. 12-14; Anon., 'De toestand van
Bagelen', p. 76; and Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 624.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
example,
example,the
the
settlements
settlements
belonging
belonging
to theto
watek
the (intermediate
watek (intermediate
adminis- admin
trative
trativeunits
units
which
whichhadhad
evolved
evolved
out ofout
theof
oldthe
pre-state
old pre-state
chiefdomschiefdom
absorbed
absorbedbyby the
the
central
central
Javanese
Javanese
state of
state
Mataram
of Mataram
in the eighth
in the eight
century)
century)werewereorganized
organized
on a on
widely
a widely
scattered
scattered
basis. This
basis.
dispersal
This of
dispersal
the of t
core
corelandholdings
landholdings of the
of the
locallocal
administrators
administrators
and theand
frequent
the frequent
reassign- reassi
ments
mentsof oftax
tax
rights
rights
hadhad
reduced
reduced
the danger
the danger
of powers
of competing
powers competing
with wi
the
the raja
rajabybymaking
making it almost
it almost
impossible
impossible
for a local
for lord
a local
to consolidate
lord to consolidat
a
rival
rivalpower
power base.47
base.47
TheThe
samesame
policypolicy
of'divide
of'divide
and rule'
andhadrule'
character-
had charact
ized the second kingdom of Mataram founded by Panembahan
Senapati (r. c. I584-I60I) in the late sixteenth century. The Giyanti
Settlement of I755, however, had greatly confused the situation because
the central Javanese apanage holders of the defunct Mataram kingdom
had been allowed to opt for one of the courts (i.e. Surakarta or
Yogyakarta) while still retaining their original pre-Giyanti landhold-
ings, regardless of where they were situated.48 Although some of the
'hopeless cadastral confusion' which resulted was sorted out by the new
land registers and apanage boundaries agreed between the two main
courts in I773-74, the chequer-board pattern of landholdings in the
nagara agung persisted right up to the territorial settlements of I830-3 .49
Indeed, south-central Javanese peasants in the nineteenth century used
to refer to this mid-eighteenth-century period as the 'tumpangparuk', 'the
time when everything was heaped together'.50 In his seminal article on
the Javanese principalities published in I904, the Dutch scholar, G. P.
47 Jan Wisseman Christie, 'Raja and Rama: The Classical State in Early Java', in
Lorraine Gesick (ed.), Centers, Symbols and Hierarchies. Essays on the Classical States of
Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, Monograph Series
no. 26, I983), pp. I7-2 (esp. p. I8).
48 George D. Larson, 'Prelude to Revolution: Palaces and Politics in Surakarta,
I912-I942', unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Northern Illinois University, 1979), p. 38. On
the first Sultan (HB I's, r. 1749-92) role in the physical division of the core apanage areas
of the erstwhile Mataram state in 1755, and his insistence on the minute subdivision of
territory to ensure that the fertile areas were divided equally between Yogyakarta and
Surakarta, see Ricklefs, Mangkubumi, p. 7 ; and P. H. Van der Kemp (ed.), 'Brieven van
den Gouverneur-General Van der Capellen over Dipanegara's Opstand', BKI, vol. 46
(1896), pp. 545-6. According to Ricklefs 'Some Statistical Evidence onJavanese Social,
Economic and Demographic History in the later Seventeenth and Eighteenth
Centuries' (see pp. 6-7) the Giyanti partition of 1755 was not based on a new census
or cadastral survey as previously asserted by him (Mangkubumi, p. 158), but on older
conventionalized cacah ('household') figures dating back probably to Sunan Amang-
kurat I's (r. I646-77) census of I65I.
49 See Ricklefs, Mangkubumi, pp. 158-9, for a discussion of the new census (Serat Ebuk
Anyar) completed in late 1773 and ratified by the rulers of Yogyakarta and Surakarta on
26 April 1774. A copy of this important land register can be found in Dj. Br. 43 of the
Yogyakarta Residency archive collection in the Arsip Nasional in Jakarta, see Carey,
'Residency Archive', p. 144; and Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 591 n. I.
50 Kollmann, 'Bagelen', p. 354.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
PETER CAREY
74
Rouffaer,
Rouffaer, pointed
pointedout
outsome
someofofthethemost
mostimportant
important
effects
effects
of this
of this
land land
settlement
settlementon onthe
thevillage
villagecommunities,
communities, namely,
namely,
thethe
division
division
ofricefields
ofricefields
and
and common
commonlands,
lands,the
theincrease
increase
in in
thethe
number
numberof court
of court
officials
officials
salaried
salaried
in land,
land, the
theheavier
heaviertribute
tributeburdens
burdens andand
thethe
aggravation
aggravation
of the
of the
security
security
situation
situation in
incountry
countryareas
areaswith
withthe
the
multiplication
multiplication
of disputes
of disputes
about
about
lands
lands and
and offices,
offices,and
andproblems
problemsover
over
thethe
upkeep
upkeep
of local
of local
irrigation
irrigation
channels.5 1
The position of the apanage holders themselves was hardly more
secure. Their actual landholdings, or, in Javanese, lungguh (lit.: 'seat'),
varied in extent according to their seniority in the official hierarchy or
their blood relationship to the ruler. But, as the royal families grew
larger in the late eighteenth century and the amount of apanage land
available drastically decreased, especially after the territorial annexa-
tions in August I 812, the average size of the apanages also grew smaller.
In certain cases quasi-hereditary rights over apanages were admitted for
members of the ruler's close family, or for trusted officials who were
linked to him by marriage. Other royal servants, however, were liable to
lose their landholdings and their means of support for their families
when they were dismissed from office, a frequent occurrence in Java,
especially at times of changes of ruler. The precariousness of these office
holders and their utter dependence on the ruler's favour for the
continued enjoyment of their lands and offices can be seen in the
Javanese words 'gadhuhan', 'anggadhuhi' or 'anggadhuhake' ('a temporary
grant', 'to loan provisionally', 'to give as a temporary grant') which
were used in their official letters of appointment (nuwala [or piagem]-
Dalem).52 In the core apanage regions, which were governed directly
from the courts, the Javanese landholding system was thus firmly
subordinated to the requirements of the royal administrations and never
acquired the nature of a full-blown system of fiefs for prominent families
characteristic of Medieval Europe.
As part of the royal policy of control, all those holding apanage lands
in the nagara agung were required to reside in the court capitals for most
of the year. They thus had far less scope for forging close personal ties
with the populations on their lands than would have been the case if they
had lived, like the mancanagara officials, in their designated districts.
According to Crawfurd, many apanage holders never took the trouble
to visit the apanage lands allotted them by the ruler, and some were even
ignorant of their geographical location.53 Indeed, with landholdings
52 Ibid., p. 621; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 232.
53 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 229.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
spread
spread outout
overover
a widea area,
widesometimes
area, sometimes
many miles apart
many from
miles
eachapart from ea
other,
other, thethe
actual
actual
process
process
of visiting
of them,
visiting
at a time
them,when
atroad
a time when ro
communications
communications in south-central
in south-central
Java were Java
poor, would
werehave
poor,
beenwould
a have been
major
major undertaking.54
undertaking.54Conscientious
Conscientious
landlords like
landlords
Dipanagaralike
or Dipanagara
Mangkunagara
Mangkunagara II of II
Surakarta
of Surakarta
(r. I796-1835),
(r. I796-1835),
who took a personal
who took a persona
interest
interest in the
in the
landslands
under their
under charge
their
andcharge
who wereand
in the
whohabit
were
of in the habit of
inspecting
inspecting them
them
regularly,
regularly,
were thus
were
exceptional.
thus exceptional.
In
Ingeneral,
general,
the the
court-based
court-based
apanage holders
apanageleftholders
the administration
left the ofadministration
the
thepopulations
populations assigned
assigned
to themtoin them
the hands
in of
the
local
hands
tax-collectors
of local tax-collecto
(Bekel),
(Bekel), drawn
drawnfromfrom
the village
the sphere,
villagewhosphere,
gatheredwhothe land-rent
gathered the land-r
tribute
tribute (pajeg)
(pajeg)
and the
andother
thelevies
other
duelevies
to them,
dueandtoexercised
them,some and exercised so
judicial
judicial authority
authority(supposedly
(supposedly
under theunder
supervision
the ofsupervision
the Gunung) inof the Gunung) i
their
theirlocalities.55
localities.55
These These
Bekel were
Bekel
usually
were responsible
usuallyforresponsible
one village orfor one village
part
partofof a village,
a village,
with areas
withofareas
agricultural
of agricultural
land ranging from
land two
ranging
to from two to
twenty-four
twenty-four hectares
hectares
(about one-half
(about toone-half
six jung),to
depending
six jung),
on the
depending on t
fertility
fertility of the
of the
region.
region.
They also
They
received
alsoa portion
received of the
a portion
other taxes,
of the other tax
such
suchasasthethe
pacumpleng
pacumpleng
(ground-rent
(ground-rent
tax on houses),
taxandonenjoyed
houses),
rights
and enjoyed righ
over
overpersonal
personal
services
services
from the
from
village
the
community.
village community.
Thus it was Thus it w
customary
customary for for
the tax-collectors
the tax-collectors
to take a few
to villagers
take a fewwith them
villagers
to thewith them to
royal
royalcapital
capital
in order
in order
to enhance
to enhance
their own their
authority
ownandauthority
help in the and help in the
performance
performance of small
of small
tasks for
tasks
the apanage
for theholders
apanage
when holders
the land-rent
when the land-re
payments
payments (pajeg)
(pajeg)
fell due
fell
at due
MuludatandMulud
Puwasaand
(the festival
Puwasato(the
celebrate
festival to celebra
the
theendend
of of
the the
fasting
fasting
month).56
month).56
54
54On
On thethe
roadroad
network
network
in south-centralJava
in south-centralJava
at this time, see
at IOL
this
Maptime,
Room see
MS. IOL Map Room M
24,
24,G.G.
P. P.
Baker,
Baker,
'Memoir
'Memoir
of a Survey
of ainSurvey
the Native
inPrinces'
the Native
DominionsPrinces'
ofJava',Dominions
25 Nov. ofJava', 25 N
I816.
I816.There
There are also
are useful
also useful
publishedpublished
surveys of the
surveys
I 7th century
of theMataram
I 7th century
network inMataram
P. network in
W.
W.van
vanMilaan,
Milaan,
'Beschouwingen
'Beschouwingen
over het iover
7e Eeuwse
het Mararamse
i 7e Eeuwse
Weggenet',
Mararamse
Sociaal Weggenet', Soc
Geographische
Geographische Mededeelingen,
Mededeelingen,
vol. 4 (I942),
vol.pp.4205-39;
(I942),and
pp.
B.J.
205-39;
0. Schrieke,
andIndonesian
B.J. 0. Schrieke, Indone
Sociological
Sociological Studies.
Studies.
Part Two:
PartRuler
Two:andRuler
Realm inand
Early
Realm
Java (The
in Early
Hague &Java
Bandung:
(TheW.Hague & Bandung: W
van
vanHoeve,
Hoeve,1957),
1957),
pp. I05-I
pp.I. I05-I I.
55
55Ibid.,
Ibid.,pp.pp.
225-9:
225-9:
Louw, Louw,
Java-Oorlog,
Java-Oorlog,
vol. I, p. 23 n.
vol.
I. I, p. 23 n. I.
56
56IOL
IOLMack.
Mack.
Pr. 21
Pr.
pt 21
7, Crawfurd,
pt 7, Crawfurd,
'Landed tenures',
'Landedp. 227;
tenures',
Rouffaer,p. 227; Rouffae
'Vorstenlanden',
'Vorstenlanden',p. 625.
p.On
625.
festive
On occasions
festivesuch
occasions
as marriages,
suchcircumcisions
as marriages,
and circumcisions
births,
births, cultivators
cultivators
were expected
were expected
to make presents
to make
of eggs,
presents
chickens,
ofcoconuts
eggs, chickens,
and other coconuts and oth
farm
farmproduce
produceto the
toapanage
the apanage
holder as holder
well as undertaking
as well assome
undertaking
personal services
some forpersonal
the services for
apanage
apanage holder's
holder's
family.
family.
BuildingBuilding
materials were
materials
also supplied
werefree also
of supplied
charge for free
the of charge for
upkeep
upkeep of of
the the
apanage
apanage
holder'sholder's
residence,residence,
see GKA, 20 Sept.
see GKA,
I830 no.20
56k,Sept.
'Verbaal
I830vanno. 56k, 'Verbaal
de
deverrigtingen
verrigtingen van Commissarissen
van Commissarissente Djokjakartate enDjokjakarta
Aanteekeningen en gehouden
Aanteekeningen
in gehouden
comparitien
comparitien ter zake
ter van
zake hunne
vanCommissie
hunne Commissie
met onderscheidene
met onderscheidene
personen' (henceforth:personen' (hencefor
'Verbaal'),
'Verbaal'),interviews
interviewswith Panembahan
with Panembahan
Mangkubumi, Mangkubumi,
18 April 1830; and 18Haji
April
Ngisoh
1830; and Haji Ngis
(Ngisa),
(Ngisa), 2I April
2I April
I830. I830.
According
According
toJ. I. vantoJ.
Sevenhoven,
I. van whoSevenhoven,
served as Resident
who of served as Residen
Surakarta
Surakarta from from
I824 to
I824
I825,totenjung
I825, oftenjung
Mangkunagaran
of Mangkunagaran
land brought in an land
annualbrought in an ann
tribute
tribute payment
payment of 500ofSpanish
500 Spanish
dollars (i Sp.D.
dollars
= 63-66(i Sp.D.
stuivers),
= 63-66
but thestuivers),
additional but the additio
services
services andandpresents
presents
accounted
accounted
for another for200another
Sp.D., see 200
S. Br.Sp.D.,
55, 'Nota
seeover
S. de
Br. 55, 'Nota over
landverhuringen',
landverhuringen', I6 March
I6 March
1837. On 1837.
these 'fringe
On these
benefits',
'fringe
see further
benefits',
Raffles,
seeHistory,
further Raffles, Histo
vol. I, p. 302.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
76 PETER CAREY
In
In Crawfurd's
Crawfurd's view,
view,
it was
it was
usually
usually
in the
in interests
the intere
of
the
the local
localcultivators
cultivatorswith
with
moderation,
moderation,
and they
and oft
th
them
them over
overthe
theyearly
yearly
division
division
of agricultural
of agricultural
land in
lan
t
questions
questionsof
ofirrigation.
irrigation.
On On
these
these
occasions
occasions
the tax
th
address
addressthethe 'landowning'
'landowning' peasants
peasants(sikep)
(sikep)
in familiar
in fam t
or
or 'friend'
'friend'(kanca).
(kanca). AtAtthethe
same same
time, time,
theirtheir
social soci
posi
to
to have
haveset
setthem
them apart
apart
fromfrom theirtheir
village
village
neighbours,
neighb
part,
part, the
theBekel
Bekel were
werethemselves
themselves drawndrawn
fromfrom
the groth
peasants
peasantsor or from
from established
established village
village
head head
(Lurah)
(Lurah
fam
But
But Crawfurd's
Crawfurd's optimistic
optimistic picture
picture
mustmustbe treated
be trew
known
knownthatthat atat the
thetime
time
he was
he waswriting
writing
this report
this repo
abo
trying
tryingto topersuade
persuade Raffles
Raffles (in office
(in office
as British
as British
Lieute
Java,
Java, I81
I81i-i-6)6)totouseuse
them
them as the
as the
basisbasis
for his
forland-ta
his l
I3,
I3, rather
ratherthan
than attempting
attempting to settle
to settle
withwith
the cultivat
the c
Besides,
Besides,even
evenCrawfurd
Crawfurd hadhad
to admit
to admit
that that
the Bet
tenure,
tenure,and
andthe
thepractice
practice
of paying
of paying
a part
a part
of the
ofla
harvest
harvesttribute)
tribute)
payments
payments in advance,
in advance,
encouraged
encour s
to
to resort
resortto
tounscrupulous
unscrupulous methods.59
methods.59
It was
Itoften
was ofte
the
that,
that, on
onthe
thereplacement
replacementof an
of apanage
an apanage
holder
holder
in thein
r
too
too frequent
frequent occurrence),
occurrence),
the the
Bekel
Bekel
dependent
dependent
on tha
would
wouldbe
beremoved
removedbyby
thethe
newnew
incumbent
incumbent
to make
to
appointees.
appointees. On
Onsuch
such
occasions,
occasions,
it was
it was
not unusual
not unusual
for t
to
to abscond
abscondwith
withthe
the
cash
cash
advances
advances
fromfrom
the cultivators
the culti
blank
blankto
toaccept
acceptthe
the
authority
authority
of the
of new
the new
appointe
app
would
wouldthen
thenbreak
breakout
out
in the
in the
village,
village,
the issue
the issue
being b
s
arms.
arms.These
Theselocal
local
disputes
disputes
over
over
tax-collectorshi
tax-collect
common
commoncause
causefor
forthethe
numerous
numerous
'village
'village
wars' wa
(pr
plagued
plaguedthe
thecountryside
countrysideof south-central
of south-centralJava at
Java
thisa
one
one Dutch
Dutchtraveller
travellerreferred
referred
to as
tobeing
as being
almostalmost
a daily
years
years immediately
immediately preceding
precedingtheJava
theJava
War.60
War.60
AnotherA
57
57 IOL
IOLMack.
Mack. Pr.
Pr.
21 21
pt pt
7, Crawfurd,
7, Crawfurd,
'Landed
'Landed
tenures',
tenures',
p. 242; p
Id
the
the District
Districtofof
Cadoe
Cadoe by by
Mr.Mr.
Crawfurd',
Crawfurd',
15 Nov.
15 INov.
8 2 (hencefor
I 8 2 (he
on
on Cadoe'),
Cadoe'),pp.
pp.290-5.
290-5.
58John
58JohnBastin,
Bastin,'Raffles'
'Raffles'
Ideas
Ideas
on the
on Land
the Land
Rent Rent
System
System
in Jav
Land
Land Tenure
TenureCommission',
Commission',VKI,
VKI,
vol. vol.
14 (i954),
14 (i954),
pp. 94-104,
pp. 941
The
The Policy
Policyand
andAdministration
Administrationof the
of Dutch
the Dutch
in Java
in (Kuala
Java Lumpur:
(Kuala Lum
O
I972),
I972),p.p.I8o
I8on.n.
3. 3.
Crawfurd's
Crawfurd's
ideaidea
was to
wasgive
to the
giveBekel
the security
Bekel se
that
that they
theywould
would cease
cease
to exploit.
to exploit.
59
59 IOL
IOLMack.
Mack. Pr.Pr.
2I 2I
pt pt
7, Crawfurd,
7, Crawfurd,'Landed
'Landed
tenures',
tenures',
p. 226
60
60 A.
A. P.
P.Buchler,
Buchler, 'Soerakarta
'Soerakartav66rv66r
63 jaren',
63 jaren',
TNI, vol.
TNI, 50vol.
(i88
prang
prangdesa,
desa,
seesee
further
further C. E.
C.van
E. van
Kesteren,
Kesteren,
'Een bijdrage
'Een bijdrage
tot de
Java-oorlog',
Java-oorlog', DeDeIndische
Indische Gids,
Gids,
vol. vol.
9 (1887)
9 (1887)
pt 2, pt
pp. 2,
1268-9;
pp. 1I
Crawfurd,
Crawfurd,'Landed
'Landed tenures',
tenures',
p. 226;
p. 226;
and Carey
and Carey
(ed. and
(ed.
trans.)
and
LXX n. 212.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE JUST KING7 77
Yogya prince, pointed out that there were also frequent di

opinion between the apanage holders, the village tax-collect
'landowning' peasants over questions of land-rent payments
demands during these years. These differences were compo
fact that the villages themselves were frequently divided u
different apanage holders who each appointed their own ta
to look after their interests.61
Despite the abuses associated with the activities of the
system of using village tax-collectors as the direct agents of
holders in the countryside was far less onerous for the loc
than the tax-farming practices which were increasingly int
the core apanage regions from the late eighteenth centu
These seem to have arisen for various reasons, most
contraction of the average size of the apanage holdings due
mentioned above and the need for apanage holders to m
cash income from their lands to support their burgeoning
dependants. Many apanage holders also contracted debts,
European and Chinese inhabitants in the principalities, and
to mortgage their lands or transfer usufruct of them to their c
guaranteed cash payments.62 It is also likely that some apa
found this method of tax-farming convenient, for they wer
or disinterested to exercise general supervision over th
village tax-collectors in the apanage areas assigned to the
The provincial tax-farmers to whom they delegated auth
known as Demang or Mantri desa. These men gathered t
(pajeg) payments from between ten and thirty village t
according to the size of the apanage. In return, they were
retain one-fifth of the rents as their own remuneration, and
the main link between the apanage holder and the village t
with wide scope for personal enrichment. On the basis
carried out in late 1812, Crawfurd noted that some of thes
tax-farmers administered as much as one hundred jung
hundred hectares) of land in fertile apanage provinces such
61 GKA, 20 Sept. I830 no. 56k, 'Verbaal', interview with Pangeran

ingrat II, 13 April I830.
62 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', pp. 228, 230. T
office apparently attracted many richJavanese to seek relatively low ran
Mantri desa, see J. W. Winter, 'Beknopte Beschrijving van het Hof Soe
(ed. G. P. Rouffaer), BKI, vol. 54 (1902), p. 44. For some contemporary e
farm leases to Europeans dating from the period I809-12, see BL A
(Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya cour
63 IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', pp. 228-9.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
78 PETER CAREY
They were also rather more distant socially

peasants than the village tax-collectors (Beke
drawn from lower-ranking families of court offici
provincial gentry.64
The spread of this iniquitous system of tax-far
with two related developments. The first of th
the multitude of village taxes and labour service
to be replaced by a fixed cash sum, which was
as 'pajeg matl' (lit.: 'fixed tribute'). This gained
apanage areas (e.g. Bagelen) after I812, when
by the British put pressure on the remaining n
also mirrored developments in the adjacent ter
European Government, where, during Raffl
single land-rent tax, likewise designed to be
kind, was introduced from 1812-I3 onwards.
The second related development was the
numbers of Chinese and Europeans resident in
the turn of the nineteenth century, especially
before the outbreak of the Java War. As the q
relations during this period has already been
article by the present author,67 and the role o
touched on in the works of nineteenth-century
not necessary to go deeply into the backgr
sources, however, clearly indicate that even pr
annexations, the Chinese were already impo
economies of certain areas of the south-cent
example, drew attention in his report on Ke
peasantry in that province, some of whom were
of Chinese Demang whose 'skill and frugality' en
tax-farm rents than their Javanese rivals.69
64 See above n. 62.

65 Anon., 'De toestand van Bagelen', pp. 78-80; and
Javanese Society', p. 2 .
66 John Bastin, The Native Policies of Sir Stamford Raffles in
Interpretation (Oxford: Clarendon Press, I957), pp. 2I-5,
I74ff; and Raffles, History, vol. II, Appendix L no. II, 'R
82-92, pp. cclv-cclvii.
67 Carey, 'ChangingJavanese Perceptions', pp. 1-47.
68 Louw, Java-Oorlog, vol. I, ch. V; and P. H. van d
Oorzaken van den Oorlog op Java van 1825-30', BKI,
69 IOL Mack. Pr. 2 pt 8, Crawfurd, 'Report on Cadoe',
Chinese tax-farmers (Demang Cina) in contemporary lan

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
Crawfurd
Crawfurd was not
wasparticularly
not particularly
well disposed to the
wellChinese
disposed
at this time,
to the Chinese a
and
and waswas
also very
alsomuch
veryagainst
muchthe Demang
against
as a group,
the Demang
his evidenceas a group, h
should
should againagain
be treated
be with
treated
caution.70
withBut, caution.70
it is clear that after
But, 1812,
it is clear that
with
with thethe
increasing
increasing
change to money
changetaxesto
in the
money
core apanage
taxesareas
inand
the core apana
the
the pressures
pressures
on available
on apanage
available
land, the
apanage
Chinese were
land,propelled
the Chinese wer
into
intoan an
ever ever
more prominent
more prominent
position as tax-farmers,
positionentrepreneurs
as tax-farmers,
and entrep
moneylenders
moneylenders in the principalities.71
in the principalities.71
A senior Dutch official,
A senior
who gave Dutch officia
evidence
evidenceto theto
Commissioners
the Commissioners
charged with thecharged
incorporation
with
of thethe incorporat
annexed
annexed territories
territories
in I830-3I, in
reported
I830-3I,
that over
reported
one-third of
that
the over one-th
Surakarta
Surakarta eastern
eastern
mancanagara
mancanagara
province of Kedhiri
province
and the whole
of of
Kedhiri and t
Srengat-Wetan
Srengat-Wetan (see Map (see
I) had Map
been farmed
I) had outbeen
by the farmed
local Bupati out
to by the local
the
the Chinese.
Chinese.Elsewhere,
Elsewhere,
in the adjacent
inYogya
the regency
adjacent of Madiun,
Yogya the regency of M
Chinese
Chinese had apparently
had apparently
played a key played
role in theacollection
key role of the
inland-
the collection o
rent
rent (pajeg)
(pajeg)
from thefromlocal population
the local under
population
the supervisionunder
of the Chief
the supervision
Regent
Regent (Bupati
(Bupati
Wedana) Wedana)
and his subordinates.72
and his At subordinates.72
the same time, in At the sa
both
both areas
areas
(i.e. Madiun
(i.e. and
Madiun
Kedhiri)and
numerous
Kedhiri)
villages and
numerous
lands in the villages and l
south
south of the
of regencies
the regencies
had been leased
had outbeen
to Europeans
leased whooutfunctioned
to Europeans who
as
as'white'
'white'Demang Demang
for the court
foradministrations.73
the court administrations.73
Where
Where did all
did thisall
leave
this
the long-suffering
leave the long-suffering
Javanese farmer? The Javanese f
impact
impactof the
ofJavanese
the Javanese
apanage system,
apanage
at least on
system,
lands subject
at toleast
the on lands su
land-rent
land-rentand other
andcontributions,
other contributions,
was clearly of major
was
importance,
clearly of major
affecting
affecting both his
bothlivelihood
his livelihood
and his securityand
of tenure.
his security
Every year heof
wastenure. Every
required
required to negotiate
to negotiate
a new lease aagreement
new lease with the
agreement
local apanage with the l
holder
holder through
through
the latter's
the tax-collectors,
latter's tax-collectors,
and there were no written
and there wer
undertakings
undertakings to act asto
a guarantee.
act as aInstead,
guarantee.
the individual
Instead,
rent the individ
arrangements
arrangements were witnessed
were by witnessed
the 'landowning'
by (sikep)
the 'landowning'
farmer's (sike
Dalem),
Dalem), see BL
see
Add.BL
MS.Add.
12342 (Crawfurd
MS. 12342coll., (Crawfurd
original letters and
coll.,
land original
grants from letters
the and land gr
Yogya
Yogya court),
court),
f. 49v, f.
f.5iv.
49v, f. 5iv.
70
70OnOnCrawfurd's
Crawfurd's
anti-Chinese
anti-Chinese
sentiments, see F.
sentiments,
de Haan, 'Personalia
seederF.Periode
de Haan, 'Persona
van
van hethet
Englesch
Englesch
Bestuur over
Bestuur
Java i8ii-i816',
overBKI,Javavol. i8ii-i816',
92 (I935), p. 529;BKI,
on hisvol. 92 (I935),
disparaging
disparaging views of
views
the Demang
of the
whenDemang
compared towhen
the Bekel,
compared
see IOL Mack.to
Pr.the
2 pt 7,
Bekel, see IOL Ma
Crawfurd,
Crawfurd, 'Landed'Landed
tenures', pp.
tenures',
245-9; pt 8,pp.
Id., 'Report
245-9; on pt
Cadoe',
8, pp.
Id.,
290-5;
'Report
and on Cadoe',
above n. 58.
71 Hugenholtz, 'Traditional Javanese Society', p. i9; Bastin, .Native Policies, p. 58;
Carey, 'Changing Javenese Perceptions, pp. 32-41; Afdeling Statistiek, De Residentie
Kadoe naar de uitkomsten der Statistieke opname en andere officiele Bescheiden bewerkt door de
afdeling Statistiek ter Algemeene Secretarie (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij, 187 1), p. 78; and GKA
20 Sept. I830 no. 56k, 'Verbaal', interview with Pangeran Mangkudiningrat II, I3
April I830, who stated that the renting out of inhabited land (cacah), especially to the
Chinese, should be absolutely forbidden.
72 Van Pabst, 'Beschrijving', in De Klerck, Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, pp. 378-9.
73 Hugenholtz, 'Traditional Javanese Society', p. 5, p. I 7; De Klerck, Java-Oorlog,
vol. VI, p. 443 art. i.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
80 PETER CAREY
neighbours and that act was considered as binding.74 When the land-
rent(pajeg) was rendered in money, as it was increasingly in the core
apanage areas from the late eighteenth century onwards, the usual
procedure was for it to be paid in advance at the time of concluding the
agreement. If the apanage holder or his local tax-collector were
removed from office during the term of the lease, the farmer would find
himself defrauded because the new apanage holder would invariably
demand fresh terms.75 This situation was particularly serious for
farmers with small landholdings, but it was not uncommon, even in the
fertile core apanage districts, for long-established cultivators, hard
pressed in this way, to flee to another village. The actual procedure
governing such an enterprise was quite simple: a farmer would only have
to present his local apanage holder (through his Bekel) with a fowl and a
basket of rice (tompo) in order to obtain permission to move with his
material effects. Sometimes a whole village would decamp in this
fashion only to return to their original settlement when the exactions of
the new apanage holder had eased slightly. In the richer nagara agung
provinces like Mataram, Pajang and Kedhu, such temporary emig-
rations were apparently less common than in the more sparsely
populated outlying districts. This was because the lands in the core areas
were more productive and there was increasingly less waste ground
available for new agricultural development. Cultivators in the longer
established villages of the central regions were also more attached to
their place of birth, their ancestral tombs, and, most important of all,
their networks of dependants and relations, a circumstance which
unscrupulous apanage holders and Demang often exploited to raise rents
exorbitantly.76
A consideration of the reactions of the central Javanese peasantry to
the increasingly harsh demands of the apanage holders cannot,
however, be answered properly without first considering the social
structure of the village world and the economic opportunities open to
cultivators during this period.
74 IOL Mack. Pr. 2 pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 222; Raffles, History, vol. I,
p. I47. The leases usually covered two harvests in irrigated areas. For an account of the
different arrangements in the Surabaya area where rent arrangements were negotiated
by the village heads (Petinggi) on behalf of the 'landowning' cultivators, see Raffles,
History, vol. I, pp. 284-5.
75 IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 222.
76 Ibid., pp. 223-4; Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard
(Semarang), 28 Feb. I8o6.

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WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING8 8i
III. The Social Structure of the South-central Javane
In their descriptions ofJavanese villages in the early ninete

European reporters tended to gloss over the fact that th
very distinct social groups which enjoyed unequal access to
village ricefields and the use of village labour, an error per
one of the most influential modern books on the subject.77
the Java War (I825-30), the picture had become slightly cle
the detailed land settlements worked out by Dutch an
officials in 1830-31. A Surakarta report of 1832, for exampe
three main social groups in the south-centralJavanese villa
ties: the sikep (lit.: 'users of the ground'), who bore the full
the village; the ngindhung, often close relations of the sike
their own houses and yards but had no stake in the com
ricefields; and, finally, the wong numpang (lit.: 'one who ge
lodging') or bujang, unmarried strangers or bachelors, who
house or yard of the sikep and performed various agricultu
services for him.78 Within these broad categories, there we
even finer distinctions (i.e. between farmers who lived with
did not receive food from him, and the rayat [full boarders]
and clothed by him). The names of these groups and sub-g
from area to area throughout Java.79
77 Raffles, History, vol. I, pp. 81-2, p. 146; IOL Mack. Pr. 2 I pt 7, Cr
tenures', p. 22I; and Jan Breman, The Village on Java and the Early
(Rotterdam: Comparative Asian Studies Programme (Erasmus Universi
I980), passim. The modern study which has perpetuated the myth
poverty' at the village level and the absence of social differentiation inJa
society is, of course, Clifford Geertz's Agricultural Involution. The Proce
Change in Indonesia (Berkeley: University of California Press, I963).
Based almost entirely on secondary sources, this brilliant essay w
published as an oeuvre a these to provoke thoughtful reaction and debate
for the best part of two decades, it has exercised an influence out of p
scholarly content. It is only now that primary research has begun to be
on the impact of the cultivation systems on the Javanese peasant econ
society in the nineteenth century by scholars such as Elson, Knight, Fern
Van Niel and Husken that the flaws in Geertz's attractive thesis ar
highlighted. See Benjamin White, "'Agricultural Involution" and its
Years after Clifford Geertz' (The Hague: Institute of Social Studies,
Series no. 6, Feb. 1983), passim.
78 S. Br. 2A, Hendrik MacGillavry (?), 'Statistieke Beschrijving d
Soerakarta', 1832.
79 On the different classes in Bagelen villages at this time, see Kollm
pp. 366-8, who enumerated the following groups: (I) kuli baku (sike
farmers who had their own houses, yards and shares in the common v
(sawah kongsen); (2) pondhok tempil, farmers who had their own houses w

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
82 PETER CAREY
It was above all the latter category (i.e. the

especially the full boarders, who approximated m
landless labourers in south-central Java at this t
fullest sense the servants of the sikep and pr
strength for they could be used as a resident, un
the ngindhung who could sometimes improve
marrying into sikep families, the unmarried str
very little chance of raising their'social status un
to leave the village entirely and open up new
uncultivated areas. It seems likely that there wer
for such a course of action in the immediate p
after 755) when the population was recovering f
and political turmoil80 and when there wa
uninhabited agricultural land available, but by
century, with increased demographic pressure an
scope for manoeuvre was much less.. Moreover, e
farmer did open up new lands in a waste area, es
enjoy the sort of local influence which accrue
families, his right of usufruct possession after t
cultivation, as laid down in the Javanese agrar
assured: good lands pioneered in this fashion
claimed back by the ruler.81 More important sti
situated in the yards of the kuli baku (sikep); (3) ngindhung,
houses and yards, and were subject to the commercial tax
the weaving of cotton, but had no share in the common v
slusup, farmers who lived with the kuli baku (sikep) but who di
and thus preserved some degree of independence; (5) rayat
labourers who lived with the kuli baku (sikep) and were fe
On the social groups in Javanese villages in the latter part
see Onghokham, 'The Residency of Madiun: Pryayi and
Century', unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Yale University, 197
gained many insights from Dr Onghokham's interesting (b
and I hereby acknowledge my considerable debt to him.
80 On the steady decline in Java's population from the 670
of the turbulent political situation (36 years of which
campaigns in Central and East Java), see Ricklefs, 'Stati
81 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, 'Sultan's Cou
MacGillavry (?), 'Statistieke Beschrijving Soerakarta', I832
ingsgang der Vorstenlandsche Wetboeken (Leiden: Eduard IJd
art. 44 of the Javanese agrarian law code (Angger Sepuluh
allowed farmers conditional possession (gadhanipuin siti) or u
had cleared and which were unclaimed by any original owner
AN BGG, 17 Feb. i84 no. i6,J. F. T. Mayor (Surakarta)
Feb. I841 containing an original copy of the Javanese law
labour services (Angger Gunung, codified I2 Oct. I840), art
procedure for claiming newly cleared land. A similar text

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
landless labourers were frequently deterred from setting themselves
on their own as 'landowning' peasants because of the prospect of havi
to compete with established sikep in winning and retaining the favour
local apanage holders. This favour would invariably be granted to thos
cultivators promising the most abundant taxes and labour services
situation which placed aspiring numpang at a disadvantage.82
For these reasons, landless labourers who wished to break out of th
cycle of rural servitude to powerful sikep families often adopted t
course of leaving the land completely. Some drifted into margin
employment as porters (kuli) on the principal trade routes: nearly
contemporary European reports comment on the crowds of porters a
carriers which thronged the main roads of south-central Java at this
time.83 Others took service in the entourage of influential noblemen
the courts where they were frequently used for criminal activities (i
robberies perpetrated to augment a nobleman's income).84 Still others
joined the numerous bands of robbers, vagrants and highwayme
terrorizing the Javanese countryside, a phenomenon which persist
right through the nineteenth century.85
Although the recent work by Hugenholtz, which will be discuss
further below (see Section V), has shown up major differences in t
peasant societies of the core apanage regions and the outlying provinces
and the ways in which those societies responded to the increased t
demands in the early nineteenth century, it is possible to sketch out
broad terms the implications of theJavanese landownership structure
the village level.
Until the fiscal pressures of the years immediately preceding theJav
Surakarta (Pranatan Desa, codified 3 March I855) can be found in Stephen C. Headle
'I1 n'y a plus de cendres. Description et histoire du finage d'un hamcau Javana
unpublished these doctorale de troisieme cycle (EHESS, Paris, I979), pp. 202-10. Art. I I
this latter code allowed for the non-payment of labour services for the space of th
harvests (ajot) after the land had begun to be cleared.
82 Kollmann, 'Bagelen', p. 368.
83 Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 28 Feb. i8
IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt 8, Crawfurd, 'Report on Cadoe', p. 283, who reckoned that the
were between 20,000 and 30,000 porters on the roads of Kedhu alone, a province wh
in 1822 had a total population of about 324,000, see Schneither 92, 'Statistieke d
Reidentie Kadoe', 1822.
84 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 243 n. 36; and for a fascinatin
description of the connections between impoverished Yogya noblemen and crim
elements in the late nineteenth century, see J. Groneman, Een Ketjoegeschieden
Vorstenlandsche Toestanden II (Dordrecht: J. P. Revers, 1887).
85 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 243 n. 36; and Djoko Suryo, 'Soc
and Economic Life in Rural Semarang under Colonial Rule in the Later gth Centur
unpublished Ph.D. Thesis (Monash University, I982), pp. 265-77.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
84 PETER CAREY
War began to have an effect, it s

greatest influence in the local ag
They held rights over the field
(sawah kongsen) since they were
(cakal-bakal) or their immediat
responsible for the payment of th
taxes in money and kind to the ap
collectors (see above Section II).
candidates for the position of vil
less economic prestige than it d
Lurah were given 'official' ricefields
return for acting as brokers guar
for the cultivation system.86 But
authority in terms of the yearly
lands, the latter sometimes cov
pasture. 7 They also had a say
collectors (Bekel), who were, as w
the sikep class.
Lands cultivated by the sikep w
son, and sikep families of long sta
Javanese villages.88 Although the
lands worked by the sikep appear
tanah pusaka or 'heirloom' land
patrimony of the founding fa
registered in royal land grants; a
lands which had been opened up o
outlying regions, the provincial p
86 Cees Fasseur, 'Organisatie en Socia
ments-Suikerkultuur in Enkele Resid
(I977), pp. 267-8; and R. E. Elson, 'T
Involution"' (Melbourne: Monash Uni
Working Paper No. I4, 1978), p. 28.
87 S. Br. 2A, MacGillavry (?), 'Statist
ham, 'Residency ofMadiun', pp. i67ff; a
century Javanese villages, see Kan6, 'La
15-21, who based his research on W.
Gouvernementsbesluit dd. io Juni 1876 no. 2 b
den Grond op Java en Madoera, 3 vols (
88 Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakart
89 Kollmann, 'Bagelen', pp. 367-8; Ong
185-8; and on the role of the provincial p
Hugenholtz, 'Traditional Javanese So
influence of the provincial elite in so
descendants of erstwhile pryayi gunung

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
category,
category, the the
sikep sikep
technically
technically
had only usufruct
had only
rightsusufruct
and not fullrights and not f
possession
possession or ownership,
or ownership,
for theirfor
tenure
their
was conditional
tenure wason the
conditional on th
performance
performance of labour
of labour
services and
services
their payment
and their
of thepayment
land-rent toofthethe land-rent to
ruler
ruler or or
his his
delegate,
delegate,
the apanage
theholder.
apanageTheseholder.
lands were
These
also subject
lands were also subjec
to
toyearly
yearlyredistribution
redistribution
by the village
by thehead village
(Lurah) ashead
noted (Lurah)
above. as noted abov
According
According to some
to some
contemporary
contemporary
Dutch commentators,
Dutch commentators,
the central the centr
Javanese
Javanese sovereigns
sovereigns
retainedretained
residual rights
residual
over the
rights
eventual
over
disposi-
the eventual disposi
tion
tionofofthisthis
'heirloom'
'heirloom'
land, andland,
a sikepand
coulda be
sikep
dispossessed
couldifbe he dispossessed
failed if he fail
to
toperform
perform his duties.
his duties.
Thus theThus
latter'sthe
tenure
latter's
of tanah
tenure
pusaka was
of closely
tanah pusaka was clos
akin
akintoto
thethelungguh
lungguh
or land or
grants
land given
grants
by the given
ruler toby
his the
royal ruler
officialsto his royal offic
and
andfamily
family relations.90
relations.90
Such insecurity
Such insecurity
of tenure on 'heirloom'
of tenure landsonwas'heirloom' lands w
aa major
major hazard
hazard
for the
forsikep
the(seesikep
above Section
(see above
II), but,
Section
unlike the
II), but, unlike t
situation
situation at the
at courts
the courts
where there
whereare frequent
there are
records
frequent
of the dismissal
recordsof of the dismissa
apanage
apanage holders,
holders,
the sources
the sources
are largelyare
silent
largely
on the dispossession
silent on of the dispossession
sikep.91
The second category of lands, namely the lanahyasa, were more truly
the sikep's own property because these had been established by their own
endeavours, or, more correctly, by the endeavours of their dependent
labourers (numpang; rayat) who could be used at will to carry out daily
agricultural duties, to perform the labour services required of the sikep
by the apanage holders, and to extend his usufruct rights over adjacent
waste lands. Indication that numpang and rayat were used in this fashion
to develop new land can be seen from a late nineteenth-century report
on land rights which stated that in about I830 there were quite a few
sikep peasants with as much as ten bau (about seven hectares) of
ricefields, of which only around one-fifth was in fact 'heirloom' land
(tanah pusaka).92 Just how wealthy an individual sikep could be at this
time is also illustrated by a list of stolen possessions drawn up in I8o8
after a robbery in the village of Pedhalangan in the Beji district near
Klathen, a fertile and well irrigated area where much cotton (kapas
here, see Hugenholtz, loc. cit.; Kollmann, 'Bagelen', pp. 355-356; and Soekardan
Pranahadikoesoema, 'De Kentol der Desa Krendetan', Djawa vol. 19 (1939), pp. I53-
60.
90 Onghokham, 'Residency of Madiun', pp. 186-7.

91 On the frequent turn-over in apanage holders, see Carey (ed.), The Archive of
Yogyakarta. Vol. II: Documents relating to Economic and Agrarian Affairs (Oxford: Oxford
University Press for the British Academy, I988, forthcoming).
92 Onghokham, 'Residency of Madiun', p. i70, I86 quoting Bergsma (ed.),
Eindresume. According to reports in the Eindresume concerning Banyumas in the pre-i825
period, the tax (pajeg) liability of the sikep would usually be estimated on the basis of the
number of his 'dependants' (rayat), the latter including both kin and non-kin members
(i.e. ngindhung and numpang) of his extended household, see Kano, 'Land Tenure System
and the Desa Community', p. 20.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
86 PETER CAREY
Jawa) was grown. Amongst the individual losses, one sikep reported the
disappearance of 180 silver ducatoons, a very sizeable sum, which was
then worth the sterling equivalent of f65.oo, or about /I,ooo in
present-day money.93 It is rather hard to imagine any 'landowning'
peasant having such a cash hoard at his disposal in contemporary
Indonesia, yet by the standards of the early nineteenth century such a
personal fortune seems to have been by no means unusual. Amongst the
eleven other names listed in the same report, admittedly for the most
part village tax-collectors (Bekel), village heads (Lurah) and 'priests', all
acknowledged the theft of considerable personal property in the shape of
hundreds of hanks (gendhel) of weaving cotton, sheafs ofpadi, chickens,
ducks and Spanish dollars.94
The economic background to the wealth generated through agricul-
tural production and trade at the village level will be discussed in more
detail shortly. But it is clear that the structure of Javanese peasant
society, at least until the first decade of the nineteenth century (see below
Section V), gave important advantages to the group of 'landowning'
peasants who could prosper independently by drawing on the labour
services of a resident work-force of dependants and landless peasants. A
Dutch writer, who conducted interviews with surviving members of the
village elite in Bagelen in the I86os, wrote of the quasi 'patron-client'
relationship prevailing in that fertile core apanage province in the years
before the Java War, by which he meant that a group of sikep farmers
and descendants of low-ranking provincial officials (i.e. the kenthol) had
usufruct rights over most of the ricefields and enjoyed the services of a
large mass of dependants who had little hope of ever setting themselves
93 For a full report on this robbery, see Dj. Br. 23, Lt. W. Driessen (Commander of the
Yogya garrison) to P. Engelhard (Resident of Yogyakarta), 14 Nov. 80o8. The
comparative value of the silver ducatoon (both milled and unmilled) against the late
i8th century Dutch guilder (Generaliteits gulden) and pound sterling have been taken
from J. J. Stockdale, Sketches, Civil and Military of the Island of Java and its Immediate
Dependencies (London: J.J. Stockdale, 1812), pp. 102-3, which gives a list of the exchange
rate quotations in Batavia. I have based my comparison on the slightly higher value
milled (rather than unmilled) ducatoon. Present-day values have been estimated by
comparing the equivalent purchasing power of money in relation to rice in the early gth
century and in I984: one kilogram of best quality, polished white rice which today sells
for about 325 Indonesian Rupiah in the main Yogya market (Pasar Beringharjo) could be
purchased for about ten cents before the Java War. For a discussion of the copper and
silver cash which was often buried by a peasant owner to be occasionally delved up and
spread out in the sun (Jav. jemur') in front of his dwelling as a way of displaying his
wealth, see Leonard Bluss6, 'Trojan Horse of Lead: The picis on Early I7th Century
Java', in Francien van Anrooij et al. (eds), Between People and Statistics. Essays on Modern
Indonesian History Presented to P. Creutzberg (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, I979), p. 41.
94 Dj. Br. 23, Lt. W. Driessen to P. Engelhard, 14 Nov. I808.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING 87
up
up independently.95
independently.95Elsewhere,
Elsewhere,
it seems
it seems
that established
that established
sikep actedsikep
as acted
virtually
virtuallyself-sufficient
self-sufficient
cultivators
cultivators
with only
with loose
onlylinks
loose
with
links
the local
with the lo
village
villagecommunities.
communities.In Kedhu,
In Kedhu,
for example,
for example,
CrawfurdCrawfurd
noted thatnoted
each that eac
cultivator worked the lands which he had rented and cleared for his own
advantage, shared no property in common, and gathered together in

village associations only in order to have some mutual protection in a
highly insecure countryside. 'Peasants who live as close neighbours in
the same village,' he wrote, 'often have as little to do with each other as
those who live at a distance of twenty miles'.96 Crawfurd's remarks were
probably exaggerated, but it is clear that the pre-Java War village with
its loose association of cultivators and dependants was a very different
entity from the closely ordered community of the late nineteenth
century, shaped as the latter was by the economic exigencies of the
cultivation systems and the administrative policies of the Dutch colonial
government with their passion for uniformity and social control.97
Owing to the chaotic nature of the apanage arrangements in the core
regions before 1830 and the haphazard manner in which new areas were
opened up, the field-systems of the pre-Java War village were also
marked by extreme complexity. Rice plots belonging to different
'landowning' cultivators were closely juxtaposed and no landmarks
were used to demarcate ownership, but one Javanese source asserted
that disputes over land between sikep were rare because each farmer was
able to recognize his own ground.98 In some villages, enterprising
village heads and members of the cakal-bakal families rented out teams of
oxen and ploughs for cultivators who needed them during the ploughing
season, and, occasionally, Lurah also took care to ensure that there was
enough seedpadi (bibit) available at planting time, especially if there had
been a harvest failure in the previous year.99 But such instances of co-
95 Kollmann, 'Bagelen', p. 368. On the kenthol, see above n. 89.
96 IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 221. On the loose
institutional structure ofJavanese villages and the lack of communal organization in the
pre-Java War period, see further Kano, 'Land Tenure System and the Desa
Community', pp. 34-5. On the endemic insecurity in rural areas, especially in Kedhu
where the villages were usually surrounded by stone walls, see Carey (ed. & trans.),
Babad Dipanagara, p. XLIII, p. LXVIII n. 8 , p. 243, n. 36.
97 SeeJan Breman, The Village on Java and the Early-Colonial State, pp. 38-9 and passim.
98 IOL Mack. Pr. 82 pt 3I, Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala of Demak, 'Notices of
the Arrangement of the Native Administration or Government & Magistracy ofJava as
continued under the Dutch Government from ancient times', Aug. I8I2, p. 299.
According to Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt.4, 'Sultan's County', p. 67), the average
size of ricefields in Mataram were between fifty and sixty square. feet.
99 Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 28 Feb. 1806,
where Waterloo (Resident of Yogyakarta, I803-08) remarked that villages with
enterprising village heads (Lurah) were usually the most prosperous.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
88 PETER CAREY
operation
operation were
were
exceptional,
exceptional,
and most
and
aspects
most of aspects
the agricultural
of thecycle,
agricultural cy
including
including thethe
much
much
vexed vexed
problemproblem
of irrigation,
of irrigation,
were left to the
were left to
discretion
discretion of individual
of individual
cultivators,
cultivators,
a point which
a point
underlines
which justunderlines
how just h
inapplicable
inapplicable KarlKarl
Wittfogel's
Wittfogel's
famous thesis
famouson Asian
thesishydraulic
on Asiansystems
hydraulic syst
is
is to
tothe
theJavanese
Javanese
setting
setting
in this in
period.100
this period.100
An
Anagrarian
agrariansociety
society
of thisofnature,
this nature,
in which the
in which
premiumthewas premium
placed was p
on
onindividual
individual
family
family
endeavour
endeavour
and the exercise
and the of exercise
social influence
of social influ
through
through congeries
congeries
of patron-client
of patron-client
relationships,
relationships,
clearly worked clearly
in work
favour
favour ofof
those
those
best best
able toable
benefit
to benefit
from the from
economicthe
opportunities
economicatopportunit
the
thevillage
village
level,
level,
namely
namely
the sikep.
theAlthough
sikep. Although
a great deal more
a great
research
deal more res
needs
needstoto be be
donedone
on the
onrural
theworld
ruralofworld
late eighteenth-century
of late eighteenth-century
Java, it Ja
seems
seemsthatthatin certain
in certain
areas such
areas
as such
the fertile
as thecorefertile
regions core
of theregions of
principalities,
principalities, these
these
'landowning'
'landowning'
peasants were
peasants
experiencing
were experiencing
some- so
thing
thingofof
a 'golden
a 'golden
age', an
age',
impression
an impression
further confirmed
furtherby
confirmed
what little isby what lit
known
known about
about
the the
economic
economic
and demographic
and demographic
developments
developments
in south- in so
central
central Java
Java
at this
at this
time. time.
IV.
IV.The
TheEconomy
Economy and Demography
and Demographyof the South-central
of the South-centra
Javanese
Javanese Village
Village
in the
inlate
theEighteenth
late Eighteenth
and Early and Early
Nineteenth Centuries
The examples cited above indicate that the two main sources of we
for the sikep were the development of new ricefields and the trade in
crops. Other sources confirm this picture. Nearly all European obser
of the south-central Javanese countryside were unequivocal about t
100 On the great problems of irrigation in southern Bagelen, where Surakart

Yogyakarta lands were closely intermingled, see Kollmann, 'Bagelen', p. 354. Cra
(IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, 'Sultan's Country', p. 67) suggested that these difficulties
have been compounded by the fact that cultivators usually chose their own tim
planting in irrigated areas, a practice dictated by the system of making separat
agreements with landlords (see above Section II). Karl Wittfogel's most importan
is his Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Chinas (Leipzig: Verlag C. L. Hirschfeld, 193 ),
which is much more balanced than his Oriental Despotism: A Comparative Study of
Power (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977) with its overemphasis on hyd
systems. It should be stressed that the hydraulic works described by Wittfogel wer
primarily irrigation channels for local ricefield production but complex systems for
control of gigantic rivers like the Huangho (Yellow River), systems which no indivi
or communities could establish on their own. Although even here, it must be sa
greatly over-exaggerated the role of the Chinese state in the establishment
maintenance of these vast constructions, see Ch'ao-ting Chi, Key Economic Areas in C
History as Revealed in the Development of Public Works for Water Control (London: All
Unwin, 1936); and Mark Elvin, 'On Water Control and Management during the
and Ch'ing Periods', Ch'ing-Shih wen-ti, vol. 3 no. 3 (Nov. I975), pp. 82-Io3.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE cJUST KING8 89
impact of this great enlargement ofof the

the acreage
acreage ofsawah
ofsawah in
in the
the years
years after
after
1755: 'one has only to direct one's eyes
eyes to
to the
the lands
lands which
which today
today produce
produce
rice', wrote one Dutch Resident of Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta in
in I804,
I804, 'and
'and which
which
twenty years ago were still waste and
and uncultivated'.101
uncultivated'.101 According
According to
to this
this
official, the new irrigation systems constructed
constructed in
in the
the immediate
immediate
environs of the Sultan's capital, partly
partly on
on royal
royal initiative,
initiative, had
had led
led to
to aa
twenty-five per cent increase in local
local rice
rice production
production inin the
the space
space of
of ten
ten
years (I796-I8o6), and he noticed on aa tour
tour through
through the
the village
village of
of
Gamping to the west of Yogya that the
the roads
roads were
were so
so thronged
thronged with
with
traders and packhorses making for Yogya
Yogya that
that he
he could
could barely
barely get
get by
by on
on
horseback.102 Even in isolated areas such
such as
as Pacitan,
Pacitan, on
on the
the south
south coast,
coast,
many new ricefields had been pioneered
pioneered by
by local
local farmers
farmers living
living in
in the
the
fertile valley of the Grindulu river in
in the
the late
late eighteenth
eighteenth century,
century, and
and aa
Dutch contemporary asserted that they
they were
were enjoying
enjoying aa period
period of
of
unparalleled prosperity.103 It was the
the same
same story
story to
to the
the north
north of
of
101 AvJ, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to
to N.
N. Engelhard
Engelhard (Semarang),
(Semarang), 29
29 Dec.
Dec. I804.
I804.
Waterloo was particularly impressed
impressed by
by the
the transformation
transformation of
of the
the wooded
wooded area
area of
of the
the
Jambu hills on the Kedhu-Semarang
Kedhu-Semarang border
border into
into 'magnificent'
'magnificent' sawah
sawah (irrigated
(irrigated
riceland), see Dj. Br. 38, Id. to Id., 3I
3I Jan.
Jan. I8o8;
I8o8; and
and further
further vAE
vAE (aanwinsten,
(aanwinsten, 1900)
1900) 235,
235,
'Speculatieve Memorie over zaken betreffende
betreffende het
het bestuur
bestuur van
van Java's
Java's Noord
Noord Oost
Oost
Kust', May I808; and Anon., Lettres dede Java
Java ou
ou Journal
Journal d'un
d'un voyage
voyage dans
dans cette
cette lte
lte en
en 1822
1822
(Paris: privately printed, 822), p. I I I.
I. Many
Many new
new ricefields
ricefields had
had also
also been
been laid
laid out
out in
in the
the
adjacent province of Grobogan close to to the
the Dutch-controlled
Dutch-controlled north-east
north-east coast,
coast, and
and this
this
region had become a major rice supplier
supplier for
for the
the pasisir,
pasisir, see
see Dj.
Dj. Br.
Br. 22,
22, G.
G. W.
W. Wiese
Wiese
(Yogyakarta) to H. W. Daendels (Batavia/Bogor),
(Batavia/Bogor), 12
12 Sept.
Sept. I809;
I809; and
and the
the rice
rice
production figures given in Raffles,
Raffles, History,
History, vol.
vol. II,
II, pp.
pp. 268-9.
268-9.
102 Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta)
(Yogyakarta) toto N.
N. Engelhard
(Semarang), 28 28 Feb.
Feb. i8o6.
i8o6.
Apart from the trade in rice to Yogya,
Yogya, many
many cloth
cloth merchants
merchants fromfrom Bagelen
Bagelen also
also passed
passed
through the tollgate at Gamping on their
their way
way toto the
the Sultan's
Sultan's capital,
capital, see
see Dj.
Dj. Br.
Br. 27,
27, Tan
Tan
Jin Sing (Kapitan Cina of Yogyakarta)
Yogyakarta) toJ.
toJ. W.
W. Moorrees
Moorrees (Yogyakarta),
(Yogyakarta), 22 22 May
May i81o.
i81o.
On the large amount of recently opened
opened up
up sawah
sawah in in the
the vicinity
vicinity of
of Yogyakarta,
Yogyakarta, see see IOL
IOL
Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, 'Sultan's
'Sultan's Country',
Country', p. p. 146.
146. For
For the
the royal
royal initiatives
initiatives taken
taken
by the first two Yogya rulers in encouraging
encouraging the
the establishment
establishment of of new
new ricefields
ricefields in in areas
areas
adjacent to the court by building stone
stone dams
dams in
in the
the main
main rivers
rivers and
and the
the appointment
appointment of of
supervisory irrigation officials (Mantri
(Mantri Jurusawah),
Jurusawah), see see dJ
dJ vol.
vol. XII,
XII, p.
p. 260,
260, P.P. G.
G. Van
Van
Overstraten (Semarang) to W. A. Alting
Alting && Raden
Raden van van Indie
Indie (Batavia),
(Batavia), 2525 April
April 1792;
1792; Dj.Dj.
Br. I8, F. G. Valck, 'Statistieke der Residentie
Residentie Djokjokarta',
Djokjokarta', 1838,
1838, sub:
sub: 'Werken
'Werken in in het
het
Belang van den Landbouw en den Handel';
Handel'; Dj.
Dj. Br.
Br. i,
i, C.
C. P.
P. Brest
Brest van
van Kempen,
Kempen, 'Politieke
'Politieke
Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over
over het
het jaar
jaar I86I',
I86I', 24
24 March
March 1862;
1862; and
and BL
BL Add.
Add.
MS. 12342 (Crawfurd coll., original letters
letters and
and land
land grants
grants from
from the
the Yogya
Yogya court),
court),
f.239r, Piagem-Dalem (Letter of Appointment)
Appointment) of of Demang
Demang Samaradirana
Samaradirana asas Mantri
Mantri
J7urusawah of Gamping, i8 Sapar A.J.
A.J. 1734
1734 (28
(28 Feb.
Feb. i807).
i807). Many
Many of
of the
the second
second Sultan's
Sultan's
(HB II, r. 1792-1810/I8I 1-12/I826-28)
1-12/I826-28) royal
royal retreats
retreats (pesanggrahan),
(pesanggrahan), which
which he
he built
built to
to
the east and west of Yogyakarta also
also had
had small
small dams
dams and
and irrigation
irrigation channels
channels attached
attached to
to
them, see Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta)
(Yogyakarta) to
to N.
N. Engelhard
(Semarang), 28
28 Feb.
Feb.
i806.
103 Dj. Br. 45, W. H. van IJsseldijk (Yogyakarta) to P. G. Van Overstraten
(Semarang), I5 Jan. 1793 containing a special report on the Dutch-leased pepper and

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
9o PETER CAREY
Yogyakarta,
Yogyakarta, where where
the greater
the
partgreater
of the localpart
irrigation
of the
systems
local
basedirrigat
on
onthe
the
Mt Merapi
Mt Merapi
watershedwatershed
were the workwere
ofJavanese
thepeasants
workliving
ofJavane
in
inthe
the
Sleman
Sleman
and Kalasan
anddistricts.104
Kalasan Similar
districts.104
activities were
Similar
also act
noted
noted in parts
in parts
of Kedhu,
ofwhere
Kedhu,Crawfurd
wherepointed
Crawfurd
out that many
pointed
of the out
best
best ricefields
ricefields
had been
had
created
been
by simple
created
irrigation
by channels
simpleatirrigation
the foot ch
of
ofthethe
western
western
volcanoes
volcanoes
(Mt Sumbing(Mt
and MtSumbing
Sundara).105and Mt Sun
Obviously
Obviously there there
were areas
were
such as
areas
Kulon such
Praga and
as Gunung
KulonKidulPraga a
where
where thisthis
periodperiod
wrought little
wrought
change.106
little
Elsewhere,
change.106
in low-lying
Elsewh
regions
regions nearnear
the swamps
the (rawa)
swamps of Bagelen
(rawa)
and southern
of Bagelen Banyumas,
and thesouthe
lands
landslay lay
flooded
flooded
and useless
andfor useless
months onfor end, and
months
irrigation
onwalls
end, and and ir
ditches
ditcheshad had
to be painstakingly
to be painstakingly
rebuilt every year.
rebuilt
107 But,every
despite all
year.
the 107
technological
technological shortcomings
shortcomings
of the contemporary
of the irrigation
contemporary
systems, it is irriga
clear
clear that
that
the decades
the decades
of peace between
of peace
i755 and
between
I825 witnessed
i755a and I
transformation
transformation of the agricultural
of the agricultural
landscape of manylandscape
districts in south-
of many
indigo
indigo estates
estates
of Lowanuof and
Lowanu
Genthan and
in north-eastern
GenthanBagelenin north-eastern
and Pacitan on the Bagele
south
south coast
coast
entitled,
entitled,
'Eerbiedige 'Eerbiedige
Bericht aangaande Bericht
de Landenaangaande
van Z. H. den Sulthan
de Landen
van
van Djojcjocarta'.
Djojcjocarta'.
104
104 Dj.Dj.
Br. 86,
Br.M.86,
Waterloo
M. Waterloo
(Yogyakarta) to
(Yogyakarta)
N. Engelhard (Semarang),
to N. 28 Engelhard
Feb. I806; (Sema
and
and Louw,
Louw,
Java-Oorlog,
Java-Oorlog,
vol. I, pp. 242-3
vol.(onI,the
pp.
irrigated
242-3 area
(onbetween
the Klathen
irrigatedand area
Kalasan).
Kalasan).
'10
'10IOLIOL
Mack.Mack.
Pr. 21 pt
Pr.8, Crawfurd,
21 pt 8,'Report
Crawfurd,
on Cadoe', 'Report
pp. 272-3; and
onBaud
Cadoe',
9I, P. pp. 2
le
leClercq,
Clercq,'Copie-Verslag
'Copie-Verslag
der ResidentiederKadoe
Residentie
over hetjaar 1823',
Kadoe 30 March
overi824,hetjaar
p. 182
I7.
106 MvK 3055, 'Beschrijving en Statistieke rapport betreffende de Residentie
Djokjokarta', 1836, mentioned that whereas nine-tenths of the available agricultural
land in Mataram (present-day districts of Bantul and Sleman) were under cultivation,
two-thirds of which were irrigated ricelands (sawah), only one-hundredth of the hilly
limestone area of Gunung Kidul was farmed. Labour services (blandhong diensten) in the
extensive Gunung Kidul teak forests also bore hard on the local inhabitants, many of
whom migrated during the east monsoon rice harvest (May/June) to find seasonal work
on the Mataram plain. Comparative figures for the cultivated and uncultivated areas in
Yogyakarta shortly after the end of the Java War can be found in Dj. Br. 19 I, Report of
Raden Adipati Danureja IV, Feb. 1833:
cultivated uncultivated
jung jung TOTAL/DISTRICT
Mataram 5,77I (24,048)* 2571 (I,073) 6,028 (25,121)
Gunung Kidul 26I (1,091) 5532 (231) 3162 (1,322)
Kulon Praga 1,838 (7,658) I 2 (467) 1,950 (8,125)
TOTO'I'AL/ARhA 1
TOTAL/AREA 7,870 (32,797) 4242 (1,771) 8,2942 (34,568)
* The numbers in brackets refer to cacah.
By I836, the total area of cultivated land had apparently risen to 9,goojung, see MvK
3055, 'Statistieke rapport'.
107 Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 28 Feb. 80o6;
and Louw, Java-Oorlog, vol. I, p. 246, for references to the periodic floods (banjir) in the
areas bordering on the great swamps of Rawa Tambakbaya and Rawa Wawar in
western and eastern Bagelen. On the location of these marshlands, see Map 2.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
central Java. As Crawfurd put it in I812, 'a traveller could now pass a
hundred miles in [south-central] Java without encountering an unculti-
vated spot'.108 In the light of the available evidence, it is thus possible to
modify the statement of Dr Onghokham in his recent doctoral thesis on
Madiun who wrote: 'the Java we know today covered by ricefields was
mainly the achievement of the nineteenth century peasantry'.109 While
this may have been the case with the regions east of Mt Lawu which
began to undergo a significant agricultural expansion only after I830,
south-centralJava can be said to have been transformed by the labours
of the generation of farmers who lived during the seventy years between
the Giyanti Settlement and the outbreak of the Java War.
The energy manifested by the south-central Javanese peasantry in
opening up new lands in this period was reflected in the steady rise in
agricultural production and the increased volume of trade in cash crops
noted by European contemporaries in the early nineteenth century.
Food staples bulked large inJavanese agriculture, with rice production
occupying pride of place. Maize (jagung) and other dry field crops were
also popular in areas such as the central plain of Kedhu where there was
a lack of water for irrigated ricefields.l10 In this region, too, profits from
the fruit and vegetable gardens (pekarangan) represented a significant
addition to the domestic economy of most peasant households. 11 After
conducting interviews with local sikep cultivators in Kedhu and Pacitan
in I812, Crawfurd noticed how they often compared their condition
favourably with that of their compatriots who lived under European
colonial rule on the north-east coast (pasisir), for, as they pointed out, at
least they were free to choose the crops which were most suitable for the
local soils."12 This led, in turn, to the cultivation of several important
cash crops which were usually rotated with rice: tobacco in Kedhu,
indigo in Mataram, and Javanese long staple cotton (kapas Jawa), the
latter being grown in many places throughout the central apanage
regions and outlying provinces (see Map 2). All these products were
108 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, 'Sultan's Country', p. 148.
09 Onghokham, 'Residency of Madiun', p. 200.
110 Raffles, History, vol. I, pp. 121-2. On the use of other secondary crops (Jav.
'palawzia'), see Winter, 'Beknopte Beschrijving', p. 49.
111 Raffles, History, vol. I, pp. 8I-2, I io; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, 'Sultan's
Country', pp. 75-7; and Baud 177, Willem van Hogendorp. 'Extract rapport over den
toestand van Java, den particuliere eigendommen aldaar en den staat der zaken in de
Residentie Kadoe', n.d. (? I827). On the orchards (pekarangan) and dry fields (tegalan)
which were free of communal regulations and nearly always held in 'heritable individual
possession', see further Kano, 'Land Tenure System and the Desa Community in
Nineteenth Century Java', pp. 26-8, 32-4.
112 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 241.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
Map
Map 2.2. Map
MapofofCentral
CentralJava
Java
Showing
Showing
the the
MainMain
AreasAreas
of Cash
of Cash
Crop Production
Crop Production
in the Pre-Java
in the Pre
W
Period.
(Map outline taken from Raffles, History of Java, vol. I (I918) and adap
Oxford).

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
traded extensively in the region, especially with the north-east coast

and brought in a significant supplementary income to a number
peasant families living in the more fertile zones.113
In terms of the volume of trade in south-centralJava, rice was eas
the most importantarticle of commerce accounting for over twenty-f
per cent of the Sultan of Yogyakarta's tax returns in Kedhu, Mataram
and Pajang in i805.114 The second principal trading commodity w
Kedhu tobacco, an estimated one million kilograms of which we
traded annually outside the principalities, mainly to other parts ofJ
but also to eastern Indonesia and the Malay peninsula (e.g. Kedah
where it was known as 'Pinang' tobacco.115 The third most significan
export item from south-central Java was cotton piece goods and cott
thread. This enjoyed a particularly buoyant period during the ye
I795--I8I when the rigours of the British naval blockade cut
traditional supplies of Indian cloth from Dutch trading posts in
subcontinent. In I808, a Dutch official reckoned that close on sev
thousand kodhi (bundles of twenty lengths) of coloured sarong mate
and one thousand kodhi of shawls were woven in the Bagelen reg
alone out of locally grown cotton cloth, a village industry which
almost totally destroyed by the ravages of the Java War.116
neighbouring Mataram, a further one thousand five hundred kodhi o
plain white cloth (kain mori) and one thousand two hundred kodhi of b
printed bathik (wax dyed cloth) were produced for export.117 The sa
113 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, 'Report on Cadoe', pp. 275-7 (on tobacc
and Raffles, History, vol. I, p. 132 (on indigo), and p. I34 (on cotton).
114 Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 28 Feb. I80
who mentioned that the eight tollgates (bandar) in Mataram, which controlled the
trade in that province (i.e. Kemlaka, Bantul, Gamping, Kadilangu, Brosot, Kalas
Wates and Kretek), brought in 9,500 ronde realen (i r.r. (Sp.D.)=63-66 stuive
annually; one unspecified tollgate in Kedhu (? Pasar Payaman) and subordina
markets yielded 2,800 r.r., and four tollgates in Pajang (Masaran, Serenan,Jatinom
Bayalali) together with the important market-cum-tollgate of Prambanan, a furt
3,450 r.r. Thus a total of 15,750 r.r. (Dfl. 50,400) from the rice trade alone out of a to
customs' farm of 56,000 r.r. (Dfl. 179,200) in I805. See further Carey, 'Changi
Javanese Perceptions', Appendix 3. According to Waterloo (loc. cit.), the Chine
tollgate keepers made most of their profits from the rice trade and would not dare to
for the customs' farms in the principalities if rice ceased to be a dutiable item, an
which had been proposed by some senior VOC officials as a way of bringing down
prices on north coast markets during the poor harvests of the early i8oos.
115 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 8, Crawfurd, 'Report on Cadoe', p. 285; and Afdel
Statistiek, De Residentie Kadoe, pp. 96-7.
116 dK 145, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 22 March
in M. Waterloo, 'Memorie van Overgave' (Yogyakarta), 4 April I808; and Anon.,
toestand van Bagelen', p. 68, p. 75.
117 dK 145, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 22 March I

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
94 PETER CAREY
province
province alsoalso
sentsent
four four
hundred
hundred
and eighty
andpikul
eighty
(i pikul=61.76i
pikul (i pikul=61.7
kilograms)
kilograms) of dyed
of dyed
blue thread
blue thread
to Semarang
to Semarang
each year. Local
eachindigo
year. Local in
Jav.
Jav.'tom'),
'tom'),
grown
grownextensively
extensively
in the Yogya
in the
region,
Yogya
was region,
likewise used
wasforlikewise used
making
making thethe
typical
typical
Mataram
Mataram
blue patterned
blue patterned
bathik piecesbathik
known pieces
as kain known as
kelengan
kelengan which
whichwerewere
tradedtraded
widely with
widely
the north-east
with thecoast.118
north-east
These coast.118 T
simple
simple Javanese
Javanese
cloths
cloths
and coarsely
and coarsely
woven striped
wovenmaterials
stripedknown
materials
as known
lurik
lurikoror ginggang
ginggangfoundfound
a readyasale
ready
in the
sale
markets
in theof markets
eastern Indonesia
of eastern Indon
(especially
(especiallythethe
Moluccas),
Moluccas),
and were
andeven
were
usedeven
by Daendels
used by (in office
Daendels
as (in office
Governor-General,
Governor-General, I808- I808-
i) to equip
i) to
hisequip
colonial
hisarmy.l19
colonial
Their
army.l19
hard Their
wearing
wearing qualities
qualities
mademade
them extremely
them extremely
popular, sopopular,
much so that
so much
after so that af
the
thereopening
reopening of the
of Indonesian
the Indonesian
market to
market
foreign to
imports
foreign
during
imports
the during
British
British period
period
(181 (181
-I16), -I16),
locally locally
producedproduced
cotton cloths
cotton
continued
cloths
to continue
hold
holdtheir
theirownown
against
against
Indian Indian
and European
and European
piece-goods piece-goods
until well into until well i
the
thenineteenth
nineteenth century.120
century.120
Besides
Besides these
thesemajor
major
exports,
exports,
another another
local product
local
from
product
Kedhu andfrom Kedhu an
Mataram,
Mataram, cold
cold
pressed
pressed
peanutpeanut
oil (lisahoil
kacang),
(lisahwas
kacang),
much in was
demandmuch
on in deman
the
thenorth-east
north-east coastcoast
wherewhere
it was usually
it wassold
usually
at twenty-five
sold at per
twenty-five
cent per c
profit.121
profit.121 TheThe
former
former
regionregion
likewise likewise
exported two
exported
thousandtwo
five thousand
hundred
hundred corges
corges
(bundles
(bundles
of twenty)
of twenty)
finely woven
finely
pandanus
wovenreedpandanus
mats reed m
(klasa
(klasapesantren)
pesantren)which
which
took their
tookname
theirfrom
name
the important
from the religious
important religi
centre
centre ofof
Pesantren
Pesantren
in southern
in southern
Kedhu.122 Kedhu.122
in
inM.
M.Waterloo,
Waterloo,'Memorie
'Memorie
van Overgave'
van Overgave'
(Yogyakarta),
(Yogyakarta),
4 April I808. On
4 bathik
April I808. On bat
production
production in Central
in Central
Java in
Java
the i9th
in the
century,
i9thsee
century,
G. P. Rouffaer,
see G.DeP.Voornaamste
Rouffaer, De Voornaam
Industrieen
Industrieen der der
Inlandsche
Inlandsche
Bevolking
Bevolking
van Java en
van
Madoera
Java ('s-Gravenhage:
en Madoera M. ('s-Gravenhage:
Nijhoff, 1904), M. Nijhoff,
pp. I5-3 I

in M. Waterloo, 'Memorie van Overgave' (Yogyakarta), 4 April I808; Raffles, Hist
vol. I, pp. 132-3; and W. Thorn, Memoir of the Conquest of Java with the Subse
Operations of the British Forces in The Oriental Archipelago (London: T. Egerton M
Library, I815), p. 2I4.
119 See (on cloth exports from Bagelen to Eastern Indonesia), Dj. Br. 37, R
Adipati Danureja II (Yogyakarta) toJ. W. Moorrees (Yogyakarta), I6 May I8Io;
Dj. Br. 6I, R. C. N. d'Abo (Yogyakarta) toJ. de Bruijn (Semarang), 4 Dec. i818;
for references to dispatches of cloth from Bagelin and other weaving areas to Sema
for army uniforms, see S. Br. 23, J. W. Winter (Tanggang/Karang Bolong) to W
Servatius (Surakarta), 2 July I8o8; W. N. Servatius (Surakarta) to H. W. Dae
(Batavia/Bogor), 5 July I808; P. Engelhard (Yogyakarta) to Id., I8 Aug. I808
Graaf, Geschiedenis, p. 364; and Raffles, History, vol. I, p. I80.
120 Dj. Br. 3, F. G. Valck, 'Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over h
1836', 31 March -1837; and Rouffaer, Voornaamste Industrieen, p. 120.
in M. Waterloo, 'Memorie van Overgave' (Yogyakarta), 4 April I808; IOL Mack
21 pt 8, Crawfurd, 'Report on Cadoe', p. 287; Raffles, History, vol. I, p. 124; and Af
Statistiek, De Residentie Kadoe, p. I 20.
122 MvK 3054, 'Beschrijving en Statisticke Rapport betreffende de Residen
Kadoe', 1836, p. 38; and Raffles, History, vol. I, pp. i66-7.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
Regional
Regional trade
trade
in south-central
in south-central
Java was notJavaentirely
was confined
not entirely
to confine
local
localagricultural
agricultural
products.
products.
There is evidence,
There in is Yogyakarta
evidence, at in
least,
Yogyakarta at l
that
thatsome
someoverseas
overseas
importsimports
also found also
their found
way intotheir
local markets,
way into local mark
although
although the the
volumevolume
was verywasrestricted.
very In restricted.
I808, these were
In I808,
mainly these were ma
confined
confined to annual
to annual
suppliessupplies
of EuropeanofbarEuropean
iron (600 pikul)
bar and
iron steel
(600 pikul) and
(20
(20pikul),
pikul),
Bengal
Bengal
opium opium
(40 chests(40
of I48
chests
avoirdupois
of I48pounds),
avoirdupois
Chinese pounds), Chin
silks
silks (80(80
chests),
chests),
paints paints
and blue and
porcelain
blue (trade
porcelain
ware), ginger
(trade
from
ware), ginger f
Eastern Indonesia (6-700 pikul), gambir (U. Gambier Roxb., an
ingredient used in the preparation of betel) from Kalimantan (Borneo),
and small quantities ofJapanese red copper (30 pikul).123 The latter is a
rather interesting statistic for historians of the money economy in central
Java at this time for there are indications that, like the Dutch on the
north-east coast,Javanese metalworkers (e.g. in Kutha Gedhe) used this
expensive commodity for minting locally produced copper duit (far-
things) and other low denomination coins as late as July 181 .124
Although the Chinese had begun to assume an ever more dominant
role as middlemen in the commercial economy of south-central Java by
the early nineteenth century, and were particularly important in the
rice trade, there were still apparently some local markets which
remained the exclusive preserve of Javanese traders,125 namely,
Sangkeh (near Kebumen), Tangkilan and Gunung Saren in Bagelen,
and Imagiri, Mangiran (south-west of Yogya), Kembang-Arum
(north-west of Yogya near Sleman), Kadiraja (east of Yogya), Pramba-
nan and Kutha Gedhe in Mataram.126 In all these places trade was
carried on in jewellery and precious metals, piece goods, cotton thread,
peanut oil, beeswax, benzoin (incense) and spices, but by far the most
123 dK I45, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard, 22 March i808, in M.

Waterloo, 'Memorie van Overgave' (Yogyakarta), 4 April i808. References to the
purchases of European and Chinese goods by the Yogya court at this time can be found
in BL Add. MS. 12341 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya
kraton), f. I63r-i64r, Report of Rad6n Tumenggung Mangundipura and Rad6n
Tumenggung Mangundirja, 20 Rejeb, A.J. I703 (23 Aug. 1777).
124 Dj. Br. 27, P. Engelhard (Yogyakarta) toJ. W.Janssens (Batavia), I2 July i8I i,
who referred to the melting down of copper coins from the Dutch-controlled Tawangsari
mint near Surabaya and the minting of debased copper duit by artificers in Kutha Gedhe
during the period of specie scarcity and rampant inflation just prior to the British
invasion of Java (Aug. 1811). See further Carey, 'Pangeran Dipanagara', VKI
(forthcoming, 1986), ch. V.
125 On the growing commercial importance of the Chinese in the principalities in the
early igth century, see Carey, 'ChangingJavanese Perceptions', pp. i6ff; and above n.
I 14; and, on theJavanese-controlled local markets, see Dj. Br. 3, F. G. Valck, 'Algemeen
Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over hetjaar 1836', 31 March 1837; and MvK 3055,
'Beschrijving en Statistieke Rapport betreffende de Residentie Djokjokarta' (I836).
126 Ibid.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
96 PETER CAREY
important
important commercial
commercialcentre
centrewas
wasKutha
Kutha
Gedhe
Gedhe
(see(see
MapMap
2) where,
2) where,
in in
the
the i83os,
i83os, some
somemerchants
merchantscould
couldapparently
apparently
boast
boast
individual
individual
trading
trading
capital
capital of
of between
between50,000
50,000and
and60,ooo
60,ooo
Dutch
Dutch
guilders
guilders
(Dfl.)
(Dfl.)
and and
business
business
contacts
contacts inin Bagelen,
Bagelen,Surakarta,
Surakarta, Gresik,
Gresik,
Demak,
Demak,Cirebon,
Cirebon,
the the
Priangan
Priangan
Highlands
Highlands (West
(WestJava),
Java),and
andininsome
some
of of
thethe
outer
outer
islands
islands
(e.g.(e.g.
Bali,Bali,
Lombok
Lombok and
andSumbawa).127'
Sumbawa).127'
The
The tollgate
tollgatetariffs
tariffscollected
collectedbybyDutch
Dutch
officials
officials
in the
in the
i82os
i82os
givegive
a a
good
good insight
insightinto
intothe
thesort
sortofofmerchandise
merchandise which
which
waswas
being
being
carried
carried
on the
on the
main
main trade
trade routes
routesininthe
theprincipalities
principalities
in in
thethe
early
early
nineteenth
nineteenth
century.
century.
The
The following
followingisisananexample
exampleofofthe
the
tariff
tariff
of of
thethe
main
main
tollgate
tollgate
at at
Panaraga,
Panaraga, aa Surakarta-controlled
Surakarta-controlled outlying
outlying
province
province
in East
in East
JavaJava
(see (see
Map
Map i):
i):
Peanut
Peanut oil
oil (lisah
(lisahkacang),
kacang),palm
palmsugar
sugar
(gula
(gula
Jawa),
Jawa),
garlic,
garlic,
husked
husked
rice rice
(beras),
(beras),
unhusked
unhusked ricerice(padi),
(padi),seed
seedpadi
padi
(wijen),
(wijen),
dried
dried
deer
deer
flesh
flesh
(dhendheng),
(dhendheng),
checked
checked
cloths
cloths (kain
(kainpoleng),
poleng),rawrawcotton
cotton(kapas),
(kapas),
beeswax
beeswax
(lanceng)
(lanceng)
for for
the the
bathik
bathik
process,
process,
white
white linen
linen(kain
(kainmori),
mori),waxwaxdyed
dyed (bathik)
(bathik)
cloth,
cloth,
wildwild
saffron
saffron
flowers
flowers
for the
for the
preparation
preparationof ofred
reddye
dye(kasumba),
(kasumba), cubeb
cubebpepper
pepper
(kumukus),
(kumukus),galanga
galanga
herbherb
(laos),(laos),
potatoes
potatoes (kenthang
(kenthangWelonda),
Welonda),sweet
sweet potatoes
potatoes
(katela),
(katela),
indigo
indigo
(tom),
(tom),
red peppers
red peppers
(lombok),
(lombok), tamarind
tamarindfruitfruit(asem),
(asem),
shrimp
shrimp paste
paste
(trasi),
(trasi),
soyabeans
soyabeans
(kedhele),
(kedhele),
yellow
yellow
ochre
ochre (boreh),
(boreh),European
Europeaniron ironandand
steel
steel
(wesi),
(wesi),
catechu
catechu(gambir),
(gambir),
arecaareca
(betel)
(betel)
nuts
nuts (pinang),
(pinang),fine
fineChinese
Chineseblue blue
porcelain
porcelain(trade
(tradeware),
ware),
sweet
sweet
apples,
apples,
maize maize
(jagung),
(jagung), black
blackpepper
pepper(merica),
(merica), Javanese
Javanese coffee
coffee(kopi
(kopi
Jaawa;
Jaawa;
i.e. Arabica
i.e. Arabica
robusta),
robusta), Javanese
Javaneseherbal
herbalmedicines
medicines (jamu),
(jamu),
cinnamon
cinnamon (kayu
(kayu
manis),
manis),
tobacco
tobacco
(tembakau),
(tembakau),castor
castoroil
oil(lisah
(lisahjarak),
jarak),
candle
candlewaxwax(lilin),
(lilin),
andand
Javanese
Javanese
treebark
treebark
paper
paper (kertas
(kertasdluwang;
dluwang;a alocal
localPanaraga
Panaraga product
product fromfrom the the
famous
famousreligious
religious
school
school at
at Tegalsari).128
Tegalsari).128
SomeJavanese
SomeJavanesevillages
villagesappear
appeartoto
have
have
specialized
specialized
in the
in the
manufacture
manufacture
of particular
particularproducts.
products.AApost-Java
post-JavaWar
Warreport
reporton on
thethe
state
state
of industry
of industry
and
and handicrafts
handicraftsininthe
theYogyakarta
Yogyakartaarea,
area,
forfor
example,
example,
detailed
detailed
the the
number
number ofof peasant
peasantfamilies
familiesengaged
engaged
in in
specialized
specialized
occupations
occupations
as as
follows:
follows: five
fivehundred
hundredcloth
clothweavers
weaversin in
Sleman,
Sleman,
three
three
thousand
thousand
palmpalm
oil oil
pressers
pressers and
andone
onehundred
hundredliquid
liquid
indigo
indigo
(nila)
(nila)
makers
makers
in Kalasan,
in Kalasan,
one one
thousand
thousand five
fivehundred
hundredpalm
palmsugar
sugar
boilers
boilers
in in
Bantul
Bantul
Karang
Karang
and and
Sleman,
Sleman, three
threehundred
hundredlimestone
limestone
burners
burners
in in
Sleman
Sleman
andand
Gamping,
Gamping,
one one
127
127 Ibid.;
Ibid.; and
andsee
seealso
alsoDj.
Dj.Br.
Br.3,3,
F. F.
G.G.
Valck,
Valck,
'Algemeen
'Algemeen
Verslag
Verslag
der der
Residentie
Residentie
Djocjocarta
Djocjocarta over
overhetjaar
hetjaarI833',
I833',3030
Nov.
Nov.
I834
I834
(on(on
thethe
main
main
market
market
centres
centres
in the
in Yogya
the Yogya
area
area post-
post- 830
830and
andthe
theshift
shiftinintrade
trade
from
fromYogya
Yogya
to Kutha
to Kutha
Gedh6
Gedh6
during
during
theJava
theJava
War);War);
Dj. Br.
Br. 4,
4, A.
A.H.H.W.
W.Baron
BarondedeKock,
Kock,'Algemeen
'Algemeen Verslag
Verslag
der der
Residentie
Residentie
Djokjokarta
Djokjokarta
over over
hetjaar
hetjaar I850',
I850',March
March85I 85I(on
(onKutha
Kutha
Gedh6);
Gedh6);andand
Mitsuo
Mitsuo
Nakamura,
Nakamura,
'The 'The
Crescent',
Crescent',
p. 64,
64, 87-8,
87-8,p.p.222
222(on(onthe
theimmense
immense wealth
wealthof of
thethe
Kutha
Kutha
Gedh6
Gedh6
'Ratu'Ratu
Dagang'
Dagang'
['merchant
['merchant kings']
kings']ininthe
theearly
early
part
part
of of
thethe
present
present
century
century
and and
theirtheir
widewide
trading
trading
contacts).
128 S. Br. 170, Tariff List for the tollgate of Panaraga (East Java), i830.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
hundred stone cutters and pot bakers in Bantul Karang, Slem

Galur, four hundred teak-wood foresters and sirap (teak tile) cut
Gunung Kidul, and seven hundred and seventy-three fam
saltmakers on the south coast. In addition, the same report est
that there were eight hundred indigo dyers and one hundred and
families of charcoal brazier smelters scattered throughout the regi
The general level of specialization in sotlth-central Javanese villag
this time should not be over-exaggerated, however. There app
have been very few skilled artisans such as carpenters and s
resident in the countryside. For the most part,Javanese farmers m
their own implements and repaired their own ploughshares and o
agricultural equipment. Only in the event of a major repair having
undertaken, such as the welding of a metal point on to a ploug
specialist help enlisted, usually in the form of skilled artificers fr
Kalang community, a separate cultural subgroup of unknown
(perhaps forest dwellers) who were renowned as carpenters, m
workers and merchants.130 A contemporary source noted that
Javanese provincial officials (Bupati) would often have such men in
service, and it was they who built and maintained all the carts (jen
pedhati) used in country areas. 131 The 'tax free' villages (desapradik
aside for Islamic scholars (ulama) and students of religion (santri) w
exception here: they often counted expert artisans (especiall
penters) amongst their inhabitants and certain crafts, such as fin
weaving and paper making, were their speciality.132
Product specialization in some villages, the burgeoning trade in
products and the cash demands of the tribute (pajeg) and tol
(bandar) systems (see below), all led to an increased level of moneti
in the local economy of south-central Java by the turn of the nin
century. There are numerous indications, at least in the ferti
apanage regions, that low denomination coins, especially copp
and halfduit (Jav. 'sigar'; lit.: 'cleft' money) enjoyed a wide circul
129 Dj. Br. 3, F. G. Vaick, 'Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djocjocarta over
I836', 31 March 1837.
130 IOL Mack. Pr. 82 pt 3 , Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala of Demak, 'No
the Arrangement of the Native Administration or Government & Magistracy o
continued under the Dutch Government from Ancient Times', Aug. I812, p. 2
(on the Kalang), see T. J. Bezemer (ed.), Beknopte Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-
Gravenhage & Leiden: Nijhoff/Brill, 192 ), p. 218; and Raffles, History, vol I, p
131 IOL Mack. Pr. 82 pt 3I, Kyai Adipati Sura-Adimanggala of Demak, 'Notic
297.
132 Anon. (signedJ. L. V.), 'Bijdrage tot de kennis der residentie Madioen', T
17 no. 2 (1855), p. I I; and Claude Guillot, 'Le dluwang ou "papierjavanais"', Arc
(I983), PP. 105-I6.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
98 PETER CAREY
In the aftermath of the British assault on Yog

which had led to a temporary flight of coinage
the new Sultan (Hamengkubuwana III, r. I812-1
see that enough ten cent copper pieces (picis) from
placed in circulation in order to revive trade.133
phrase 'lir arebutpicis' ('like [crowds] scrabbling
commonplace enough to be.used as a derogato
Javanese historical literature of the period.T34 A
Dutch colonial administration in August i8I6
ensure that enough government copper coinag
mint in Surabaya was in circulation in the princ
minted Javanese coins (e.g. from Kutha Gedhe
bank notes and other counterfeit money could b
measures met with partial success. By 1823,
Kedhu was remarking on the greater readiness o
make market purchases in cash. But the increase
money led to the disappearance of silver co
economy.136
133 Peter Carey (ed.), The British in Java, s8ii-i6: A Javane

Lotus, 1986), n. 227 of the babad.
134 Ibid., Canto LXII v. 3 of the babad.
135 Dj. Br. 60, Besluit van den President en Raad van Finantien
phasing out of circulation of Balinese and Javanese copper
32 (on the circulation of false bank notes in the principali
of the Commissioners-General (signed R. Dozy), 20 April
(on the decision to mint copper duit and double duit (Jav
mint); Dj. Br. 60, President Raad van Finantien (Batavia) t
(Yogyakarta), 24 Jan. 1817 (on the regular monthly impo
J.R. = 30 stuivers] worth of copper duit and other coins fro
Dj. Br. 6i, F. de Bruijn (Semarang) to H. G. Nahuys van B
(on the dispatch of f. I767.I7 worth of Yogya duit whi
circulation); Dj. Br. 64, R. H. Cateau van Rouveld (Sura
Burgst (Yogyakarta), 24 March 82 ; and Dj. Br. 5 C, R.
R. H. Cateau van Rouveld (Surabaya), i o April I821 (on th
counterfeiter named Nala Gareng caught minting false mo
under a forged passport).
136 Baud 91, P. le Clercq, 'Copie-Verslag der Residenti
30 March I824, p. 6. The depreciation of the copper duit
Rupee (post- 826 Dutch guilder) from par to 122: oo in I82
A. H. Smissaert (Yogyakarta) to G. A. G. Ph. van der Cape
I824. See also L. de Bree, Gedenkboek van de Javasche Ban
1928), vol. I, p. 154, who noted that copper had virtually tak
the I820's. In 1826 there was an official revaluation of cop
guilders in connection with the coinage reform (see No
Abbreviations), but this had little impact at the village le
now wholly in copper tender.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE JUST KING9 99
Before these developments occurred there is evide

able amount of silver money had circulated along
principalities. These included Spanish silver doll
'pasmat'; 'reyal'; Dutch: 'ronde real'; 'Spaansche mat')
about 3.30-3.60 Dutch guilders (i.e. 63-66 stuiver), an
minted in Holland which could be exchanged for as
guilders (i.e. 8o stuiver).137 Tribute (pajeg) payment
were usually required to be made in silver mone
amassed sizeable sums in royal treasure. In I808,
reckoned that the second Sultan ofYogyakarta (H
r. I792-i81o0/8 1I -12/1826-28), a sovereign renowne
ness and heavy tax demands, had a fortune wort
Spanish dollars in gold and silver money, besides
diamonds, most of which was carried off as war boo
Raffles between 181 and I812.138 At the same time,
seen, substantial hoards of silver money were also bu
peasants living in fertile cash crop areas.139
But it would be wrong to conclude that the rur
principalities was everywhere extensively monet
poorer peasants found it especially difficult to m
payments to the European government after th
Raffles's land-rent scheme in 1812-13, and many we
hands of Chinese moneylenders who alone were able
upon their crops in cash.140 Raffles even seems to h
situation by discriminating against the poorer peasa
land-rent regulations ('Revenue Instructions') of Feb
prohibited payment in kind by owners of dry cr
maize and cassava, while permitting it under certain
137 On the contemporary exchange rates, see Stockdale, S

Carey (ed.), Archive, vol. I, Appendix IV. The amount of silver
early gth centuryJava is mentioned in G. F. Davidson, Trade and
Recollections of Twenty-one years passed in Java, Singapore, Au
Madden & Malcolm, i846), pp. 2-3 ('. . . silver money was as pl
India in those days [i.e. pre Java War], as copper doits have
138 dK I45, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Sem
M. Waterloo, 'Memorie van Overgave' (Yogyakarta), 4 April
taken by Daendels in January i8I I and Raffles in June I812, s
der Jederlandsche Oostindische Bezittingen, onder het Bestuur van den G
Willem Daendels, Ridder, Luitenant-Generaal, &c. in de jaren
Gebroeders van Cleef, 1814), Bijlage 2, Additioncle Stukkcn
Archive, vol. I, p. 12 n. 4.
139 See above Section III pp. 85-6.
140 See above n. 66, esp. Bastin, Mative Policies, p. 58.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
I00 PETER CAREY
farmers.141 The difficulties experienced by the less well off members of

the Javanese village community in getting access to money can also be
seen in a report by a Dutch official in 1812, which noted that peasants
selling small quantities of local produce at neighbouring markets would
often have to borrow the money for the tollgate dues from their village
heads.142 It is also clear that in some outlying regions such as Banyumas
and Japan (present-day Mojokerto), and even in far-flung nagara agung
territories like Pacitan and Gunung Kidul, the vast majority of market
transactions were carried out by barter.143
An insight into the very frugal lifestyle of many non-sikep peasants and
landless labourers (numpang; bujang) in the south-central Javanese
countryside at this time was given byJ. W. Winter (c. I779-1839), the
father of the renowned Javanologist C. F. Winter Sr (1799- 859), who
served as Residency Translator in Javanese at both Yogyakarta (I 799-
I806) and Surakarta (1806-20).14 He described how twelve copper
farthings (duit) a day was the usual daily allowance of an unmarried
man, and these would be spent in the following fashion: three farthings
on sirih (betel) and tobacco, three on vegetables, salt and soyabean cake
(tempe), and six (i.e. half his allowance) on rice.145 A farmer with a wife
141 Raffles, History, vol. II. Appendix L no. II, 'Revenue Instructions', clauses 86-9,
pp. cclv-cclvi, esp. clause 86 dealing with the severe conditions imposed on payments in
kind by rice cultivators which was done, in Raffles's words, 'chiefly with a view to
discourage such species of payment, government wishing to receive as far as practicable,
their revenues in money alone'; and clause 88, which stated that only unhusked rice
(pari/beras) and not maize (or cassava) would be considered as an alternative revenue
payment since cultivators, in most cases, hold some of each description of land (ie. sawah
and dry fields (tegalan))', and 'this distinction will not be felt as a hardship', an
assumption which was much too optimistic for areas such as the dry central plain of
Kedhu where maize fields abounded and a considerable part of the pre- 1812 revenue
payments were made in kind not money, see IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt 8, Crawfurd, 'Report
on Cadoe', p. 304.
142 KITLV H 503, J. I. van Sevenhoven, 'Aanteekeningen gehouden op eene reis
overJava van Batavia near de Oosthoek in ... I812' (6 April-2 August I812) (ed. F. de
Haan), p. 74.
143 IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt o1, H. G. Jourdan, 'Report on Japan and Wirosobo', 28
April I813, p. 357; AN Kabinet, 13 Sept. 1832 no. 599, J. E. de Sturler (Banyumas) toJ.
van den Bosch (Batavia/Bogor), 5 Sept. I832; R. A. Kern, 'Uit Oude Bescheiden
(Geschiedenis van de Afdeling Patjitan in de Eerste Helft der ige Eeuw) met bijlage',
Tjdschrift van het Binnenlands Bestuur (Batavia), vol. 34 (I908), p. i65; and MvK 3054,
'Beschrijving en Statistieke Rapport betreffende de Residentie Djokjokarta' (i836).
144 See G. P. Rouffaer's introduction toJ. W. Winter's, 'Beknopte Beschrijving van
het HofSoerakarta in I824', BKI, vol. 54 (I902), pp. 16-20.
145 Ibid., pp. 46-7. On wage rates for coolies in CentralJava at this time which ranged
between I0-20 cents (8-I6 copper duit) a day in the principalities and 30 cents (25
copper duit) in Semarang, see Dj. Br. 30, D. Ainslie (Yogyakarta) to T. S. Raffles
(Batavia/Bogor), 30 Nov. i815; KITLV H 530, Van Sevenhoven, 'Aanteekeningen',

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING' IOI
and
and children
childrencould
couldexist
existonon
about
about
twenty-five
twenty-five
farthings,
farthings,
with
with
the woman
the wom
contributing
contributingan
anextra
extrafifteen
fifteenfarthings
farthings
a day
a day
to the
to the
family
family
budget
budget
by her
by
activities
activities at
atthe
theloom
loomororby
byacting
acting
as as
a tradeswoman
a tradeswoman
(bakul)
(bakul)
carrying
carry
goods
goods produced
producedbybythe
thefamily
familytoto
the
the
local
local
market.146
market.146 In this
In this
context
context
the
sale
sale of
of agricultural
agriculturalproducts
products from
froma farmer's
a farmer's yardyard
or orchard
or orchard
(pekaran-
(pekar
gan)
gan) was
was often
oftenof
ofcrucial
crucialimportance
importanceforfor
thethe
economic
economic survival
survival
of peasant
of pea
families,
families, especially
especiallyduring
during the
the
times
timesof of
scarcity
scarcity
(jaman
(jaman
paceklik)
paceklik)
between
betw
two
two harvests.147
harvests.147
According
According to toWinter,
Winter,a apoorpoor farmer
farmer would
would usually
usuallyleave
leave
for for
his fields
his fiel
before
before sunrise
sunriseatatfive
fiveo'clock
o'clock each
eachmorning.
morning. HisHisfirst
first
meal meal
of the
of the
day da
would
would bebe eaten
eatenatatnoon,
noon,andand a second
a second repast
repastwould
would be taken
be takenafter
after
sunset
sun
on
on his
his return
returnhome.
home.SomeSome ofofthethemore
more indigent
indigent cultivators,
cultivators,however,
however
would
would eat
eat only
onlyonce
oncea aday.
day. InInthetheevening
evening they
theywouldwouldrarely
rarely
burnburn
oil
lamps,
lamps, relying
relyinginstead
insteadononthe the light
lightof oftheir
their
hearth
hearth fires
fires
which
which
werew
kindled
kindled inin the
thecentre
centreofoftheir
their houses
housesto to
protect
protectthemthemagainst
against
the the
clouds
cloud
of
night-time
night-timemosquitoes
mosquitoesand and for
for communal
communal warmth.148
warmth.148 TheThehouses
houses
and and
huts
huts used
used by bythe
theJavanese
Javanese peasantry
peasantry at atthis
this
timetime
were were
oftenoften
of very
of v
simple
simple construction,
construction,the thesingle-hipped
single-hipped 'omah
'omahlimasan'
limasan'being
being
preferred
preferred
in
view
view of
of its
itslow
lowbuilding
buildingcosts.149
costs.149 In In
thisthis
respect,
respect,thethe
stylestyle
of peasant
of peasan
architecture
architecturein inthe
thecentral
central and
and eastern
eastern districts
districts
ofJava
ofJava
was was
considerably
considerab
less
less elaborate
elaboratethan
thanininthe
themountainous
mountainouswestern
western
regions
regions
(i.e. (i.e.
the t
Priangan
Priangan Highlands)
Highlands)which
whichenjoyed
enjoyed
a greater
a greater
abundance
abundance
of building
of buildi
materials and had not suffered from the Dutch encroachments on the
teak forests in the provinces of the princely states bordering on the
European-controlled north coast.150
The ambitions of the poorer Javanese peasantry, in Winter's view,
pp. 49-50; Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 252 n. 70; Anon., 'Journal of an
Excursion to the Native Provinces ofJava in the Year 1828 During the War with Dipo
Negoro', Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia (Singapore), vol. 9 (1854), p.
158; and Dj. Br. 58, J. F. W. van Nes (Yogyakarta) to Commissarissen ter regeling der
Vorstenlanden (Surakarta), 3 June I830. See also dK 145, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta)
to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 22 March i808, who reckoned that the annual savings of
the poorer Javanese peasant households, after taxes had been paid on the rice harvest,
only amounted to two ronde real (Dfl. 6.40).
146 Winter, 'Beknopte Beschrijving', pp. 47-8; and see further IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4,
Crawfurd, 'Sultan's Country', p. 148; and pt 5, Id., 'Report upon the District of
Pachitan', Nov. I812, pp. I69-70.
147 Raffles, History, vol. I, p. I Io.
148 Winter, 'Beknopte Beschrijving', p. 49.
149 Raffles, History, vol. I, pp. 79-8i; and Baud 9I, 'Copie-Verslag der Residentie
Kadoe over het jaar 1823', 30 March I824, p. 7, where the Dutch Resident of Kedhu,
Pieter le Clercq (in office, 1821--25), remarked that, on the eve of the Java War, the
standard of houses used by peasants in the region, indicated 'very scanty and poor
resources'.
150 Raffles, History, vol. I, p. 81.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
102 PETER CAREY
were
were very
very
modestmodest
and were limited
and towere
savinglimited
enough money
to for
saving
the en
purchase
purchase of a buffalo
of a which
buffalocould give
whicha peasant
could
sufficient
give independence
a peasant su
to
tobebe
ableable
to worktohiswork
lands byhis
himself
landsfor about
by half
himself
a day. 'Then',
for inabout
Winter's
Winter's words,words,
'he [counts'he
himself]
[counts
rich andhimself]
more satisfiedrich
than the
and mor
wealthiest man.' 51
Although the averageJavanese peasant lived in a plain fashion, there
were few restraints on marriage and European observers noticed that it
was customary forJavanese living in rural areas to marry early: the men
at around sixteen, and women at between thirteen and fourteen. 152 This
was because marriage had distinct financial advantages, women being
generally recognized as having more dexterity than men in money
matters and being able to make an important contribution to the
household budget by their marketing activities.153 Celibacy was also
viewed with distaste in Javanese peasant culture,154 but divorces were
frequent and partners would separate with very little ceremony in order
to choose new spouses. The practice was apparently so common that, on
his inspection journeys, Crawfurd had been pointed out individuals of
both sexes who had been married as many as ten or twelve times.155
Modern rural sociologists have pointed out that frequent divorces
usually mean fewer births per woman, and longer gaps between them,
but it is clear that children were highly valued by peasant cultivators at
this time and played a vital role in the Javanese peasant economy.
According to Raffles, most cultivators would raise families of between
eight and ten children, of whom about half would survive into
adolescence.156 Infants were an economic burden on their parents for
151 Winter, 'Beknopte Beschrijving', p. 48. Raffles, History, vol. I, p. I I , reckoned
that the price of a buffalo in the 'eastern districts' was I2-16Java Rupees (Dfl. I5-20);
whereas Crawfurd (IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, 'Sultan's Country', p. 88) estimated the cost
of smaller bullocks at betweenJ.R. 8 and 20 (Dfl. 10-25) and the larger kind at between
J.R. 50 and 80 (Dfl. 62-100).
152 Raffles, History, vol. I, p. 70; IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt 4, Crawfurd, 'Sultan's Country',
p. I49; and pt 5, Id., 'Report on Pacitan', p. I69. The same marital ages were common
for the two sexes in court circles, see dK I45, M. Waterloo, 'Memorie van Overgave', 4
April I808. On the early marriages amongst young women in present-day Java, see
Hildred Geertz, The Javanese Family. A Study of Kinship and Socialization (New York: Free
Press of Glencoe, I96I), p. 56, who points out that girls are usually married after their
first menstruation, especially if they have evinced a keen interest in the opposite sex, in
order that they do not acquire a reputation for loose morals and thus diminish their
chances of making a successful marriage.
153 Raffles, History, vol. I, p. 353.
154 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, 'Sultan's Country', p. 149.
155 Ibid., p. 150; and IOL Mack. Pr. 2I pt Io, H. G.Jourdan, 'Report on Japan and
Wirosobo', 28 April 1813, p. 349 (on the frequency of divorces and unfaithfulness of
women in the eastern outlying provinces).
156 Raffles, History, vol. I, pp. 70, 109.

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WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING' I03
only a very short time and, provided they survived the scourges of
endemic diseases like smallpox (see below), they soon became valuable
assistants in the houses and fields. Boys were sometimes given a short
period of Qur'anic education with a local kaum or modin (village 'priest'),
but most started work immediately when they reached the age of
eight.157 At this stage, boys were taught the rudiments of agriculture,
and girls began to receive instruction from the older womenfolk in
spinning and weaving, an occupation at which they would sometimes be
active, in Winter's words, 'day and night' turning out coarsely woven
clothes for their families and more finely worked materials for the local
markets.158 Some also took part in various agricultural duties, espe-
cially the transplanting and harvesting of rice, activities which were
regarded as the particular preserve of women. Thus a large family was
an undoubted asset to peasant cultivators with opportunities to open out
new land and who were faced in the early nineteenth century with
increasingly onerous fiscal and corvee demands from the rulers and
apanage holders (see below Section V). The financial incentives
propelling Javanese peasants into contracting early marriages and
having extensive families, led, in times of peace such as existed in the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, to a rapid population growth
in many country areas.159
Reliable population figures are not available for this period, but
estimates of general demographic trends in the principalities can be
established by comparing the number ofcacah (households) recorded at
the time of the Giyanti Settlement in I755 with those registered in the
'New Cadastral Survey' (Serat Ebuk Anyar) in I773. This shows an
increase of seventeen per cent over eighteen years, or an annual growth
rate of o.9 per cent.160 As Ricklefs has pointed out, however, the 1755
157 Dj. Br. i9g, F. V. H. A. de Stuers, (?), 'Inleiding tot de geschiedenis van den
oorlog opJava', n.d., p. 37 (on the education of village boys in Qur'an repetition [turutan],
Arabic prayers, and the'study of Arabic letters [alip-alipan] from their seventh year); AN,
Kabinet 43 I, 9 Sept. 1831, Secretary of Kedhu Residency (Magelang) toJ. van den
Bosch (Batavia/Bogor), 29 Sept. 1831 (on the reluctance of parents to allow their
children to remain long at local religious schools because they needed them for light
agricultural duties); and Winter, 'Beknopte Beschrijving', p. 49, who asserted that most
peasant families neglected the formal education of their children entirely and
concentrated on giving them instruction in agriculture and weaving.
158 Raffles, History, vol. I, p. 86; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4, Crawfurd, 'Sultan's Country',
pp. 97-104; and Anon., Lettres de Java, p. IoI.
159 Raffles, History, vol. I, p. 70; and for a modern view of the crucial role of children in
the Javanese peasant economy, see Benjamin White, 'The Economic Importance of
Children in a Javanese Village', in Moni Nag (ed.), Population and Social Organization
(The Hague: Mouton, I975), pp. I27-46.
160 Ricklefs, Mangkubumi, pp. 159-60.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
PETER CAREY
104
cacah figures were undoubtedly too high since they were based on
conventionalized figures from the mid-seventeenth century and bore no
relationship to the demographic realities of mid-eighteenth-century
Java when the population had declined sharply after years of warfare
and political instability between 1675 and I755.161 Ricklefs thus
suggests that, given this artificially inflated I755 figure, the population
in the Javanese kingdoms and the European-controlled areas of the
north-east coast (pasisir) was almost certainly growing at a rate in excess
of one per cent per annum, and probably substantially more than that
for many areas in the late eighteenth century.162 This may have some
important implications for recent scholars of Java's demographic
history, who have all tried to explain the island's remarkable 'popula-
tion explosion' entirely in nineteenth-century (especially post-I83o)
terms.163
Percipient observers of the agrarian society of south-central Java
before theJava War were particularly struck by the age structure of the
population and the large numbers of children under the age of twelve.
The Resident of Yogyakarta, Matthias Waterloo (in office, 1803-08),
for example, reckoned that births had exceeded deaths in the Yogya
area between 1785 and I805 by a factor of seven to five,164 and about
two-fifths of the estimated 328,921 inhabitants of Kedhu in 1823 were
said to be children.165 Although infant and child mortality rates inJava
at this time remained very high (in some areas, forty-five per cent of all
children died before their twelfth birthday), sufficient numbers were
surviving into adulthood to ensure a steady rise in the peasant
population of the principalities.166 Meanwhile, the geographical spread
161 Ricklefs, 'Statistical Evidence', pp. 28-9; and see also IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 4,
Crawfurd, 'Sultan's Country', p. 147 (on the destructiveness of the Giyanti wars ( I746-
57) and the great increase in population since 1755).
162 Ricklefs, 'Statistical Evidence', pp. 29-30; and see also Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo
(Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 28 Feb. i806 who estimated (on the
conservative basis of five persons per cacah ('household')) that the population of the
princely territories had risen from 905,000 in I755 to 1.4 millions in I806.
163 See A. Peper, 'Population Growth in Java in the i9th Century: A New
Interpretation', Population Studies, vol. 24 no. I (March 1970), pp. 7 -84, who advances
rather dubious theoretical figures for Java's demographic growth in I8o0; Widjojo
Nitisastro, Population Trends in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970), pp. I-
26; and Peter Boomgaard, 'Bevolkingsgroei en welvaart opJava (I800-1942)', in R. N.
J. Kamerling (ed.), Indonesie toen en nu (Amsterdam: Intermediar, I980), pp. 35-52.
164 Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 28 Feb. i806.
165 Baud 91, P. le Clercq, 'Copie-Verslag der Residentie Kadoe over het jaar 1823',
30 March 1824, p. 3.
166 Ibid.; and Bram Peper, Jumlah dan pertumbuhan penduduk asli di Jawa dalam abad
kesembilanbelas. Suatu pandangan lain, khususnya mengenai masa I800-I850 (trans. M. Rasjad
St. Suleman) (Jakarta: Bhratara, 1975), p. 13.

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WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING' IO5
of
of this
thisdemographic
demographic growth
growth
appears
appears
to haveto
been
have
rather
beenuneven.
rather
The
uneve
core
coreapanage
apanage
regions,
regions,
where
where
the greatest
the greatest
amount amount
of land development
of land developm
had
hadtaken
taken place,
place,
supported
supported
a rapidly
a rapidly
growing
growing
population,
population,
whereas in wher
some
someof ofthe
theeastern
eastern
outlying
outlying
provinces
provinces
the number
the number
of inhabitants
of inhabi
actually
actuallyfell
fell
bybyabout
about
five five
per cent
per between
cent between
1755 and1755
1773.167
andThis
1773.167
was Th
partly
partlyduedue
to to
internal
internal
administrative
administrative
changeschanges
at the courts
at the
which
courts
had which
seen
seenlarge
large
areas
areas
of the
of the
mancanagara
mancanagara
regionsregions
reclassified
reclassified
as core territories
as core terr
(nagara
(nagaraagung)
agung)in order
in order
to provide
to provide
more apanage
more apanage
land for the
land fast
for th
increasing
increasing kraton
kratonpopulations
populations
(see further
(see further
below Section
belowV).168
Section
But,V).168
even
evenififthis
this
reclassification
reclassification
had not
had taken
not place,
takenthe
place,
figures
the forfigures
population
population growth
growth in the
in eastern
the eastern
districts
districts
would still
would
have still
shown have
a sh
slower rate of increase than in the central areas.169 The causes for this
may have been local: namely the prevailing insecurity in the outlying
regions where the number of robberies appears to have been far higher
than in the nagara agung, and the structure of the royal administrations
which delegated power to the provincial officials (Bupati) in the outlying
regions, but ruled directly (and usually more effectively as far as local
security was concerned) through the court chancelleries in the core
lands (see above Section II).
The steady population growth in the central apanage districts from
the mid-eighteenth century can be partly ascribed to the factors already
mentioned, namely the long period of peace (until 1825), the incentives
for opening up new land, the very early marriages in the rural
communities and the great importance of children in the Javanese
peasant economy. To these can be added the generally healthy
167 Ricklefs, Mangkubumi, p. 159. See also Raffles, History, vol. I, p. 62 facing, Table
no. II, 'Table exhibiting the Population ofJava and Madura, according to a Census
taken by the British Government in the Year 1815', which shows that the most densely
populated areas in 1815 were Semarang, with 281 inhabitants per square mile, and
Kedhu with 238.75. Yogyakarta and Surakarta, both with an estimated 147.50 people
per square mile, came sixth in density of population after Pekalongan, Batavia and its
Environs (Ommelanden), Cirebon, and Gresik. The average for Java as a whole,
including the very sparsely populated Oosthoek (Pasuruan, Prabalingga and Banyu-
wangi) with an average of 33.66 inhabitants per square mile and the Priangan
Highlands with an average of 24.33, was a little over one hundred souls.
168 Ricklefs, Mangkubumi, p. 159, who mentions that amongst the more important
districts included in the central apanage regions (nagara agung) in I773 were
Kadhuwang, Banyumas, Pamerdin and Pacitan. On Banyumas, see further Hugen-
holtz, 'Traditional Javanese Society', pp. i6-17 and below Section V.
169 See Raffles, History, vol. I, p. 62 facing, Table no. II; and vol. II, p. 288 facing,
tables for 'Population of the Territory of the Susuhunan, 8 I 5' and 'Population of the
Territory of the Sultan, i815', which contain figures apparently confirming this
imbalance. Thus, with nearly half the land area of the principalities in I815, the eastern
outlying areas (mancanagara) accounted for only about ten per cent of the population of
Surakarta and just over seventeen per cent in Yogyakarta.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
Io6 PETER CAREY
condition
condition of the peasantry,
of the the peasantry,
lack of large-scale
the epidemics
lack between
of large
1760
1760 and and
1821, the
1821,
availability
theofavailability
adequate food supplies
of and adequate
the
balanced
balanceddiet ofdiet
families
ofin country
families areas. in country areas.
The
The generally
generally
healthy condition
healthy of thecondition
Javanese peasantryof in the
the Jav
early
earlynineteenth
nineteenth
century wascentury
commented onwas by Raffles.170
commented It is likely on b
that
that he may
he have
may beenhave
drawingbeen
as favourable
drawing
a pictureasas possible
favourablin
order
order to reflect
to reflect
creditably on creditably
the condition ofon the the
local population
condition
during
during the period
the ofperiod
his administration
of hisinadministration
Java (I8II--I6). But what in J
does
does seemseem
clear is clear
that there
iswere
thatno large-scale
there epidemics
were no
in the
large-scale
central
part
partof the
ofisland
thefromisland
the mid-eighteenth
from the century
mid-eighteenth
(cf. the 1757/60
epidemic
epidemic in western
in Java,
western
Pekalongan,
Java,
Banyumas
Pekalongan,
and Bagelen) until
Bany
April
April 182I 182I
when the
when
first ofthe
a cyclefirst
of virulent
of Asiatic
a cycle
cholera
ofepidemics
virulent
reachedJava
reachedJava from Bengal
from and theBengal
Malay peninsula.171
and the TheMalay
only serious
penins
ailment
ailmentin terms
inofterms
mortalityof during
mortality
the years between
during1755 andthe
I82I year
was
wassmallpox,
smallpox,
and this wrought
and thissuch havoc
wrought
amongst infants
such and
havoc
children
childrenthat itthat
was known
it was
as the 'lara
knownbocah' ('children's
as the ailment')
'lara boca
amongst
amongst theJavanese.172
theJavanese.172
Despite its virulence,
Despite
however,its
it only
virulence,
reached
epidemic
epidemicproportions
proportions
in the more sparsely
in the populated
more areassparsely
ofJava such popu
as
asthe
the
eastern
eastern
outlying provinces
outlying (e.g. Madiun
provinces
and Kedhiri)
(e.g.
of theMadi
principalities
principalitiesand the remote
and Priangan
the remoteHighlands, Priangan
where, during an
High
outbreak
outbreak of the of
disease
thein 1780,
disease
some twenty
in 1780,
per cent some
of those twenty
affected p
are
aresaidsaid
to have
tosuccumbed.
have succumbed.
73 Elsewhere, in densely
73 Elsewhere,
settled regions like
in de
170
170 Raffles,
Raffles,
History, History,
vol. I, p. 69. vol. I, p. 69.
171
171 See See
M.J. E.
M.J.
Muller,E.'Kort
Muller,
verslag aangaande
'Kortdeverslag
cholera-morbus
aangaande
opJava', VBG,de ch
vol.
vol. I3 (I832)
I3 (I832)
pt i, pp. I-I
ptI ; i,
H. Schillet,
pp. I-I 'Eenige
I ; H.
waarneming
Schillet,
omtrent
'Eenige
de cholerawaar
orientalis',
orientalis',ibid., ptibid.,
2, pp. I3-82;
ptCrawfurd,
2, pp. AI3-82;
Descriptive
Crawfurd,
Dictionary of the
AIndian
Descriptive
Islands D
and
andAdjacent
Adjacent
Countries Countries
(Kuala Lumpur: Oxford
(KualaUniversity
Lumpur: Press, I971),
Oxfordpp. I20-I,Universi
sub:
'Diseases'
'Diseases'(where(where
he stated erroneously
he stated that the
erroneously
first outbreak of that
Asiatic cholera
the first
occurred
occurred in Javain in 1820
Java and not
in I82I);
1820 IOL and
Mack. Pr.
not2I ptI82I);
4, Crawfurd,
IOL 'Sultan's
Mack. Pr.
Country',
Country', p. I46 (on
p.theI46
lack(on
of epidemics
the lack and pestilence
of epidemics
in central Java);
and and Peter
pestilen
Boomgaard,
Boomgaard, 'Disease, death
'Disease,
and disasters
deathinJava,
and
1820-1880:
disasters
a preliminary
inJava,
survey and
1820-18
analysis
analysis of changing
of changing
patterns of morbidity
patterns and mortality',
of morbidity
paper preparedandfor the
morta
Conference
Conference on Disease,
on Death
Disease,
and DrugsDeath
in Modernand
Southeast
DrugsAsia (ANU,
in Modern
Canberra, Sou
May
May 1983),
1983),
passim, esp.
passim,
pp. 12-13.esp. pp. 12-13.
172
172 Raffles,
Raffles,
History, History,
vol. I, p. 72; Boomgaard,
vol. I, 'Disease,
p. 72; death
Boomgaard,
and disasters', p. 'Disease,
5; and
Baud
Baud 306, 306,
W. H. van
W. IJsseldijk,
H. van 'Nota
IJsseldijk,
voor den Prov. Res.
'Nota
den Majoor
voor Nahuijs
denteProv.
Djocjocarta', 22 Oct. I816 in 'Rapport van W. H. van IJsseldijk omtrent de
Vorstenlanden', II Dec. I816, in which the erstwhile Patih of Yogyakarta, Raden
Adipati Danureja I (in office, 1755-99), is quoted as having said that 'too long a period
of peace was just as disastrous as a time of warfare for the inhabitants of (south-central)
Java and the (Javanese) people regard child deaths as a wise provision of Providence'.
173 Boomgaard, 'Death, disease and disasters', p. 5 quoting W. van Hogendorp,
'Redevoering der inentinge tot de ingezetenen van Batavia, na haare terug komste van
Samarang; overhandigd door Mr. W. van Hogendorp', VBG (ISt printing), vol. 2
(1780) pt. I 5, p. 209. On the sparse population of the Priangan Highlands at this time,
see above n. I67.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING I07
the core apanage territories, the adult population appear to have

developed a high degree of immunity. The fact that smallpox was
referred to locally in these areas as the 'children's disease' indicates that
it had been there for a long time, for only 'old' (i.e. long established or
endemic) diseases affect predominantly young children.174 Moreover,
as we have seen, Javanese parents usually made provision for the high
infant mortality rate by having more babies.175 A start was also made
on smallpox vaccination in the principalities in I804, although the
number of children actually immunized was insignificant until after the
Java War.176
Thus, from the medical point of view, the main factors influencing the
decline in the death rate in south-central Java from the mid-eighteenth
century onwards were the negative ones of a lack of deaths caused
directly or indirectly by warfare (here the long lasting political
settlement at Giyanti was of central importance) and the absence of
serious epidemics until the third decade of the nineteenth century. The
latter was partly the result of good fortune, but it was also due to a
greater resistance to disease on the part of the south-central Javanese
adult population as a whole, itself the outcome of a greater availability
of nutritious foodstuffs during this period (see above pp. 88-93). It is
significant in this respect that the Asiatic cholera epidemics of the early
i82os should have occurred during times of drought, harvest failure and
famine (see below Section VI). The localized food shortages which
resulted from the deteriorating agricultural situation in these years led
to a sharp decline in the health and dietary patterns ofJavanese living in
rural areas. Between 1821 and 1825, for example, European and
Javanese observers noted an increased consumption of less nourishing
secondary crops such as maize and cassava (sweet potato), as well as
tubers, leaves and grasses grubbed up from forests and waste lands.177
174 Boomgaard, 'Death, disease and disasters', p. 5.

175 See above ns. I56 and I72.
176 Peper, Jumlah dan pertumbuhan penduduk asli di Jawa, pp. 49-70; Winter, 'Beknopte
Beschrijving', p. 78; and for Governor-General G. A. G. Ph. van der Capellen's (in
office, 1816-26) decrees concernings smallpox vaccination in Indonesia (Reglementen op
de uitoefening der koepokinenting in Nederlandsch-Indie), see AN, BGG in rade, i April 1820
and 19 April I821 no. i6.
177 Dj. Br. 5iC, R. C. N. d'Abo (Yogyakarta) to President Raad van Finantien
(Batavia), 26 June 82 1; Soekanto, Dua Raden Saleh. Dua Nasionalis dalam Abad ke-9g.
Suatu Halaman dari Sedjarah Nasional Indonesia (Djakarta: N. V. Pusaka Asli, i95 ), p. 29
(quoting a letter of February 1822 from Raden Mas Muhamad Saleh, a son of Kyai
Adipati Sura-Adimanggala V of Semarang (died I837), to the Governor-General,
about the plight of the inhabitants of Kedhu who had been forced by famine to eat leaves
and weeds). See further Winter, 'Beknopte Beschrijving', p. 49; Raffles, History, vol. I, p.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
Io8 PETER CAREY
The
Thecase
casemortality
mortality
due to due
the cholera
to the epidemics
cholera wasepidemics
thus much higher
was thus much
than
thanit itmight
might
have have
been under
beennormal
under circumstances.
normal circumstances.
But, until these But, unti
terrible
terrible years
years
beforebefore
theJavatheJava
War, mostJavanese
War, mostJavanese
peasants seem to peasants
have seem
been
beenable
able
to enjoy
to enjoy
a predominantly
a predominantly
rice diet, and
rice
times
diet,
of serious
and dearth
times of seriou
178
were rare.7
Much more research will have to be done on Javanese agrarian

society in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries before an
firm conclusions can be drawn about the demographic history of th
period. It should be remembered, however, that quite apart from
medical and dietary factors, population growth is also influenced b
psychological conditions which are much harder to quantify. A useful
insight is given here by Winter's charming description of the poorer
peasant and his ideal of owning his own buffalo and being able to work
his lands for himself (see above). The possibility of such advancement i
itself may have acted as a powerful spur to procreation. Especiall
important in this respect was the availability of agricultural land in th
core apanage regions immediately after the Giyanti Settlement (1755),
and, more crucial still, the possibilities for disguising newly developed
land from the unwelcome attentions of royal land surveyors. In order to
illustrate this, and ascertain why agrarian conditions began to deterior
ate so sharply in the years before the Java War, it is necessary to turn
back briefly to the Javanese apanage system and examine the ways in
which this was modified to cope with the increased fiscal demands of th
rulers.
V. The Javanese Apanage System and the Village

Community in the Late Eighteenth and Early
Nineteenth Centuries
Reference has already been made above (see Section II)

increasing use of tax-farming methods by members of the J
official (priyayi) elite from the late eighteenth century onwards
change to a fixed money tax known as 'pajeg mati' in many core
I22; and Dj. Br. 4, W. C. E. Baron van Geer, 'Algemeen Verslag der Res
Djokjokarta over den jaar I855', March i856, on the types of foodstuffs,
malinjo (G. Gnemon L.), maize, beans (kacang) and yams (ubi), comsumed byJ
times of harvest failure and dearth. See also below n. 290.
178 Raffles, History, vol. I, pp. 99, Io9; Peper, Jumlah dan pertumbuhan pendu
Jawa, pp. 42-3; and IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 23
poor harvests of the decades 1790- 81 o, which led to rice shortages in south-ce
but not famines, see below Section V p. I I3).

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING IO9
areas
areas as
as aa response
responseto
tothe
theBritish
Britishterritorial
territorial
annexations
annexations
of of
I812.
I812.
Th
Javanese
Javanese rulers
rulers also
alsoplayed
playeda apart
partininstepping
steppingupupthe
the
fiscal
fiscal
burdens
burdenson o
the
the 'landowning'
'landowning'peasants
peasantsatatthe
thevillage
villagelevel
level
through
through various
various
adminis-
admini
trative
trative innovations
innovationsdesigned
designedtotoboost
boostroyal
royalrevenues
revenues andand
increase
increase
th
area
area ofof apanage
apanage land
landavailable
availablefor
fortheir
theirrelatives
relativesand
andretainers.
retainers.
The
The background
background to tothese
thesechanges
changesmustmustbebesought,
sought,paradoxically,
paradoxically in
the
the inefficiencies
inefficienciesof oftheJavanese
theJavaneseapanage
apanage system
systemandand
the
the
inability
inability
of of
the
rulers
rulers toto tap
tap the
thenew
newsources
sourcesofofwealth
wealth being
beinggenerated
generatedat at
thethe
village
villag
level
level by
by the
the activities
activitiesof
ofthe
the'landowning'
'landowning'
sikep
sikep
peasants
peasants
and
and
their
th
dependants.
dependants. Despite
Despitethe
theseemingly
seeminglyimpressive
impressive
power
powerstructure
structure
and
organization
organization of
of the
thecentral
centralJavanese
Javanesecourts,
courts,
the
thefact
fact
remained
remainedthat
that
thet
rulers
rulers did
did not
not have
havethe
theadministrative
administrativeresources
resourcesat at
their
their
disposal
disposal
to claim
to cl
back
back all
all the
the newly
newlydeveloped
developedlands
landsoror
even
even
toto
impose
impose
new
new
tribute
tribu
burdens
burdens on
on them.
them.No
Norevised
revisedcadastral
cadastralregisters
registers
ofof
cultivated
cultivated
land
land
were
w
drawn
drawn up
up after
after the
theI773
I773'New
'NewBook'
Book'(Serat
(Serat
Ebuk
EbukAnyar)
Anyar) survey,
survey,
apparently
apparently because
becauseboth
boththe
themajor
majorcentral
centralJavanese
Javanese
rulers
rulersin in
thethe
lat
eighteenth
eighteenth and
and early
earlynineteenth
nineteenthcenturies,
centuries,
Sultan
Sultan
Hamengkubuwana
Hamengkubuwana
II
of Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta (r.
(r.I792--I8I/OI8I
I792--I8I/OI8II-12/I826-28)
I-12/I826-28)and
andSunan
Sunan
Pakubu
Paku
wana
wana IV
IV of
of Surakarta
Surakarta(r.
(r.I788-I820),
I788-I820),feared
feared
that
thatthe
the
Dutch
Dutch
would
woul
either
either seek
seek to
to even
evenout
outthe
thelandholdings
landholdings
between
between
the
the
courts
courts
(and
(and
here
her
Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta would
wouldhave
havebeen
beenatatthe
thegreatest
greatestdisadvantage
disadvantage
because
because
it
inhabitants
inhabitants were
werereported
reportedtotohave
havebeen
beenmuch
much more
more
assiduous
assiduous
thanthan
those
th
of Surakarta
Surakarta in
in opening
openingout
outwaste
wasteground),
ground),oror
that
that
they
theywould
would
annex
anne
to
themselves
themselves all
all the
thenew
newlands
landsdeveloped
developed since
sincethe
the
I773
I773
census.179
census.
Subsequent
Subsequent attempts
attemptsby bythe
theBritish
British(1811-16)
(1811-16)
andand
post-i8i6
post-i8i6Dutch
Dut
administrations
administrations totocompile
compileaccurate
accuratestatistical
statistical
accounts
accountsof of
landholdings
landholdin
and
and population
population in
inthe
theprincely
princelyterritories
territorieswere
weresuccessful
successful
onlyonly
in certain
in cert
enclave
enclave areas
areas like
likePacitan
Pacitanononthe
thesouth
south
coast,
coast,
Lowanu
Lowanu
in in
eastern
eastern
Bagelen,
Bagelen, and
and Nanggulon
Nanggulonin inKulon
KulonPraga,
Praga,
where
wherethey
they
were
weredirectly
direc
179
179 dJdJ XII,
XII, pp.
pp. 259-60,
259-60,P.P.G.
G.van
vanOverstraten
Overstraten (Semarang)
(Semarang)to to
W.W. A. A.
Alting
Alting andand
RadenRa
van
van Indie
Indie (Batavia),
(Batavia),25
25April
April1792
1792(on
(onsuggestions
suggestions made
made byby
VanVanOverstraten
Overstraten to HBto HB
II foI
a new
new cadastral
cadastral survey
surveyand
andthethegreater
greater assiduity
assiduity
ofof thethe
Yogya
Yogyainhabitants
inhabitants in opening
in openingout
new
new lands);
lands); AN,
AN, Geheim
GeheimKommissoriaal,
Kommissoriaal, 2323Sept.
Sept.1847
1847
La La
L'1,
L'1,
f. 20ir-202r,
f. 20ir-202r, f.228r
f.228r
(Note(N
on conferences
conferences between
betweenVanVanOverstraten
Overstraten and
and PBPBIV,IV,
and
and
Id. Id.
andand
HBHB II), II),
13 Aug.
13 Aug.
and
I9 Aug.
Aug. 1792
1792 (relating
(relatingthe
thedifficulties
difficulties experienced
experienced bybyVan
VanOverstraten
Overstraten in getting
in gettingth
rulers
rulers toto agree
agree totoaanew
newcadastral
cadastralsurvey
survey ofof
the
the lands
lands
brought
brought into
into
cultivation
cultivation sincesi
1773);
1773); Java
Java NOK
NOK I,I,P.
P.G.
G.van
vanOverstraten,
Overstraten,'Memorie
'Memorie
met
met
derzelver
derzelver
bylaagen
bylaagen
tot
naricht
naricht van
van den
den HeerJohan
HeerJohanFrederik
FrederikBaron
Baronvan
vanReede
Reedetottot
de de
Parkeler',
Parkeler',
13 Oct.
13 Oct.
1796,
17
f. r-v;
r-v; and
and Dj.
Dj. Br.
Br.38,
38,M.M.Waterloo
Waterloo(Yogyakarta)
(Yogyakarta) to to
N. N.
Engelhard
(Semarang),
31 Jan.
31 J
I804
I804 (on
(on the
the continuing
continuingrefusal
refusalofofthe
the central
central
Javanese
Javaneserulers
rulers
to to
countenance
countenance
a new
a n
census).
census). On
On the
the 1773
1773land
landregister,
register,see
seeabove
above
n. n.
48.48.
TheThe
total
total
absence
absenceof any
of any
up-to-dat
up-to-
land
land registers
registers in
inthe
theearly
earlyIgth
Igthcentury
centuryis is
mentioned
mentioned
in in
IOLIOL
Mack.
Mack.
Pr. Pr.
21 pt
21 8p
Crawfurd,
Crawfurd, 'Report
'Reporton
onCadoe',
Cadoe',pp.
pp.296-7;
296-7;and
and
seesee
also
also
Carey
Carey
(ed.),
(ed.),
British
British
in Java,
in Java,
n. 20
n
of the babad.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
I IO0 PETER CAREY
involved in cash crop production (i.e. indigo and pepper) or in local

administration.180 Outdated eighteenth-century registers thus con-
tinued to be used for administrative purposes until well after the Java
War (I825-30).181
Torn between their desire to see the great increase in agricultural
productivity reflected in steadily rising tribute (pajeg) returns, and their
fear of Dutch annexation, the Javanese rulers were forced to rely on a
series of haphazard and arbitrary administrative expedients. Their
exasperation found voice in the very stringent (and ineffective) royal
decrees enacted against officers and officials found holding land in excess
of the amount to which they were entitled. A series of proclamations
issued by the Sunan of Surakarta and his Patih (prime minister) in the
I78os threatened punishments which involved chaining, beating and
imprisonment,182 although the number of officials who were actually
disciplined for the crime of 'concealing ricefields' (angumpet sabin)
appears to have been pitifully small.183 In the Yogyakarta court archive
there is an important royal order, unfortunately undated but probably
from around I800, which ordered recipients of apanage lands in the
sultanate to inform the ruler within two months of any discrepancies
between the amount of ricefields listed in their official apanage grants
(piagem-[or nuwala-]Dalem) and the actual extent of their holdings after
the new clearances had been accounted for. If no replies were
forthcoming in the appointed time, the ruler warned that his 'village
180 For references to early gth century attempts at map making and the compilation
of accurate population statistics, see J. A. van der Chijs (ed.), N'ederlandsch-Indisch
Plakaatboek, I602-1811, vol. XV ('s-Hage: M. Nijhoff, 1896), p. 1005 (Daendels's Besluit
of 28 Nov. 1809); P. H. van der Kemp (ed.), Het ,Nederlandsch-Indisch Bestuur in I8i7, tot het
vertrek der Engelschen ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 19I 3), p. 24; AN, BCG, I May 1817, H.
G. Nahuys van Burgst (Yogyakarta) to Commissioners-General (Batavia), 14 April
1817; AvJ, A. H. Smissaert (Yogyakarta) to G. A. G. Ph. van der Capellen (Batavia/
Bogor), 19 April I823; and AvJ, Id. to Director of Military Academy (Semarang), 26
Oct. I823 (on the great difficulty of carrying out a statistical survey of the Yogya region
because of the juxtaposition of landholdings and because certain key maps of the
sultanate had been sent away to Semarang prior to the British attack in June 812). See
also Dj. Br. I, A. J. P. H. D. Bosch, 'Politieke Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over
hetjaar I865', March I866, on the completion of the first accurate topographical map of
Yogyakarta ('Topographische Kaart der Residentie Djokjokarta') by K. F. Wilsen. For
references to the European surveys of the enclave areas, see above nn. 143 and 146 (on
Pacitan), n. 103 (on Lowanu and Pacitan), and below n. 190 (on Nanggulon).
181 See Carey (ed.), British in _Java, n. 205 of the babad.
182 Ann Kumar, 'Javanese Court Society and Politics in the Late Eighteenth
Century: The Record of a Lady Soldier. Part I: The Religious, Social and Economic Life
of the Court', Indonesia no. 29 (April 1980), p. 36.
183 For a Yogya example from the reign of Sultan Hamengkubuwana IV ( 812-14),
see Carey (ed.), British in Java, Canto LIV v. 4-9, and n. 227 of the babad.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING' III
surveyors'
surveyors' (abdi-Dalem
(abdi-Dalempriksa
priksa
dhusun/Mantri
dhusun/Mantri
papriksan
papriksan
negara) would
negara)
makewould
independent
independent enquiries,
enquiries,
a threat
a threat
whichwhich
he must
hehave
mustknown
havefull
known
well he
full we
could
couldnot
notenforce
enforcebecause
because
of the
ofextremely
the extremely
limited limited
number ofnumber
surveyors
of surve
available
availabletoto
him
him
andand
the the
far-flung
far-flung
naturenature
of the Yogya
of theapanage
Yogya apa
territories.184
territories.184 A clause
A clause
was was
also often
also often
inserted
inserted
in the official
in theapanage
official apana
grants
grantstotothe
the
effect
effect
thatthat
beneficiaries
beneficiaries
should should
send in detailed
send inreports
detailed
as to
reports
the
the extent
extent and
and
populousness
populousness
of theoflands
the under
lands their
under charge.185
their charge.185
This led This
to
to frequent
frequent notifications
notifications
regarding
regarding
cacah which
cacah had
which
become
hadunculti-
become unc
vated
vatedorordepopulated,
depopulated,especially
especially
in thein
sparsely
the sparsely
settled eastern
settledoutlying
eastern outl
provinces
provinces where
where a special
a special
distinction
distinction
began to
began
be made
to be
in made
royal land
in royal
grants
grantsbetween
between 'cacah
'cacah
gesang
gesang
(ng. cacah
(ng. urip)'
cacah('living'
urip)' ('living'
or cultivated/
or cultiva
populated
populated cacah)
cacah)andand'cacah
'cacah
pejahpejah
(ng. cacah
(ng. mati)'
cacah('dead'
mati)'or('dead'
unculti-
or uncu
vated/depopulated
vated/depopulated cacah).186
cacah).186
But there
But there
were naturally
were naturally
few admissions
few admissio
regarding
regarding increased
increased
productivity
productivity
on older
on established
older established
ricefields,ricefields,
or the or
existence
existenceofofnewly
newlydeveloped
developed
lands,lands,
since every
sincesubject
every of subject
the sovereign
of the sover
from
fromthethehumblest
humblestsikep
sikep
to the
tomost
the exalted
most exalted
apanage apanage
holder washolder
loathe was
to loath
face new fiscal demands.
The degree of administrative confusion and downright concealment

which took place can be seen in reports on areas of the princely
territories annexed by the European administration in I812 and I830,
or temporarily administered by them in the post-Java War period. In
Pacitan, a district on the south coast where there had been Dutch-
administered pepper estates since the late eighteenth century, an official
reported quite bluntly in 1793 that 'the survey of ricefields shows that
since the Peace of 1755 [i.e. the Giyanti Settlement], [these] have
184 See Ibid., n. 524 of the babad. For references to the abdi-Dalem priksa dhusun, see BL
Add. MS. 1234I (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land grants from the Yogya court),
f. I77r-v, Report of Raden Ngabehi Resawikrama, n.d.; f. I86r-v, Raden Adipati
Danureja II (Yogyakarta) to Sultan Hamengkubuwana II (Yogyakarta), n.d.; GKA,
20 Sept. I830 no. 56k, 'Verbaal', Interview with Mas Tumenggung Sindujaya (Mantri
papriksan negara), 13 April 1830; and Louw, Java-Oorlog, vol. I, Bijlage I, p. 594, where
seven Lurah priksa negara are mentioned amongst the Sultan's officials in c. 1820.
185 See, for example, BL Add. MS. 14397 (Crawfurd coll., original letters and land
grants from the Yogya court), f. 45r, Piagem-Dalen of Sultan Hamengkubuwana II
(Yogyakarta) to Raden Tumenggung Sasranegara (Yogya Bupati of Grobogan), I3
Rabingulawal AJ. 1734 (21 May 807): '. .. sarta Sun patedhani lilinggih Kagunganingsun
bumi, ing Garobogan cacah gawene wong sewu walung-atus, telung-puluh telu, saiki Sun trima urip
cacah gawening wong sewu seket, lan ing saben-saben taun Kagugunganingsun bumi kang mati,yen
ana undhaki (u)tawa oraa, angunjukan uninga ing Panjenenganingsun.'
186 IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 7, Crawfurd, 'Landed tenures', p. 220. On the frequent
distinction between 'cacah gesang' and 'cacah pejah' in royal land grants to Bupati in the
eastern outlying areas (mancanagara witan), see BL Add. MS. 12342 (Crawfurd coll.,
original letters and land grants from the Yogya court), f. 33v-4Iv, f. I25r-i36r; and for
some rarer references to the distinction in the core apanage areas (nagara agung), see BL
Add. MS. 12341 (Crawfurd coll.), f. 230r-238v.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
I12 PETER CAREY
greatly
greatly expanded
expanded
in area, in
but area,
that this
butincrease
thathasthis
been increase
hidden from
the
thecourts
courts
so that
sothethat
localthe
farmers
local
canfarmers
appropriate can
the newly
appropri
develop
lands
lands forfor
themselves'.187
themselves'.187
In I820, when
In aI820,
more accurate
when assessment
a more o a
population
population and landholdings
and landholdings
was completed,
was thecompleted,
number of'landow
th
ing'
ing' peasant
peasantfamilies
families
was put at
was
3,757 put
(2,452
atof3,757
which had
(2,452
rice paddie
of w
and
and the
the
restrest
dry fields),
dry and fields),
this in and
a district
thiswhere
in athe
district
officiallywhe
decla
taxable
taxable population
population
was fourwas
hundred
four cacah
hundred
('households')
cacah
divided
('
equally
equally between
between
the twothe
maintwo
central
main
Javanese
central
courts!188
Javanes
It was
same
same story
story
in thein
eastern
the outlying
eastern provinces
outlying whereprovinces
only two-fifths
wherof
33,500
33,500cacah
cacah
of Yogyakarta
of Yogyakarta
territory were
territory
officially declared
were offic
as cacah
gesang
gesang (inhabited
(inhabited
cacah), but
cacah),
where but
Dutch where
officials after
Dutch the offici
Java Wa
found
found 22,292
22,292
families
families
paying taxes
paying
on their
taxes
ricefields
on totheir
local Bupati
rice
Finally,
Finally, in the
in lands
the around
landsNanggulon
aroundin Nanggulon
the Kulon Pragainarea
thewhich
Ku
were
were administered
administereddirectly directly
by the Dutchbygovernment
the Dutch between
govern
1833 a
85
85i, i,
European
Europeanland-tax
land-tax
surveyors surveyors
found huge discrepancies
found huge both indit
size
size ofofthe the
cacahcacah
and the and
amount
theof amount
land-rent levied
of land-rent
on each cacah,levi
with
obvious
obvious connection
connection
being made
being
between
made
the population
between density,
the p t
fertility
fertility of the
ofsoil
theandsoil
the level
andofthe
land-rent
levelpayments.190
of land-rent pa
Given
Given thisthis
situation
situation
and the patent
and theinability
patent
of theinability
central Javanes
of
rulers
rulers to keep
to keep
track of
track
the changing
of the level
changing
of land uselevel
and agricultur
of lan
development
development in their
inrespective
their respective
territories, it territories,
is safe to assume it
that
islo
officials
officials and and
'landowning'
'landowning'
farmers quietly
farmers
benefited.
quietly
Indeed, be
th
prosperity
prosperity of the
of sikep
thein sikep
many areas
in many
in the late
areas
eighteenth
in thecentury
latew
probably
probably mademade
possiblepossible
by the intrinsic
by the inefficiencies
intrinsic of the
inefficie
Javanes
apanage
apanage system
system
and theandfacility
thewhereby
facility theirwhereby
'individuallytheir
develope'
lands
lands (tanahyasa)
(tanahyasa)
(see above
(see
Section
aboveIII) could
Section
be hidden
III) from
could thebe
royh
administrations.
187 Dj. Br. 45, W. H. van IJsseldijk (Yogyakarta) to P. G. van Overstraten

(Semarang), 15 Jan. 1793 (full reference above n. 103).
188 Ibid. (on the 'official' 400 cacah figure for Yogyakarta and Surakarta landholdings
in Pacitan); and Dj. Br. 63, C. F. Enger (Pacitan) to R. C. N. d'Abo (Yogyakarta), 29
Oct. 1820.
189 De Klerck, Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. i68; Carey (ed.), The Archive of ogyakarta. V
II: Documents relating to Economic and Agrarian Affairs (Oxford: Oxford University Pr
forthcoming); and Dj. Br. 43, 'Register der landen van den Sultan opgemaak
Semarang A? I773' (for the official list of Yogya landholdings (cacah) in the eas
mancanagara amounting to some 33,500 households). See also S. Br. 127, 'Oosteli
Montjo Negorosche Landen', P. Merkus, 'Verslag', Aug. 1830; and De Klerck, J
Oorlog, vol. VI, p. I62 where the total population of both Surakarta and Yogyak
areas in the eastern outlying provinces in i830 is given as 304,700 souls, and the t
number of tax paying families as 56,540.
190 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLI, p. LXIX n. 196; and on
Nanggulon, see further Dj. Br 82, 'Stukken betrekkelijk het aan het Gouvernem
overgegaane land Nang-gulon gelegen bewesten de rivier Progo over 833-1 846', 4 v

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING' II3
By
By the
theturn
turn
of of
thethe
nineteenth
nineteenth
century,
century,
however,
however,
conditionsconditions
had begun had begun
to
to change.
change.This
This
waswas
partly
partly
due to
due
theto
demographic
the demographic
developments
developments
which which
had
hadtaken
takenplace
place
during
during
the fifty
the fifty
years since
yearsthesince
Giyanti
the Settlement
Giyanti Settlement
of of
II 755,
755,and
andthe
the
growing
growing
population
population
pressure
pressure
on the land
on the
frontier
landinfrontier
the in the
fertile
fertilecore
coreapanage
apanage
areas.191
areas.191
The decades
The decades
1790-I8Io1790-I8Io
also appear
also
to appear to
have
havewitnessed
witnessed a particularly
a particularly
large large
number number
of poor of
ricepoor
harvests.192
rice harvests.192
In In
May-June
May-June I804,
I804,
forfor
example,
example,
rice prices
rice prices
reachedreached
record levels
recordin south-
levels in south-
centralJava,
centralJava, thethe
costcost
ofapikul
ofapikul
(about(about
62 kilograms)
62 kilograms)
more thanmoredoubling
than doubling
in
in Yogya
Yogyatoto close
close
on ten
on ten
guilders,
guilders,
and at and
the end
at the
of the
endsame
of year
the same
the year the
Governor-General
Governor-General launched
launched
a special
a special
investigation
investigation
into the causes
into theof the
causes of the
increasing
increasing rice
rice
shortages.'93
shortages.'93
By then,
By then,
grain prices
grainhad
prices
fallenhad
backfallen
to back to
their
theirusual
usuallevels
levels
andand
the immediate
the immediate
crisis had
crisis
passed,
hadalthough,
passed, although,
right up right up
to
to the
theJava
JavaWar,
War,Yogyakarta
Yogyakarta
remained
remained
particularly
particularly
vulnerablevulnerable
to to
harvest
harvestfailures
failures
since
since
it had
it to
had
import
to import
rice from
riceneighbouring
from neighbouring
provinces provinces
(especially
(especially Kedhu)
Kedhu)
to feed
to feed
its population
its population
and transport
and transport
costs pushed
costs
up pushed up
the
theretail
retailvalue
value
of vital
of vital
foodstuffs.
foodstuffs.
It was Itthus
was
farthus
morefar
susceptible
more susceptible
to to
grain
grainriots
riotsand
and
political
political
disturbances
disturbances
linked linked
to food shortages
to food shortages
than the than the
neighbouring
neighbouring kingdom
kingdom
of Surakarta
of Surakarta
which could
which supply
coulditself
supply
moreitself more
easily
easilyfrom
from itsits
ownown
hinterland,
hinterland,
or by or
cheap
byimports
cheap imports
along the along
Sala river,
the Sala river,
and
andwhere
whererice
rice
prices
prices
werewere
usually
usually
about thirty
about to thirty
forty to
perforty
cent lower
per cent lower
than
thanininthe
thesultanate.194
sultanate.194
In addition
In addition
to this,tothe
this,
Yogyathe
rulers
Yogya pursued
rulers
a pursued a
much
muchmore more
vigorous
vigorous
policy
policy
with with
regardregard
to the rack-renting
to the rack-renting
of the of the
tollgate
tollgate(bandar)
(bandar)
andand
market
market
(pasar)(pasar)
farms farms
in theirin
dominions,
their dominions,
which which
placed
placedadditional
additionalburdens
burdens
on peasant
on peasant
producers
producers
who soldwho
theirsold their
agricultural
agricultural goods
goodslocally,
locally,
and exacerbated
and exacerbated
relationsrelations
between the
between the
indigenous
indigenous Javanese
Javaneseinhabitants
inhabitants
and the
and
Chinese
the Chinese
immigrants,
immigrants,
who who
came
cameininfrom
fromthethe
north
north
coastcoast
to man
tothe
man
customs'
the customs'
posts.l95 posts.l95
Even
Evenmore
moreserious
serious
for for
the welfare
the welfare
of the of
local
the
'landowning'
local 'landowning'
peasants, peasants,
however,
however,were
were
thethe
ways
ways
in which
in which
theJavanese
theJavanese
rulers tried
rulers
to circumvent
tried to circumvent
the
theshortcomings
shortcomings of their
of their
own fiscal
own fiscal
administrations
administrations
by resorting
by to
resorting to
191
191IOL
IOLMack.
Mack. Pr.Pr.
21 pt
218,ptCrawfurd,
8, Crawfurd,
'Report'Report
on Cadoe',
onpp.Cadoe',
274, 278
pp.
(on274,
the 278
more(on the more
extensive
extensiveuse
use
of of
drydry
cropcrop
fieldsfields
in central
in central
Kedhu and
Kedhu
the cultivation
and the cultivation
of mountain of
ricemountain rice
(gogo)
(gogo)atatever
ever
higher
higher
reaches
reaches
of theofvolcanic
the volcanic
foothillsfoothills
surrounding
surrounding
the province);
theAvJ,
province);
M. AvJ, M.
Waterloo
Waterloo(Yogyakarta)
(Yogyakarta) to N.toEngelhard
N. Engelhard
(Semarang),
(Semarang),
29 Dec. 1804
29 (on
Dec.the
1804
pressure
(on the
on pressure on
available
availableland
land in in
thethe
YogyaYogya
area);area);
Dj. Br.Dj.
8i, Br.
A. H.8i,
Smissaert
A. H. Smissaert
(Yogyakarta)(Yogyakarta)
to Raden to Raden
Adipati
AdipatiDanureja
Danureja IV (Yogyakarta),
IV (Yogyakarta),20 Aug.20I824
Aug.
(onI824
the encroachment
(on the encroachment
of ricefields of ricefields
onto
ontothethemain
main highway
highway fromfrom
Brengkilan
Brengkilan
to Lowanuto because
Lowanuofbecause
local land
ofshortages).
local land shortages).
192
192Boomgaard,
Boomgaard, 'Disease,
'Disease,
deathdeath
and disasters',
and disasters',
p. 4. p. 4.
193
193Ibid.,
Ibid.,p. p.
4; 4;
AvJ,
AvJ,M. Waterloo
M. Waterloo
(Yogyakarta)
(Yogyakarta)
to N. Engelhard
to N. Engelhard
(Semarang), (Semarang),
29 Dec. 29 Dec.
I804.
194 AvJ, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 29 Dec. 1804;
Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLII, p. LXX n. 204.
195 See Carey, 'ChangingJavanese Perceptions', pp. 25-7, 36-4I.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
PETER CAREY
114
extraordinary
extraordinaryadministrative
administrative
expedients.
expedients.
In Yogyakarta,
In Yogyakarta,
a massive
a massive
attempt
attempttotoresurvey
resurveythethe
landholdings
landholdingsof theofcourt
the court
was setwas
in train
set in
bytrain
the by the
first
firstSultan
Sultan(Hamengkubuwana
(Hamengkubuwana I, r. I,
1755-92)
r. 1755-92)
shortly
shortly
before before
his death,
his death,
when
whenthe
theold
oldagrarian
agrarian
unitunit
of the
of Majapahit
the Majapahitrood was
rood
reintroduced
was reintroduced
into into
the
the central
centraldistricts.196
districts.196His His
successor,
successor,
the second
the second
Sultan Sultan
(Hamengku-
(Hamengku-
buwana
buwanaII,II,r.r.I792-I8I0/I8I
I792-I8I0/I8I
I-I2/I826-28),
I-I2/I826-28),
encouraged
encouraged
the extension
the extension
of
of this
thismeasure
measurein in
order
order
to create
to create
moremore
'unity''unity'
in the in
sizethe
of fields
size ofinfields
the in the
sultanate
sultanateand
andtoto
discover
discoverundeclared
undeclared
apanage
apanage
ground,
ground,
thus enhancing
thus enhancing
his
his tribute
tributereturns.
returns.But,
But,although
although
the survey
the survey
arousedaroused
little active
little active
opposition
oppositionamongst
amongst thethe
apanage
apanage
holders
holders
(perhaps
(perhaps
becausebecause
it was soit was so
ineffective),
ineffective),it it
proceeded
proceeded
too too
slowly
slowly
to make
to make
any real
anyimpact
real impact
on revenue
on revenue
returns.
returns.The
Theimpatient
impatient
ruler
ruler
thenthen
decided
decided
on theon
truly
the drastic
truly drastic
and and
unprecedented
unprecedented step
step
of of
measuring
measuringhis lands
his lands
with awith
cadastral
a cadastral
gauge (Jav.
gauge (Jav.
'cengkal'
'cengkal'oror'tumbak';
'tumbak';lit.:lit.:
'lance
'lance
length'),
length'),
whichwhich
had been
haddeliberately
been deliberately
shortened
shortenedfor
forthe
the
purpose.197
purpose.197
ThisThis
stratagem,
stratagem,
which which
was known
was as
known as
'pancas'
'pancas'(lit.:
(lit.:'cutting
'cuttingin two'
in two'
or 'pruning')
or 'pruning')
in Javanese,
in Javanese,
first took
first
place
took place
sometime
sometimebefore
before 14 14
JulyJuly
18021802
and and
was apparently
was apparently
followed
followed
by a further
by a further
cadastral
cadastralreduction
reduction some
some
years
years
later.198
later.198
Together
Together
they contracted
they contracted
the the
size
size of
ofthe
theaverage
average Yogya
Yogya
cacah
cacah
by about
by about
twentytwenty
per centper
andcent
increased
and increased
the
the Sultan's
Sultan'slanded
landedincome
income
accordingly
accordingly
for the
forruler
the was
ruler
ablewas
to able to
reclassify
reclassifylands
lands
as as
royal
royal
domain
domain
which
which
had earlier
had earlier
been given
beenoutgiven
as out as
apanages
apanagestotohis
his
dependants
dependants
(i.e. (i.e.
the latter
the latter
retained
retained
the same
thenumber
same number
of of
cacah
cacahwhich
whichthey
they
hadhad
hitherto
hitherto
enjoyed,
enjoyed,
but, since
but, these
sincewere
these
now
were now
considerably
considerablysmaller
smallerin extent,
in extent,
a large
a large
number
number
of ricefields
of ricefields
remainedremained
over
over which
whichcould
could
be be
claimed
claimed
backback
by the
bySultan).199
the Sultan).199
196
196 Dj.
Dj.Br.
Br.20,J.
20,J.G. G.
vanvan
denden
Berg,
Berg,
'Memorie
'Memorie
op hetop
Hofvan
het Hofvan
Djocjocarta,
Djocjocarta,
onder denonder den
Sultan Hamengcoeboena den tweede ... aan zijn Successcur... M. Waterloo', i
Aug. I803.; Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 593; IOL Mack. Pr. 21 pt 5, Crawfurd,
'Report upon the District of Pachitan', p. I79. One Majapahit rood was the equivalent
at this time of 12 Rhenish feet or 3.767 metres, see Rouffer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 617.
197 Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 593. On the term 'pancas', from the Javanese root
cas' or 'ecas' ('settlement' or 'decision'), seeJ. F. C. Gericke and T. Roorda, Javaansch-
Nederlandsch Handwoordenboek, ed. A. C. Vreede andJ. G. H. Gunning (Leiden: E.J. Brill,
I90I ), vol. I, p. 275 sub: 'cas', who also give the straightforward meaning, followingJ. A.
Wilkens (MS. Javanese dictionary) of'taking away a piece of village land' (mancas bumi
desa).
198 Dj. Br. 20, Van den Berg, 'Memorie', i Aug. 1803; and on the second pancas
which took place sometime during the administration of H. W. Daendels ( 808- I I), see
H. G. Nahuys van Burgst, Verzameling van offciele rapporten betrefende den Oorlog op Java in de
jaren 1825-30, vol. I (Deventer: M. Ballot, i835), p. 8 n. i; and S. Br. 55, J. I. van
Sevenhoven, 'Nota over de landverhuringen', i6 March I837.
199 Dj. Br. 86, M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta) to N. Engelhard (Semarang), 28 Feb. i806;
Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 593; and S. Br. 55, Van Sevenhoven, 'Nota over de
landverhuringen', i6 March 837, who suggested a figure nearer forty per cent when he
stated that 300 old size Yogya cacah had become 500 new size cacah after the two pancas

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
From
From this
this
timetime
onwards
onwards
a considerable
a considerable
discrepancy existed
discrepancy
between existed betwee
the
thesize
size
of the
of land
the measurements
land measurements (i.e. jung and(i.e.
cacah)
jungin Yogyakarta
and cacah) in Yogyak
with
withthose
thosein adjacent
in adjacent
areas, especially
areas, Surakarta,
especially a situation
Surakarta,which awas
situation which
commented
commented on byonmany
by European
many European
landowners during
landowners
the courseduring
of the the course of
nineteenth
nineteenth century.200
century.200
Those who Those
sufferedwho most
suffered
were the tax-paying
most were the tax-payi
sikep
sikep peasants,
peasants,
since since
as soon as
as the
soonapanage
as the
holders
apanage
realizedholders
that theirrealized that the
bitter
bitter opposition
oppositionto the to
Sultan's
the measure
Sultan's wasmeasure
unavailing,wastheyunavailing,
moved they m
swiftly
swiftly to pass
to pass
on theon additional
the additional
tax burdenstax to theburdens
'landowning'
to the 'landowni
cultivators.201
cultivators.201 Most Most
serious serious
of all, theof
pancas
all,revisions
the pancas
sharpened
revisions
all the sharpened all
inherent imbalances in the level of tribute demands on individual cacah
which had already been fixed in the most haphazard fashion by the
apanage holders and the central Javanese rulers. The chaotic situation
in the lands around Nanggulon in the Kulon Praga area later discovered
by Dutch land-tax surveyors in the I833-5I period has already been
referred to. From other sources it is clear that the new land measurement
brought in by the pancas revisions was not applied consistently even in

the more fertile central apanage regions, and, as late as I830, there is
evidence that the old measurement of the Majapahit rood was still being
used in some Mataram villages.202 In this context, the third Sultan's
attempts to revert to the pre-pancas revenue demands during his brief
reign ( I 82-14) must have created additional complications in the fiscal
structure of the sultanate.203 Local migrations away from areas of high
taxation to those where burdens were lighter can thus be seen as partly
the outcome of this fiscal imbalance (see above Section II).
The whole episode ofthepancas revisions was the equivalent of a major
revisions. The latter estimate may be exaggerated. According to Crawfurd (IOL Mack.
Pr. 21 pt 4, 'Sultan's Country', p. I20), io,ooo new size Yogya cacah were added to the
Sultan's disposable apanage lands in the core territories, or about fifteen per cent of the
number of Yogya core apanage cacah recorded in the 1773 census, see Dj. Br. 43,
'Register der landen van den Sultan opgemaakt te Samarang A? 1773'. In the tribute
(pajeg) returns of I8o8, the second Sultan is recorded as having enjoyed an extra 20,000
ronde real (out of a total income from all sources of I64,905 ronde real) from the new royal
domain grounds (bumi pamajegan pancasan) created by the pancas, see Van Kesteren,
'Bijdrage tot de geschiedenis van den Java-oorlog', Bijlage III, p. 13 5.
200 S. Br. 8811, H. Thomson (Rajawinangun) to R. C. N. d'Abo (Yogyakarta), 6Jan.
1823; Dj. Br. 5iC, H. G. Nahuys van Burgst (Yogyakarta) to H. J. van de Graaff
(Batavia/Bogor), I8 May 1821; MvK 3054, 'Beschrijving en Statistieke rapport
betreffende de Residentie Kadoe', 1836, p. 29; and AN, BCG, 15 Sept. 1844 no. 3.
201 Dj. Br. 20, Van den Berg, 'Memorie', I I Aug. I803; Dj. Br. 49,J. G. van den Berg
(Surakarta) to M. Waterloo (Yogyakarta), 26 Sept. I803; and Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlan-
den', p. 593.
202 GKA, 20 Sept. I830 no. 56k, 'Verbaal', interview with Mas Tumenggung
Malangnegara (Yogyakarta), 15 April I830.
203 Carey (ed.), Archive, vol. I, p. 2I.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
PETER CAREY
currency
currency devaluation
devaluation
with land being
with
used instead
land of being
coin.204 used
It fuelled
instea
inflation,
inflation,a situation
a situation
which was compounded
which by was
the poor
compounded
harvests of the by t
I790--8I0
I790--8I0periodperiod
(see above) (see
and the
above)
record rice
andprices
theof May-June
record ric
1804.
1804.Although
Although
the stratagem
thepermitted
stratagemthe grasping
permitted
second Sultanthe
to gra
tap
tapsome
some
of his of
subjects'
hisadditional
subjects'
wealth,
additional
the rough-and-ready
wealth,fashion
the r
in
inwhich
whichit was it
implemented
was implemented
seriously exacerbated
seriously
problems at the
exacer
village
village level level
in the sultanate.
in theIn sultanate.
retrospect thepancas
In retrospect
can be seen to have
thepa
been
been one one
of theof
mostthe
important
most of the
important
economic developments
of the whicheconomic
prepared
prepared the ground
the for
ground
the widespread
for agrarian
the widespread
uprising ofJuly 1825
agrarian
when
when Dipanagara's
Dipanagara's
leadership seemed
leadership
to many sikep
seemed
peasants to
and many
their sik
dependants
dependants to hold to
out the
holdonlyout
promise
the
of an
only
end topromise
intolerable fiscal
of an e
oppression
oppression(see above
(see
Section
aboveI). Section I).
The
The sweeping
sweeping
annexations
annexations
of lands and tax-farms
of lands
(i.e. theand
tollgates
tax-fa
and
andmarkets)
markets)
which took
which
place under
tookthe terms
place of under
the new treaties
the term
imposed
imposed on both
oncentral
both Javanese
centralcourts Javanese
by the British courts
in August I812
by the
compounded
compounded the situation.205
the situation.205
Many districts bordering
Many on districts
government bor
areas
areasin the
ineastern
the outlying
eastern regions
outlying
and the north
regions
coast were
andtaken,
the no
including
includingthe crucially
the crucially
important central
important
apanage province
central
of Kedhuapan
where
where manymany
courtierscourtiers
and senior officials
andhad senior
their landholdings.206
officials had All th
these
theseindividuals
individuals
had to be provided
had to forbe
elsewhere
provided
in the greatly
for else
circumscribed
circumscribed core apanage
core regions
apanage
left to the
regions
courts. A Javanese
left to textthe co
written
written in this
inperiod
thistalks
period
about thetalks
chaotic situation
about which
the prevailed
chaotic sit
in the aftermath of the British annexations when there seemed to be at
least four claimants for every jung (i.e. four cacah) of available apanage
land.207 At the same time, new administrative districts (kabupaten) had
to be created out of existing regions in the eastern outlying provinces in
order to give lands to senior administrators (Bupati) who had lost their
positions during the British take-over.208 In Yogyakarta, the resultant
shortfall in landed income for court-based apanage holders was so great
that the Sultan was constrained to offer some of his relatives and officials
an additional salary in money which was paid out of the annual
indemnity agreed by the British for their annexation of the tollgate and
market farms.209

205 See M. L. van Deventer (ed.), Het .Nederlandsch Gezag over Java en Onderhoorigheden
sedert 18II. Vol. i: I811-1820 ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, 1891), pp. 321-31.
206 Ibid., p. Ioo; P. B. R. Carey, 'The Sepoy Conspiracy of 8I 5 inJava', BKI, vol. 133
(I977), pp. 305, 319 n. 80; Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 593.
207 Carey (ed.), British in Java, Canto xxIIi v. 53 of the babad.
208 Ibid., Canto xxvi v. 6-8 of the babad; and Carey (ed.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 245 n.
39.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING7 II7
Conditions
Conditionswere
wereclearly
clearly
difficult
difficult
for the
forupper
the upper
ranks of
ranks
Javanese
of Javan
society
societyatatthis
this
time,
time,
but,but,
ultimately,
ultimately,
all this
allnew
this
pressure
new pressure
on apanage
on apanag
land was translated into increased tribute and labour demands on the
tax-paying (sikep) peasants in the remaining areas. In 181 6, for examp

a special Dutch envoy to the principalities noticed that sometimes thr
times the proper tax was being demanded from tax-paying sike
peasants by local officials and this, combined with the difficulties
raising money taxes (? for the pajeg mati, see above Section II), h
caused many cultivators to leave their villages and become wander
day labourers (bujang) or vagrants. He also noticed a great rise in t
number of armed robberies in the countryside in 18 I4-I6 compared t
the situation in the late eighteenth century, when he had served
Resident ofYogyakarta, a phenomenon confirmed by his successor, H.
G. Nahuys van Burgst (in office, 1816-22), who reported that many o
the robberies took place at the end of the Fasting Month (Puwasa) wh
the yearly taxes fell due in the nagara agung.210
The institution of the 'pajeg mati' (fixed money tax) and the ta
farming of lands to the Chinese were just two of the ways in which th
hard-pressed apanage holders and local officials reacted to the 181
crisis.211 Another was the tactic used by the Sunan of Surakarta who
attempted to solve the land problem by giving out new apanages in t
outlying provinces, areas hitherto administered as 'tribute' (pajeg) lan
for the ruler by the mancanagara Bupati (see above Section II).212 Both
the Surakarta-controlled eastern outlying provinces of Panaraga a
Kedhiri, and in the western mancanagara district ofBanyumas, pajeg ar
were reclassified as apanage lands (Jav. 'bumi-nara(su)wita', 'bum
pangremb'e or 'bumi sentanan'), the majority of which were reserved for th
Sunan's own family.213 This was a Surakarta equivalent of the previo
Yogyakarta pancas revisions, and it fundamentally altered the way in
which large areas of the outlying regions were governed.
Instead of remaining under the direct rule of the Bupati as in the rest of
210 Baud 306, W. H. van IJsseldijk, 'Nota voor den Prov. Res. den Majoor Nahuijs
Djocjocarta', 22 Oct. i816 in 'Rapport van W. H. van IJsseldijk omtrent de
vorstenlanden', 11 Dec. i816; NvB Portfolio 5 pt 2, H. G. Nahuys van Burgst
(Yogyakarta) to Commissioners-General (Batavia/Bogor), 20 Aug. i8 6. Van IJsseldijk
had served as Resident of Yogyakarta from Sept. 1786 to Aug. 1798.
211 See above Section II.
212 Hugenholtz, 'Traditional Javanese Society', pp. I6-17.
213 Ibid., pp. i6-17. The lands reserved for members of the Sunan's family were
usually known as 'bumi sentanan', although in Banyumas the term 'bumi pangrembe' was
more common. These latter were subdivided into 'bumi pancang' (the apanages of the
princes of Surakarta) and 'bumipangariwil' (the apanages of the courtiers of Surakarta),
see ibid., p. 26 n. 47; and De Klerck, Java-Oorlog, vl. VI, p. 168.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
I 8 PETER CAREY
the
the mancanagara,
mancanagara,the
thenew
new
apanage
apanage
areas
areas
were
were
farmed
farmed
out to
out
Demang
to Demang
(provincial
(provincialtax-farmers)
tax-farmers) many
many of of
whomwhomwere were
non-Javanese.214
non-Javanese.214 This led
This led
to
to aa more
moreruthless
ruthlessfiscal
fiscalexploitation
exploitationof the
of the
locallocal
population,
population,
a situation
a situation
which
which paralleled
paralleleddevelopments
developments in in
some
someof the
of the
traditional
traditional
nagaranagara
agungagung
areas
areas where
whereChinese
ChineseDemang
Demang hadhad
been
been
active
active
sincesince
the late
the eighteenth
late eighteenth
century.215
century.215The TheYogyakarta
Yogyakarta court
courtalsoalso
followed
followedsuit suit
in transforming
in transforming
some
some ofof their
their'tribute'
'tribute'lands
lands
in in
thethe
eastern
eastern
outlying
outlying
provinces
provinces
into new
into new
apanage
apanage territories,
territories,but
butthey
they
diddid
thisthis
on aonfar
a far
smaller
smaller
scale scale
than than
Surakarta.
Surakarta.The
Thestatistics
statistics
drawn
drawn
up up
by by
a Dutch
a Dutch
official
official
in I830
in give
I830 agive a
good
good idea
ideaof
ofthe
theextent
extentofof
thethe
change
change
which
which
had had
taken
taken
placeplace
during
during
the the
period
period I812-30.
I812-30.These
Theseshow
show
that
that
outout
of aoftotal
a total
of 56,540
of 56,540
tax-paying
tax-paying
families
families belonging
belongingtotoboth
bothcourts
courts
in the
in the
eastern
eastern
mancanagara,
mancanagara,
III,187,
III,187,
or or
nearly
nearly twenty
twentyperpercent,
cent,were
werein in
thethe
newly
newly
created
created
apanage
apanage
districts
districts
and and
the
the rest
restin
inthe
thetraditional
traditionalkabupaten
kabupaten or in
or special
in special
villages
villages
set aside
set aside
for for
religious
religiouscommunities
communities(desa(desa
pradikan)
pradikan)
andand
grave
grave
sitessites
(desa(desa
kuncen).
kuncen).
But But
the
the percentage
percentageforforSurakarta
Surakarta (30%)
(30%)
waswas
far far
higher
higher
thanthan
for Yogyakarta
for Yogyakarta
(6.8%).216
The effect of all these developments on the village community in the
years immediately before the Java War is hard to quantify. Clearly fiscal
burdens on the tax-paying (sikep) peasants increased enormously, and
Hugenholtz has even suggested that they almost disappeared as a class of
wealthy landowners in the nagara agung during this period.217 In his
view, relations between the sikep and their dependants (numpang; rayat)
were fundamentally impaired by the new weight of taxation. Taxes on
arable land, he argues, were raised to such a level that the established
practice of sharecropping by the numpang was affected. Not only did the
increased taxes undercut all the benefits of the erstwhile sharecropping
practices for the sikep, but the numpang themselves began to demand
more tangible compensation for the heavier labour they performed in
the shape of more permanent rights over the land they cultivated. The
result, according to Hugenholtz, was that some of the numpang merged
with the sikep to form a broad agricultural population in which each
cultivator had a plot of land about the size one peasant household could
cultivate independently.218
In the outlying (mancanagara) provinces, however, he sees a funda-
mentally different development as having taken place. Here the
214 Hugenholtz, 'Traditional Javanese Society', p. 17.
215 See above Section II; and Carey, 'ChangingJavanese perceptions', p. 17.
216 De Klerck, Java-Oorlog, vol. VI, p. i68 quoting P. H. van Lawick van Pabst.
217 Hugenholtz, 'Traditional Javanese Society', p. 19.
218 Ibid.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
collection
collection of of
taxes
taxes
remained
remained
in the in
hands
theofhands
the Bupati,
of thewhoBupati,
continued
who
to continued to
employ
employa group
a group
of subordinate
of subordinate
officialsofficials
(priyayi) to
(priyayi)
assist them.
to assist
As them. As
already
alreadynoted
noted
(above
(above
Section
Section
II) this II)
administrative
this administrative
elite were paid
elite
forwere paid for
their
theirwork
workby by
the the
usufruct
usufruct
of tax-free
of tax-free
official ricefields,
official and,
ricefields,
over time,
and, over time,
they
theysucceeded
succeededin obtaining
in obtaining
ever more
everrights
more over
rights
the land,
overeither
the by
land, either by
ordering
ordering thethe
cultivation
cultivation
of waste
of areas,
wasteorareas,
by usurping
or byricefields
usurping already
ricefields already
in
in cultivation.
cultivation. Thus,
Thus,
Hugenholtz
Hugenholtz
concludes,
concludes,
whereas inwhereas
the core in the core
apanage
apanageareas,
areas,
the the
classclass
of sikep
of broadened
sikep broadened
as they merged
as they
withmerged
the with the
numpang,
numpang, in in
thethe
outlying
outlying
territories
territories
the groupthe
of'landowning'
group of'landowning'
peasants peasants
narrowed
narrowed as as
they
they
werewere
absorbed
absorbed
by the provincial
by the provincial
priyayi and priyayi
became and became
their
theirclients
clients
or sharecroppers.219
or sharecroppers.219
This explains
This why
explains
Dutch why
officials
Dutch officials
noticed
noticedsuch
such
a large
a large
number
number
of numpang
of numpang
in the mancanagara
in the mancanagara
provinces in provinces in
I830,
I830,andand
why
why the the
size of
sizetheofpriyayi
the priyayi
group drawing
groupincome
drawingfromincome
local from local
villages
villageswas
was
muchmuchhigher
higher
than inthan
the nagara
in theagung.220
nagara agung.220
Hugenholtz's
Hugenholtz's arguments
arguments are interesting,
are interesting,
but, as with
but,so as
many
with
other
so many other
aspects
aspectsofJavanese
ofJavanese agrarian
agrarian
societysociety
at this time,
at this
firmtime,
conclusions
firm must
conclusions must
await
awaitthe
theresults
results
of further
of further
monographic
monographic
research. Given
research.
the great
Given the great
regional
regional differences
differences
in the
inprincipalities
the principalities
at this time,
at this
and the
time,
discrepan-
and the discrepan-
cies
ciesinintax
tax
burdens
burdens
between
between
the core
theapanage
core areas
apanage
and the
areas
outlying
and the outlying
provinces,
provinces, and,
and,
eveneven
within
within
separate
separate
districts districts
between thebetween
level of the level of
tribute
tributedemands
demandson individual
on individual
jung orjung
cacah,or
anycacah,
generalizations
any generalizations
embracing
embracing thethe
whole
whole
of south-centralJava
of south-centralJava
would seemwould
to be impossible.
seem to be impossible.
The
Thewealth
wealth andand
influence
influence
of theof
sikep
themay
sikep
wellmay
have declined
well havedrastically
declined drastically
in
in the
thefirst
firstthree
three
decades
decades
of theof
nineteenth
the nineteenth
century under
century
the new
under
fiscalthe new fiscal
pressures
pressures andand
the the
problems
problems
of economic
of economic
dislocationdislocation
and war, butandit iswar, but it is
unlikely
unlikely that
that
they
they
underwent
underwent
quite the
quite
metamorphosis
the metamorphosis
described by described by
Hugenholtz.
Hugenholtz. On On
the the
contrary,
contrary,
it seemsitfrom
seemsrecently
fromcompleted
recentlywork
completed
on work on
the
theperiod
periodof of
the the
cultivation
cultivation
systemssystems
(1830-70) (1830-70)
that a classthat
of hereditary
a class of hereditary
landholders
landholders notnot
onlyonly
survived
survived
throughthrough
the nineteenth
the nineteenth
century, butcentury,
also, but also,
in
in some
someareas,
areas,
consolidated
consolidated
their power
theirand
power
influence
and at
influence
the villageat the village
level.221
Even though the long-term social effects of the early nineteenth-
219 Ibid., pp. 19-20.

220 Ibid., p. 20. Another factor was the rapid turn-over of priyayi officials in the
outlying provinces.
221 See White, '"Agricultural Involution" and its Critics', p. 25: G. Knight,
'Capitalism and Commodity Production in Java', in H. Alavi et al. (eds), Capitalism and
Colonial Development (London: Croom Helm), p. 135, pp. 147-9; and Elson, 'The
Cultivation System and "Agricultural Involution"', p. 28. Elson's arguments are
worked out more fully in his Javanese Peasants and the Colonial Sugar Industry: Impact and
Change in an East Java Residency, I830--940 (Singapore: Oxford University Press in East
Asia, I985).

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
120 PETER CAREY
century
century fiscal fiscal
and administrative
and administrative
changes on the sikep are
changes
still unclear,
on the
there
thereis plenty
is plenty
of evidence
ofto suggest
evidencethat there
to was
suggest
a great deal
thatof short-
there w
term
termhardship
hardship
in the south-central
in the south-central
Javanese countryside during
Javanese
the c
years
years immediately
immediately
preceding theJava
preceding
War, and it
theJava
is to this that
War,
we must
and it
now
now turn
turn
in order
into order
understand
tothe
understand
immediate causes the
of theimmediate
widespread c
agrarian
agrarianuprising
uprising
of I825. of I825.
VI. Economic Conditions in the South-central Javanese

Countryside, I81I2-25
Despite the huge problems faced by the Javanese peasantry, especially

the sikep, in the areas still controlled by the central Javanese rulers after
1812, it was generally recognized, even by European observers, that the
plight of the inhabitants in the newly annexed territories was frequently
much worse.222 With the introduction of Raffles's land-rent system in
Kedhu in September-November 1812, local cultivators discovered that
far from replacing previous taxes and labour services as was intended,
the new land-rent payments often had to be made in addition to all the
traditional demands which were still enforced unofficially by the local
priyayi.223 Moreover, as previously noted, the general requirement to
pay the land-rent in money forced many poorer farmers ever more
deeply into debt with the resident Chinese community, who had already
secured a foothold in the province as tax-farmers, tobacco brokers and
petty traders during the years of princely rule.224
These difficulties were, to some extent, masked in the immediate
aftermath of the European annexation by the low land-rent payments
demanded, the good tobacco prices, and a freak bumper harvest in the
aftermath of the Mt Tambora (eastern Sumbawa) volcanic eruption in
April-July I8I5,225 but the situation deteriorated rapidly in the decade
222 See, for example, IOL Map Room MS. 24, G. P. Baker, 'Memoir of a Survey in
the Native Princes' Dominions ofJava', 25 Nov. I816, p. 94; and Carey (ed.), British in
Java, n. 238 of the babad.
223 MvK 4132, P. H. Van Lawick van Pabst, 'Consideratien op de Nota van den Heer
MacGillavry', Aug. 1826; KITLV H 788, J. D. Boutet (Yogyakarta) to L. Boutet
(Nantes), n.d. (? 1831); Carey, 'Origins of the Java War', p. 64.
224 Afdeling Statistiek, De Residentie Kadoe, pp. 78-9, 96-7; Raffles, History, vol. II, pp.
266-7; Carey, 'Changing Javanese Perceptions', pp. 16-32 (esp. p. I7); and above
Section II, p. 77.
225 John Bastin, 'Raffles' Ideas on the Land Rent System inJava and the Mackenzie
Land Tenure Commission', VKI, vol. XIV (I954), p. IOI (on the low annual land-rent
fixed in 1812); Schneither 92, 'Statistieke der Residentie Kadoe', I822 (on tobacco
prices); Afdeling Statistiek, De Residentie Kadoe, p. 97 (on tobacco prices); IOL Mack. Pr.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE JUST KING2 I2I
before the Java War. By 1827, two years after the war had broke
the level of land-rent payments and other taxes had more than dou
while prices of crucial cash crops such as tobacco and coffee, whic
local peasantry had to sell in order to raise cash for the land-rent,
but collapsed.226 Meanwhile, a new Dutch Government t
domestically produced 'hedge' (pager) coffee and the introduct
government coffee estates in 1819-20 added further burdens
peasant community already deeply suspicious of all estate cul
tion.227 Natural disasters such as the prolonged droughts of 182 ,
and I824, a destructive eruption of Mt Merapi in December 1
followed by floods in March 1823, exacerbated the desperate ag
conditions precipitating crop failures and scarcities of vital f
stuffs.228 Dutch official reports penned in the period 1823-25 speak
severe contraction in internal trade and unprecedently high pr
rice and other vital commodities, and this in a region previo
2,
2,'Points
'Points
of Enquiry-Circular
of Enquiry-Circular
of the Hon'ble (T. S. Raffles)
of thethe Lieut.-
Hon'bleGovern
Java)'
Java)' p. 198,
p. J. 198,
M.Johnson
J. (Surakarta)
M.Johnson to T. S. Raffles
(Surakarta)
(Batavia/Bogor),
toAprT
(on
(on the the
freak bumper
freak harvest
bumper of i815). harvest of i815).
226
226 Hogendorp
Hogendorpi531 pt b, Willem
i531van pt Hogendorp,
b, Willem 'Over denvan
Staat van
HogenJava n
I827,
I827, f. 2r-v
f. (who
2r-v reckoned
(who that reckoned
Kedhu was threethat times more
Kedhuheavilywas
taxe
adjacent
adjacent areas; in
areas;
I827 the in
land-rent
I827 had the
nearly
land-rent
doubled from thehad1812 near
figure
650,ooo,
650,ooo,and, with
and,
otherwith
unspecified
other
taxes, the
unspecified
total fiscal burden
taxes,
was over the
one
guilders
guilders[Dfl.]). [Dfl.]).
On the collapse
On in the
cash crop
collapse
prices in 1820-25,
in cash see Schneither
crop p 9
Clercq,
Clercq, 'Algemeen
'Algemeen
Verslag der Residentie
Verslag Kadoeder
over het
Residentie
jaar 1824', 30 May
K
Hogendorp
Hogendorp I531, Willem
I531,van Hogendorp,
Willem'Nota van overHogendorp,
de Residentie Kadoe','No
I82
3054,
3054,'Beschrijving
'Beschrijving
en Statistieke rapport
en Statistieke
betreffende de Residentie
rapport Kadoe',
betr1836
and
andAfdeling
Afdeling
Statistiek, Statistiek,
De Residentie Kadoe,
De pp.Residentie
97, pp. I08-9 which
Kadoe,
give the fo
p
prices
prices (expressed
(expressed
in Java Rupees
in J.R.],
Java post-1826
Rupees
Dutch guilders
J.R.], [Dfl.])
post-
i819 I820 I82I 1822 I823 1824 1825 i832
TOBACCO 60 30 23 - - - - 10
(per kodhi of oo Amsterdam
ponden, or about 50 kgs)
COFFEE* 33 30 30 35 35 33 23 17
(per pikul of 125 Amsterdam
ponden, or about 62 kgs)
* Official Government prices. According to P. le Cl
crop from local producers for less than half these fig
227 Schneither 92, 'Statistieke der Residentie

18 19 no. I 9 which introduced the tax on pager
Hogendorp, 'Over den Staat vanJava no. 2', I82
tax for the local population, and the striking di
the privately planted pager coffee and the negle
had been laid out on common village land).
228 Afdeling Statistiek, De Residentie Kadoe, p
Residentie Kadoe', 1822; Id., P. le Clercq, 'Al
over het jaar I824', 30 May I825.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
122 PETER CAREY
renowned
renowned as aas
major
a major
food exporter
food exporter
to less favoured
to less
neighbouring
favoured neighbou
provinces
provinces likelike
Mataram.229
Mataram.229
The
Thespectre
spectreof famine
of famine
stalkedstalked
the land:the
in February
land: in1822,
February
at the time
1822, at the
of
ofa alocal
local
uprising
uprising
in thein
region
the instigated
region instigated
by a Yogya prince,
by a Yogya
one of the
prince, one o
sons
sonsofofthethe
Bupati
Bupati
of Semarang
of Semarang
complained
complained
openly to the
openly
Governor-
to the Gove
General
General about
about
'the 'the
pitiable
pitiable
state ofstate
the common
of theJavanese
common who Javanese
are so who a
poor
poorandandmiserable
miserable
that they
thathave
theyto try
have
to assuage
to trytheir
to assuage
hunger with
their hunger
leaves
leavesandand
weeds;
weeds;
peoplepeople
who arewho
required
are to
required
fell and haul
to fell
timber,
andandhaul timber,
plant
plantcoffee
coffee
(for(for
the European
the European
Government)
Government)
at times when atthey
timesshould
when they s
be
beworking
working in their
in their
own ricefields
own ricefields
and attending
and toattending
the needs of
totheir
the needs of t
own
ownfamilies!'230
families!'230He concluded
He concluded
by givingby
a ghastly
givingwarning
a ghastly
of thewarning of
serious
serious agrarian
agrarian
disturbances
disturbances
which hewhich
felt were
heimminent,
felt wereandimminent,
which in and wh
fact
factmaterialized
materialized
in July
in I825
Julywhen
I825thewhen
inhabitants
the inhabitants
of the southernof the sout
Kedhu
Kedhu district
district
of Prabalingga
of Prabalingga
(population
(population
around 35,000),
around
an impor-
35,000), an im
tant
tanttobacco-growing
tobacco-growing area largely
area largely
settled bysettled
Yogya migrants,
by Yogya rosemigrants,
en r
masse
masseafter
after
a major
a major
harvestharvest
failure and
failure
news of
andDipanagara's
news ofown Dipanagara's
rebellion
rebellion in the
in the
sultanate.231
sultanate.231
The mainThe
targets
mainof popular
targets vengeance
of popular
at vengean
this time underlined the intense local hatred of alien economic
domination and fiscal oppression, the first attacks being made on
tax posts, tollgates, the houses of European land-tax inspectors
estate overseers, and on the resident Chinese community, most of w
had to flee for their lives to the provincial capital of Magelang or t
north coast.232
Much the same situation occurred in the south coast provin
Pacitan, an area considerably less well endowed than Kedhu in term
natural resources, but where some of the local inhabitants had enjoy
period of unusual prosperity in the late eighteenth century.233 A su
conducted in 181 7 indicated that the total amount of annual land-
which might be expected from each 'landowning' household still di
exceed oneJava Rupee (Dfl. 1.20-I.50), but that there was a possi
of reactivating the old estate economy in the region.234 Acting on
information, the government took the decision in January 1819 n
include Pacitan in their revised land-rent scheme (landelijk stelsel), b
introduce a form of 'cultivation system' which required each fa
229 Ibid .; and see above Section V p. I 3.
230 Soekanto, Dua Raden Saleh, p. 29; Carey, 'Origins of the Java War', p. 65 (
revolt instigated by the Yogya prince, Pangeran Dipasana, in Feb. 1822).
231 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 266 n. 123.
232 Ibid., p. 260 n. o16.
233 See above Section IV p. 89; and Section V p. 112.
234 NvB Portfolio 5 pt I, H. G. Nahuys van Burgst (Yogyakarta) to Commissio
General (Batavia/Bogor), 15 Sept. 1817.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
possessing
possessing half
halfaabau
bau(about
(abouta a
quarter
quarter
ofof
an an
acre)
acre)
or or
more
more
of irrigated
of irrigat
ricefields
ricefields (sawah)
(sawah)totoplant
planta astipulated
stipulated
number
number of of
coffee
coffee
andand
pepper
pe
bushes,
bushes, the
the produce
produceof ofwhich
which was
wastoto
bebe
sold
sold
at at
fixed
fixed
prices
prices
to the
to
government.
government.In Inaddition,
addition,a avery
verysmall
smallamount
amountof of
land-tax
land-tax
waswas
to bt
demanded.235
demanded.235
From
From thethe start
startthe
thewhole
wholescheme
schemeappears
appearsto to
have
have
been
been
dogged
dogged
by aby
series
series of
of disasters
disasterswhich
whichundermined
undermined the
the
fragile
fragile
economy
economy of the
of the
region.
reg
Many
Many of of the
thelocal
locallandholdings
landholdingswere
wereunsuitable
unsuitableforfor
estate
estate
cultivation,
cultivatio
and
and the
the crops
cropsthemselves
themselveswere
wererepeatedly
repeatedly
destroyed
destroyed
by by
unseasonable
unseason
weather
weather conditions,
conditions,such
suchasasthe
the
unusually
unusually
heavy
heavy
rains
rains
in February
in February
18201
and
and the
the complete
completefailure
failureofofthe
the
rain-bearing
rain-bearing
monsoons
monsoons
during
during
the
growing
growing seasons
seasonsof
ofI820/2
I820/2I, I,
I82
I82
I /22
I /22
andand
I823/24.
I823/24.
Furthermore,
Furthermore, despit
de
government
government promises,
promises,before
before 1827
1827
nonopayments
payments were
were
mademade
to cultiva-
to culti
tors
tors for
for the
thecrops
cropsthey
theyproduced.236
produced.236 Indeed,
Indeed,so so
much
muchfree
free
labour
labour
seems
se
to have been demanded from the local inhabitants that both sawah and
dry fields went untended for months on end and local food supplies were
jeopardized. Writing in April 182 I, after four months of severe drought
the local Dutch overseer (opziener) of cultivations reported that the
southern half of the residency was 'a very dismal sight' with many
ricefields unworkable for lack of water and those that had been planted
drying out quickly under the parching wind from the sea.237 In June
1821, the first Asiatic cholera epidemic struck causing many fatalities
amongst the already weakened population: every day farmers had to be
pulled from the pepper and coffee estates dead from exhaustion and
fever.238 By November of the same year, the overseer was speaking of the
'total demoralization' of the local work-force, many of whom, especially
those without access to irrigated riceland who were most at risk from
famine and disease, were eking out a miserable existence on roots and
leaves.239
Neither bribes nor repeated physical coercion, such as the whip lashes
to the face or buttocks administered to recalcitrant village officials who
235 AN, BGG, 26 Dec. 1817 no. 18; Dj. Br. 62A, BCG, 7Jan. 1819 no. 5; BGG in rade, 25
Jan. 1819 no. I (appointing C. F. Enger as Opziener in Pacitan); Kern, 'Uit Oude
Bescheiden', p. 166; AvJ, H. G. Nahuys van Burgst (Yogyakarta) to G. A. G. Ph. van der
Capellen (Batavia/Bogor), 2 Sept. I822.
236 Kern, 'Uit Oude Bescheiden', p. 164; Dj. Br. 64, C. F. Enger (Pacitan) to R. C. N.
d'Abo (Yogyakarta), 31 Dec. 1821.
237 Kern, 'Uit Oude Bescheiden', pp. I62, 173-4; Dj. Br. 64, C. F. Enger (Pacitan) to
R. C. N. d'Abo (Yogyakarta), 30 April 1821.
238 Dj. Br. 64, C. F. Enger (Pacitan) to R. C. N. d'Abo (Yogyakarta), 30 May I821;
Id. to Id., 2June 182I; Id. to Id., i6June I82I; Id. to Id., 30June I82I; Id. to Id., 31 Oct.
1821; Id. to Id., 5 Nov. 1821.
239 Dj. Br. 64, C. F. Enger (Pacitan) to R. C. N. d'Abo (Yogyakarta), 30 Nov. I82I.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
124 PETER CAREY
reneged
reneged on theiron
labour
their
obligations,
labour
could keepobligations,
sufficient workers incould
the keep su
estate
estatefields. fields.
Whole villages
Whole
moved to adjacent
villages areas controlled
moved by to
the adjacent ar
princely
princelystates to states
avoid the forced
to avoid
labour, andthe
the population
forced of the
labour, and
government
government lands declined
lands
by nearly
declined
ten per cent in
by the space
nearlyofjust two
ten per cen
years
years ( 8I9-2(I).240
8I9-2Little I).240
revival took
Little
place before
revival
the end of took
the Java place befor
War.
War. In JulyIn1824,
Julyin the 1824,
midst of another
in the drought,
midst
there were
ofagain
another drou
reports
reports of famineofconditions:
famine rice prices
conditions:
had tripled, butrice
attemptsprices
to get had trip
the
the population
population
to prepare thetodry prepare
fields for an emergency
the dry maizefields
crop for an e
failed
failedbecausebecause
of the rock-like
ofhardness
the rock-like
of the ground.241hardness of the g
The
The experience
experience
of these yearsof
of disaster
these embittered
years the of
local disaster em
inhabitants
inhabitantsand turnedand
them against
turnedthe colonial
them government.
againstOnce the colon
news
newsof Dipanagara's
of Dipanagara's
rebellion reached them
rebellion
in early August
reached
1825, the them in e
population
populationof Pacitan,of
like Pacitan,
that of southern
like
Kedhu,that
made common
of southern
cause
causewith the
withprince.the
The few
prince.
resident 'Europeans'
The few (mostlyresident
Eurasians) 'Europea
were
were attacked
attacked
and the hapless
and
Dutchthe
overseer,
hapless
the one representative
Dutch overseer,
of th
government
government authority inauthority
the region, had toin
makethe
good his
region,
escape across
had to mak
the
themountains
mountains
dressed in thedressed
unlikely garb in
of a returned
the unlikely
Mecca garb
pilgrim!242
Although the princely states escaped many of the harsher aspects of
the fiscal and administrative policies of the European governments after
1812, there was one development with very serious consequences for the
future which they did not avoid. This was the proliferation of the
tollgates and market excise posts which had been taken over by the
British from the courts under the terms of the August 1812 treaties, and
which continued to be farmed out to Chinese entrepreneurs. The
insatiable financial demands of the European administrations, espe-
cially the fiscally-pressed restored Dutch government after 18 6, meant
that the tollgates (bandar) became an increasing burden on the local
population and began to have a deleterious effect on the trading
economy of the principalities. This was especially the case in Yogyak-
arta, where there were double the number of major customs' posts than
in the neighbouring kingdom of Surakarta, an outcome of the more
aggressive tax-farming policies of the first two sultans.243
240 Kern, 'Uit Oude Bescheiden', p. I66, p. I73; AvJ, H. G. Nahuys van Burgst
(Yogyakarta) to G. A. G. Ph. van der Capellen (Batavia/Bogor), 2 Sept. I822 (on the
decline in population in Pacitan where numbers fell from 20,896 in Feb. 1819 to I8,735
in Feb. I821); Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 293 n. 243.
241 Dj. Br. 67,J. Wormer (Opziener Pacitan) to A. H. Smissaert (Yogyakarta), i July
1824.
242 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 294 n. 243; Louw, Java-Oorlog, vol. I,
Pp. 576-8.
243 Section V passim; and Carey, 'Changing Javanese Perceptions', p. 27.

202.43.95.f:ffff:ffff:ffff on Thu, 01 Jan 1976 12:34:56 UTC
Since this
this whole
whole issue,
issue, along
along with
with the
therole
roleof
ofthe
theChinese
Chineseininthe
thelocal
local
opium trade
trade and
and the
the rapidly
rapidly deteriorating
deterioratingrelationship
relationshipbetween
betweenthe the
Javanese
Javanese and
and Chinese
Chinese communities
communitiesin inthe
theprincipalities,
principalities,has
hasalready
already
been dealt
dealt with
with in
in aa recent
recent article,244
article,244only
onlythe
themajor
majordevelopments
developmentsneed
need
be sketched in here.
The rapid proliferation of the tollgates can best be seen in the context
of the level of the Yogyakarta tax-farm (not including Kedhu) which
increased nearly fourfold between 1755 and 1812, and then, after a
period of gradual increase under the British (18I1-16), almost tripled
again the space ofjust seven years (I816-23) immediately following the
return of the Dutch.245 Revenue from the opium farm (a government
monopoly in Java since I677) went up even more dramatically. The
Yogyakarta records show a fivefold increase in the decade I814-24,
mainly due to the greater ease of imports from Bengal after the lifting of
the British naval blockade of Indonesian waters in August 1811 (at the
time of the successful British invasion ofJava) and the spread of retail
outlets in the countryside.246 Since the latter were nearly all attached to
the customs' posts and were administered by Chinese tollgate keepers,
the burgeoning of the opium farm and the bandar went hand in hand.247
Long before the European annexation of the tollgates and markets in
1812, Dutch officials had given warnings that the tollgates were
interfering with trade: the quantity of bulk goods, especially rice and
salt, traded along the Sala river between Surakarta and Gresik was
already reported to be declining in 1796, and, in Kedhu, the tobacco
customs' warehouses (gedhong tembakau) were hampering the vital
commerce in tobacco, the principal cash crop of the local peasantry.248
Most serious of all, the tollgates in the core apanage regions had led to an
increase in the price of foodstuffs in many areas, especially in
Yogyakarta, which, as we have seen (above Section V), was dependent
on rice imports from southern Kedhu to feed its population.249 The
situation deteriorated even more sharply in the years immediately
before the Java War, especially in the years 182I1-25 which witnessed a
series of severe droughts and harvest failures in south-central Java.
Nearly every Dutch official who studied the problem cautioned that the
tollgates were slowly paralysing commerce in the countryside and made
dire predictions of imminent agrarian unrest, but the post-I8I6 Dutch
244 Ibid., pp. I6-41. 245 Ibid., pp. 35-6; and Appendix 3.
246 Ibid., pp. 32-5; and Appendix 3 n. 7. 247 Ibid., p. 33 n. I55.
248 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLII, LXX n. 201.
249 Carey, 'ChangingJavanese Perceptions', p. 27.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
I 26 PETER CAREY
administration
administrationfelt
feltthat
thatit it
could
could
notnot
forgo
forgo
the the
lucrative
lucrative
tollgate
tollgate
revenues
revenues
(worth
(worth over
overone
onemillion
million guilders
guildersa year)
a year)
from
fromthe the
principalities.250
principalities.250
The
The realities
realitiesatatthe
thelocal
local level
level
areare
brought
brought
home home
by reports
by reports
sent sent
in to in to
the
the Residents
ResidentsininYogyakarta
Yogyakarta andand
Surakarta
Surakarta
by Chinese
by Chinesetollgate
tollgate
keepers.
keepers.
In
In November
NovemberI824,
I824,for
forexample,
example,
oneone
reported
reported
his bankruptcy
his bankruptcy
a mere
a mere
two
two months
monthsafter
aftertaking
takingover
over
thethe
toll-farms
toll-farms
of the
of the
onceonce
remunerative
remunerative
bandar
bandar ofJatinom
ofJatinomandandBantul
Bantul
to to
thethe
south
south
of Yogyakarta:
of Yogyakarta:
a prolonged
a prolonged
and
and severe
severedrought
droughtsincesince
the
the
beginning
beginningof the
of the
year,
year,
he wrote,
he wrote,
had had
destroyed
destroyedthethelocal
localcotton
cottoncrop,
crop,
andand
basic
basic
foodstuffs
foodstuffs
suchsuch
as jarak
as jarak
(castor-oil
(castor-oilplants),
plants),soyabeans
soyabeansandand
maize
maize
were
were
in desperately
in desperately
shortshort
supply.
supply. Rice
Riceprices
priceswere
weresoaring,
soaring,
butbut
little
little
trade
trade
was was
beingbeing
carried
carried
on in on in
the
the local
localmarkets
marketsbecause
because
commerce
commerce hadhad
collapsed.251
collapsed.251
In
In these
these terrible
terriblemonths
months before
before
thethe
Java
Java
War,War,
the the
south-central
south-central
Javanese
Javanesecountryside
countrysidebecame
became
a place
a place
of suspicion
of suspicion
and and
terror.
terror.
ArmedArmed
gangs,
gangs, raised
raisedby
bythe
theChinese
Chinesetollgate
tollgate
keepers
keepers
for for
theirtheir
own own
protection,
protection,
operated
operatedwith
withvirtual
virtualimpunity,
impunity,
andand
thethe
daily
daily
activities
activities
of Javanese
of Javanese
farmers
farmers took
tookplace
placeunder
underthethe
ever
everwatchful
watchful
eyeseyes
of the
of tollgate
the tollgate
keeper's
keeper's
spies
spies who
whowere
werepositioned
positionedononevery
everycountry
country
roadroad
to prevent
to prevent
the evasion
the evasion
of
of toll
toll dues.252
dues.252Even
Eventhe
the
dead
deadon on
their
their
wayway
to burial
to burial
werewere
liableliable
to tolls,
to tolls,
and
and mere
merepassage
passagethrough
through a bandar,
a bandar,eveneven
without
without
dutiable
dutiable
goods,goods,
wouldwould
lay
lay the
the traveller
travelleropen
opentotowhat
whatthethe
Javanese
Javanesesarcastically
sarcastically
referred
referred
to as to as
the
the 'bottom
'bottomtax'
tax'(pajak
(pajakbokong).253
bokong).253Neither
Neither
were were
high-placed
high-placedJavanese
Javanese
officials
officials exempt.
exempt.Mancanagara
Mancanagara Bupati
Bupati
journeying
journeying to the
to royal
the royal
capitals
capitals
for for
the
the yearly
yearlyGarebeg
GarebegMuludMuludceremony
ceremony (see(see
above
above
Section
Section
II) would
II) would
oftenoften
take
take cross-country
cross-countryroutes
routesthrough
through thethe
teakteak
forests
forests
in order
in order
to avoid
to avoid
passing
passing through
throughtollgates
tollgateswhere
wheretheir
their
womenfolk
womenfolk
werewere
physically
physically
searched
searchedfor
forhidden
hiddenjewellery.254
jewellery.254
During
During the
thecourse
courseofofthe
the
Java
Java
War,
War,
thethe
Dutch
Dutch
government
government
did did
eventually
eventuallyget
getround
roundtotomodifying
modifyingthethe
administration
administration
of the
of tollgates
the tollgates
in in
the
the principalities.
principalities.But
Butbyby
then,
then,
of of
course,
course,
it was
it was
too late:
too late:
the war
the had
war had
already
already engulfed
engulfedthethecountryside,
countryside,
andand
thethe
Chinese,
Chinese,
who who
had earlier
had earlier
been been
tolerated
toleratedatatthe
thecourts
courtsas as
useful
useful
financiers
financiers
and and
entrepreneurs,
entrepreneurs,
had had
become
become the
theobjects
objectsofofpopular
popular
loathing
loathing
andand
distrust.255
distrust.255
The
The Chinese
Chineseinvolvement
involvementin in
thethe
farm
farm
of the
of the
opium
opium
monopoly
monopoly
in in
south-central
south-centralJava
Javaalso
alsoexacerbated
exacerbated
feelings
feelings
against
against
themthem
amongst
amongst
the the
indigenous
indigenouspopulation.
population.The
Theexact
exact
number
numberof addicts
of addicts
in the
in principalities
the principalities
250
250 Ibid.,
Ibid.,p.p.39.
39.
251
251 Dj.
Dj. Br.
Br.59,
59,Gan
GanHiang
HiangSing
Sing
(Bantul)
(Bantul)
to A.
to H.
A.Smissaert
H. Smissaert
(Yogyakarta),
(Yogyakarta),
9 Nov.9 Nov.
I824.
252 Carey, 'ChangingJavanese Perceptions', pp. 36-40.
253 Ibid., p. 40. 254 Ibid., p. 40 n. 190. 255 Ibid., pp. 40-I.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
at this time is difficult to determine: on the basis of consu

in the late nineteenth century, a Dutch official came to t
that some sixteen per cent of the local inhabitants took opi
counts the number who inhaled or digested 'poor men's' va
opium-soaked cigarettes, opium-seasoned coffee and opium
nut, the incidence of narcotic addiction was almost certain
higher.256 Many early nineteenth-century reports dwelt o
social effects of the drug which encouraged rural
crime.257 The Dutch government was well aware of these
the opium monopoly, providing as it did nearly twelve pe
government revenue in the period 1823-33 (i.e. before the
systems' had begun to make a significant impact o
exchequer) and half the total profits of the royal-sp
Trading Company (Nederlandsche Handel-Maatscha
1827 and 1833 was too valuable a source of income to b
The problem of opium addiction was thus left to grow ap
own insidious contribution to the impoverishment and de
sections of the Javanese peasantry on the eve of the Java
The Chinese were likewise associated with one last d
during this period which added to the local economic pro
principalities. This was the rapid extension of privat
(which were forbidden in government-controlled areas
and Chinese under the aegis of the capable but am
Resident ofYogyakarta, Huibert Gerard Nahuys van Burgs
I816-22).259 Imbued with an almost missionary belief in t
256 Ibid., pp. 33-5; J. A. B. Wiselius, De Opium in .federlandsch- en
oeconomisch, critisch, historisch ('s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff, I 886), p. 6; Ra
I, pp. I02-3; and James R. Rush, 'Opium Farms in Nineteenth
Institutional Continuity and Change in a Colonial Society, I860-9g
Ph.D. Thesis (Yale University, 1977), p. 20.
257 Carey 'Changing Javanese Perceptions', p. 35.
258 F. W. Diehl, 'The Opium-Tax Farm onJava, 813-r 914: A Quest
Government and Chinese Tax Farmers', Paper presented to the
Indonesian Economic History in the Dutch Colonial Period (ANU,
December 1983), pp. 4-5, who reckoned that the Dutch colonial admi
profit ofDfl. 17.6 million in the period 1827-33, almost enough to have
of theJava War ( 825-30). The Chinese opium farmers were reckoned
to make almost as much again from the retail trade, see Diehl, op. ci
Hasselman, 'Nota omtrent de opium-pacht op Java en Madoera',
Geschriften van het Indisch Genootschap. vol. V (1858), pp. 25.
259 On Nahuys van Burgst (born Amsterdam, I782-died Breda
autobiography, Herinneringen uit het Openbare en Bijzondere Leven ( 7g99-
Baron Nahuys van Burgst ('s-Hertogenbosch: Gebroeders Muller, i
Oorlog, vol. I, p. 58; Van Hogendorp (ed.), l/illem van Hogendor
Houben, 'Afstand van Gebied', pp. 36-41. His private papers are

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
128 PETER CAREY
estate
estate leases
leasesand
andthe
thebenefits
benefitshehe
thought
thought
they
they
would
would
bring
bring
in terms
in terms
of of
economic
economicdevelopment
developmentand
and
improved
improved
infrastructure
infrastructure
(i.e. (i.e.
roadsroads
and and
irrigation
irrigationsystems),
systems),this
thisofficial
officialpatronizingly
patronizingly
referred
referred
to the
to western
the western
estate
estate owners
ownerswhom
whomheheattracted
attracted to to
thethe
princely
princely
states
states
as 'my
as 'my
planters',
planters',
and
and saw
saw them
themasasthe
theineluctable
ineluctable bearers
bearers
of European
of Europeanenlightenment
enlightenmentto a to a
benighted
benightedpopulace.
populace.AtAtthe
thesame
same time,
time,
he he
stressed
stressed
ingenuously
ingenuouslythat that
the the
leases
leases would
wouldimprove
improvethe
the
financial
financial
position
position
of many
of many
impoverished
impoverished
princely
princely apanage
apanageholders
holdersatat
the
the
courts.260
courts.260
His
His critics
criticsin
inthe
theCouncil
Council ofof
thethe
Indies
Indies
(Raad
(Raad
vanvan
Indie)
Indie)
werewere
not so
not so
sanguine.
sanguine.One
Onewarned
warnedthat
that
the
the
Javanese
Javanese
peasant
peasant
would
would
be brought
be brought
under
under aa new
newyoke
yokewhich
whichwould
would
weigh
weigh on on
them
themmuchmuchmoremore
heavily
heavily
than than
'all
'all the
the bribery
briberyand andcorruption'
corruption'
of of
thethe
princely
princely
administrations.261
administrations.261 'The 'The
estate
estate leases',
leases',this
thiscouncillor
councillor
wrote
wrotelater,
later,
'deprived
'deprivedtheJavanese
theJavanese peasant
peasant
of
of his
his property
propertyrights
rightsand
and
debased
debasedhimhim
to the
to the
levellevel
of a of
coolie'.262
a coolie'.262
The The
Governor-General,
Governor-General,G.G.A.A.G.G.
Ph.Ph.
vanvan
derder
Capellen
Capellen
(in office,
(in office,
1816-26),
1816-26),
was
was swayed
swayedby
bythese
thesearguments
arguments
andand
ordered
ordered
the the
immediate
immediate
abolition
abolition
of of
all
all estate
estate leases
leasesininthe
theprincipalities
principalitiesin in
MayMay
i823.263
i823.263
But But
by then
by then
the the
problem
problem was
wasnot
notsosoeasily
easily
resolved.
resolved.
Many
Many
long-term
long-term
contracts
contracts
involving
involving
sizeable
sizeable cash
cashadvances
advanceshad
hadbeen
been
signed
signed
with
with
apanage
apanage
holders
holders
at the
at the
courts,
courts, and
andthe
theplanters
plantershadhad
sunk
sunk
capital
capital
intointo
their
their
estates.
estates.
All this
All had
this had
to be
be reimbursed
reimbursedwithwithinterest
interest
bybythethe
original
original
apanage
apanage
holders,
holders,
mostmost
of of
whom
whom were
wereininno
nostate
statetoto
meet
meet
thethe
financial
financial
demands.
demands.
The The
abrupt
abrupt
way way
in which
which the
thecancellation
cancellationofof
thethe
leases
leases
waswas
handled
handled
by the
by colonial
the colonial
administration
administrationwaswasthus
thusa powerful
a powerful factor
factor
in prejudicing
in prejudicing
the south-
the south-
central
central Javanese
Javanesecourt
courtcommunities
communities
against
against
the the
government
government
on the
oneve
the eve
of
of the
the Java
JavaWar.264
War.264
The
The impact
impactof
ofthe
theleases
leasesatat
the
the
village
village
level
level
waswas
also also
considerable,
considerable,
Western
Western MSS.
MSS.ofofthe
theLeiden
LeidenUniversity
University
Library
Library
(coll.(coll.
no. BPL
no. BPL
616),616),
see J.see
J. J.
F. Wap,
J. F. Wap,
'Bronnen
'Bronnen voorvoordedetaal-,
taal-,land-
land-enen
volkenkunde
volkenkunde
vanvan
Neerlandsch
Neerlandsch
Indie',
Indie',
BKI, vol.
BKI,I vol. I
(I864),
(I864), pp.
pp.179-91.
179-91.
260
260 NvB
NvB Portfolio
Portfolio9 9ptpt3,3,
Nahuys
Nahuysvanvan
Burgst,
Burgst,
'Onlusten
'Onlusten
op Java',
op Java',
AprilApril
I826; Id.,
I826; Id.,
Herinneringen,
Herinneringen,pp.
pp.I3I3Iff,
Iff,
Id.Id.
(ed.),
(ed.),
Verzameling
Verzameling
van van
officile
officile
rapporten,
rapporten,
vol. I,vol.
pp. I,
3o3ff;
pp. 3o3ff;
Louw, Louw,
Java-Oorlog,
Java-Oorlog,vol.
vol.I,I,p.p.7I;7I;
Rouffaer,
Rouffaer,
'Vorstenlanden',
'Vorstenlanden',
p. 628.
p. 628.
261
261 This
This critic
criticwas
wasthe
thePresident
President
of of
thethe
Board
Board
of Finances
of Finances
(Raad(Raad
van Finantien),
van Finantien),
H. J. H. J.
van
van de
de Graaff
Graaff(d.(d.I826),
I826),one
oneofof
Governor-General
Governor-General VanVander Capellen's
der Capellen's
closest
closest
advisers.
advisers.
For
For his
his criticisms,
criticisms,seeseeNvB
NvB Portfolio
Portfolio
5 pt
5 IptI, IH.I, G.
H. Nahuys
G. Nahuysvan Burgst
van Burgst
(Yogyakarta)
(Yogyakarta)
to to
Commissioners-General
Commissioners-General(Batavia/Bogor),
(Batavia/Bogor),15 Sept.
15 Sept. 1817;
1817;
and and
vAE vAE
(aanwinsten
(aanwinsten
194I) 20,
194I) 20,
Van
Van de
de Graaff
Graaff(Batavia)
(Batavia)toto
J.J.Fabius
Fabius
(Holland),
(Holland),
26 July
26 July
I823.I823.
262
262 vAE
vAE (aanwinsten
(aanwinsten1941)
1941)
20,20,
H.J.
H.J.
vanvan
de Graaff(Batavia)
de Graaff(Batavia)
toJ. toJ.
Fabius
Fabius
(Holland),
(Holland),
26 26
July 1823.
263 MvK 2778, BGG in rade, 23 May 1823 no. 7 (printed in Staatsblad van .rederlandsch-
Indie no. I7 [1823]); Louw, Java-Oorlog, vol. I, Bijlage IX; Van der Kemp, 'Economische
Oorzaken', pp. I6-38 (esp. p. 26).
264 Van der Kemp, 'Economische Oorzaken', pp. I6-38.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING2 I29
although
although their
their territorial
territorialextent
extentwas
wasquite
quitelimited:
limited:
ininYogyakarta
Yogyakartath
covered
covered just
just under
under four
fourhundredjung,
hundredjung,or orseven
sevenper
percent
centofof
the
the
cultiva
cult
area in
in the
the core
core region
region(i.e.
(i.e.the
theprovince
provinceofofMataram)
Mataram) around
aroundthe
the
couc
and only
only slightly
slightly more
morein inSurakarta.265
Surakarta.265Furthermore,
Furthermore, many
many ofofthes
th
leases,
leases, especially
especially those
thoseset
setaside
asidefor
forcoffee
coffeecultivation
cultivationonon
the
the
slopes
slopes
of
Merapi,
Merapi, were
were in
in quite
quite inaccessible
inaccessibleand
andunderpopulated
underpopulatedareas.266
areas.266
T
main
main difficulties
difficulties for
for the
thelocal
localinhabitants
inhabitantsliving
livingininestate
estate
areas
areas
waswa
regimentation
regimentation of of economic
economiclife
lifewhich
whichthe
theestate
estatesystem
system imposed.
imposed.Inst
In
of being
being able
able to
to choose
choosetheir
theirown
owncrops,
crops,asashitherto
hitherto (see
(see
above
above
Section
Secti
p. 9 ),
), they
they had
had to
to place
placeabout
abouthalf
halftheir
theirlands
landsandandhalf
half
their
their
labour
labou
the disposal
disposal of
of the
the estate
estateowners.
owners.AAform
formofofrotation
rotation system
system(glebag
(gleb
stelsel)
stelsel) was
was established,
established,very
verysimilar
similartotothat
thatlater
laterintroduced
introducedbyJohan
byJoh
van den
den Bosch
Bosch (in
(in office
officeas
asGovernor-General,
Governor-General,1830-34)
1830-34)atat
the
the
start
start
o
the period
period of
of the
the 'cultivation
'cultivationsystems',
systems',which
whichallowed
allowed the
the
cultivation
cultivati
cash crops
crops such
such as
as indigo
indigoand
andsugar
sugaron
onirrigated
irrigated
riceland.267
riceland.267
The existence
existence of
of these
thesecrops
cropsin
inthe
themidst
midstofofa apredominantly
predominantly r
growing
growing economy,
economy, where
whereplots
plotsof
ofland
landwere
wereminutely
minutely subdivid
subdiv
caused
caused serious
serious problems
problemsin interms
termsofofirrigation
irrigationcontrol.268
control.268TheThe
lab
services
services demanded
demanded on on the
theestates
estateswere
werealso
alsomore
more onerous
onerous than
thanin i
traditional
traditional sector,269
sector,269 andandthe
theEuropean
Europeanand andChinese
Chinese estate
estateownow
appear
appear to
to have
have been
been resented
resentedbecause
becausethey
theyexpected
expected toto
bebetreated
treat
'lords
'lords of
of the
the manor'
manor' (Tuwan
(TuwanBesar)
Besar)bybythe
thelocal
localpeasantry
peasantry ononth
lands.270
lands.270 Their
Their police
police officials
officials(Gunung)
(Gunung)and
andcrop
cropoverseers
overseers
(Opziener
(Opzien
265 Carey,
Carey, 'ChangingJavanese
'ChangingJavanesePerceptions',
Perceptions',p.p.4040
n.n.
I9i;
I9i;
Louw,
Louw,
Java-Oorlog,
Java-Oorlog,
vol.
v
Bijlagen
Bijlagen V
V&& VI.
VI.
266 Ibid. 267 Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', pp. 627-633.
268 S. Br. 8811, H. Thomson (Rajawinangun) to R. C. N. d'Abo (Yogyakarta),
Dec. 1822; Id. to Id., 6 Jan. i823; KITLV H 699g (Rouffaer coll.) AvJ (section
landrent), p. 76, Id. to A. H. Smissaert (Yogyakarta), n.d. (c.July I823), where he no
that 'those lands [at Rajawinangun] which were given to me in rent for the cultivatio
indigo are so intermixed with those of other Javanese (farmers), that my crops have been injured
the cultivation of their fields lying contiguous to mine (author's italics)'.
269 Rouffaer, 'Vorstenlanden', p. 631. Labour services (kerigan) on the coffee esta
for villagers who were not employed by the estate owner as day labourers, took place o
two day a week basis with one day being paid (at the rate of 71 cents (6 copper duit) p
villager, and 15 cents (I 2 copper duit) per overseer (mandur)), and one day unpaid, see
Br. g I1, C. van Vlissingen (Opziener Kembang Arum), 'Verdeeling der navolgende koff
tuinen van het land Kembang Arum onder de bevolking van genoemd land', 14 Ma
I825; C. von Winckelman (Surakarta) to H. MacGillavry (Surakarta), 22 April I8
On the other labour service demanded by estate owners, see Dj. Br. 5i C, H. G. Nah
van Burgst (Yogyakarta) to H. J. van de Graaff (Batavia), i8 May 1821. F
comparison with daily wages for coolies, see above n. I45.
270 GKA, 20 Sept. i830 no. 56k, 'Verbaal', interviews with Raden Adipati Danure
IV (in office, I813-47) and Pang6ran Prabuningrat (ex Raden Tumenggu
Wiranegara), 21 April I830 (on the Europeans); and Carey, 'Changing Javanes
Perceptions', pp. 40-I (on the Chinese).

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
13o PETER CAREY
usually
usually Chinese
Chineseor
orEurasians,
Eurasians,likewise
likewise
created
created
difficulties
difficulties
forfor
the the
population
population by
byacting
actinginina aharsh
harshandandinsensitive
insensitivewayway
withwithregard
regard
to local
to local
adat
adat (custom).271
(custom).271Life
Lifewas
wasparticularly
particularlyhard
hard
forfor
those
those
villagers
villagers
whowhowerewere
forcibly
forcibly removed
removedfrom
fromtheir
theirlands
lands
inin
the
the
irrigated
irrigated
ricerice
plains
plains
to provide
to provide
a a
resident
resident work-force
work-forcefor
forthe thedistant
distant
coffee
coffeeestates.272
estates.272
Conditions
Conditions
of work
of work
and
and wage
wage rates
ratesfor
forday
daylabourers
labourersinin
the
the
coffee
coffee
estates
estates
were
were
notnot
particularly
particularly attractive,
attractive,and
andthe
theloss
loss
ofof
a traditional
a traditional
place
place
in the
in the
village
village
community
community was
wasan
anirreversible
irreversibledisaster
disaster
for
for
thethe
peasant
peasant
families
families
involved.273
involved.273
The
The depth
depth of
ofpopular
popularhatred
hatredtowards
towards
the
the
coffee
coffee
estates
estates
at this
at this
time
time
is is
reflected
reflected in
in the
thereport
reportofofthe
theDutch
DutchCommissioners
Commissioners
charged
charged
with
with
winding
winding up
up the
theestate
estateleases
leasesinin1824.
1824.
They
They
warned
warned
that
that
if the
if the
estates
estates
werewere
returned
returned toto the
theJavanese
Javanesecultivators,
cultivators,the
the
latter
latter
would
wouldimmediately
immediately
uproot
uproot all
all the
thecoffee
coffeetrees,
trees,sosointense
intense
was
was
their
their
dislike
dislike
of the
of the
estate
estate
system.274
system.274 The
Theplight
plightofofmany
manysmall
smallJavanese
Javanese
producers
producers
selling
selling
locally
locally
grown
grown 'hedge'
'hedge'(pager)
(pager)coffee
coffeeand
andindigo,
indigo,
whose
whose
trade
trade
hadhad
suffered
suffered
severely
severely from
fromthe
thetwenty-two
twenty-twoper
per
cent
cent
devaluation
devaluation
in the
in the
bi-metallic
bi-metallic
exchange
exchange rate
ratein
inJanuary
JanuaryI824
I824(see
(see
above
above
Section
Section
IV IV
n. I36)
n. I36)
andand
the the
competition
competition from
fromthe
theestates,
estates,provided
providedanan
added
addedspur
spur
to local
to local
resent-
resent-
ment.275
ment.275 The
Themonths
monthsimmediately
immediately following
followingthethe
abolition
abolition
of the
of the
estate
estate
leases witnessed a dramatic rise in the number of armed attacks on
isolated European estate owners. Many of these were led by forme
271 Ibid.
272 J. F. W. van Nes, 'Verhandeling over de waarschijnlijke oorzaken, die aanleiding

tot de onlusten van I825 en de volgende jaren in de vorstenlanden gegeven hebben',
TNI vol. 6 no. 4 (1844), p. 142; S. Br. 13 , 'Minuut-verbaal van het verhandelde door de
Kommissie belast met de verevening der zaken der verhuurde landerijen in de Res.
Soerakarta en Djocjocarta' (henceforth: 'Minuut-Verbaal verhuurde landerijen'),
entry of 3 Feb. I824; Louw, Java-Oorlog, vol. II, p. 273.
273 On the poor wage rates and conditions for day labourers (bujang) working in the
coffee estates, see Louw, De Java-Oorlog van 1825-30 vol. II (Batavia: Landsdrukkerij &
's-Hage; M. Nijhoff, 1897), pp. 269-74 (esp. p. 274); S. Br. I70, Commissioners
(Surakarta) to G. A. G. Ph. van der Capellen (Batavia/Bogor), 24 Oct. 1824; S. Br. 88",
'Report on Rajawinangun', Oct. 1823 (stating that the monthly rate for bujang was 4
Java Rupees or about 13 cents a day with no meals being provided); and S. Br. 9gI, C.
von Winckelman (Surakarta) to H. MacGillavry (Surakarta), 22 April I825 (stating
that bujang were paid io duit (22 cents) for every hundred coffee trees they cleaned and
weeded (about a day's work), and were given a rice meal twice a day). For comparative
wage rates of porters and coolies at this time, see above n. 145.
274 S. Br. 131, 'Minuut-Verbaal verhuurde landerijen', entry of i Aug. I824; Louw,
Java-Oorlog, vol. II, p. 274; Hogendorp I531, W. van Hogendorp, 'Over den Staat van
Java no. 2' (Kedhu, 1827).
275 S. Br. I3I, 'Minuut-verbaal verhuurde landerijen', entry of I Aug. 1824; P. J.
Veth, Java, Geographische, Ethnologisch, Historisch (2nd rev. edn, Haarlem: De Erven F.
Bohn, I898), p. 349.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING3 13I
estate workers who had suffered dismissal or who harboured a particular

grudge against their erstwhile employers.276 Police reports also refer to
local 'bandit' groups operating in the Yogya area who had taken to
carrying clubs and axes with them so that they could batter down the
heavy teak shutters and doors which were fitted to all Chinese and
European dwellings.277 Indeed, the situation had become so bad at this
time that the colonial government was constrained to make special
allocations of gunpowder to estate owners in particularly exposed areas,
and, by the outbreak of the Java War, few Europeans, Chinese or
Eurasians could live with any security in the Javanese countryside.278
The sorry history of the estate leases in the principalities, combined
with the difficulties caused by the tollgates, the opium monopoly, the
increased fiscal demands, the droughts and harvest failure of the 182 1-
25 period, the breakdown of law and order in many country areas, and
the situation in the newly annexed territories, all give a picture of an
agrarian society in crisis. The prosperous years of the late eighteenth
century, the 'golden age' of the sikep, were now only a memory. For the
Javanese peasantry who lived through this period, all these develop-
ments confirmed that they were experiencing the 'Time of Wrath' (Jav.:
'jaman kala-bendu') which would inevitably precede the coming of the
messianic Javanese 'Just King' (Ratu Adil), who would institute an age
of justice and plenty, and whose arrival would be heralded by natural
portents and disasters.279 The massive eruption of Mt Merapi, the
volcano overlooking Yogyakarta, in December 1822, was just one of the
most spectacular of these omens.280 Another was the Asiatic cholera
epidemic of 1821 which had been predicted in the prophetic writings of a
revered Javanese mystic who lived in the forests of Lodhaya near
276 On these attacks, see, for example, Dj. Br. 52, A. H. Smissaert (Yogyakarta) to G.
A. G. Ph. van der Capellen (Batavia/Bogor), 5 Sept. I825; and S. Br. 881, Id. to H.
MacGillavry (Surakarta), 6 Sept. i823.
277 On the numerous robber (kampak) bands armed with pikes, muskets, axes (bijlen)
and clubs which operated in the Mt Merapi area in 1820, see Dj. Br. 5 B, R. C. N. d'Abo
(Yogyakarta) to H. G. Nahuys van Burgst (Surakarta), 23June I820; Id. to Id., 27July
I820; and for the description of an axe attack on a European's house in Yogakarta in
I819 , see S. Br. I3 , 'Translaten en Verbaalen, Solo, 181 6- I819', entry of 8 Feb. 18 9.
278 On the provision of gunpowder to estate owners, see Dj. Br. 52, A. H. Smissaert
(Yogyakarta) to Commander of the Yogyakarta Fort, o Sept. I823; Dj. Br. 53, Id. to
Id., 14 Feb. 1824; and on the flight of a Eurasian overseer to Surakarta just after the
outbreak of theJava War, see S. Br. 9 II, C. van Vlissingen (Opziener Kembang Arum) to
H. MacGillavry (Surakarta), 22 July i825.
279 See the passages from the Reksapustaka (Mangkunagaran) MS. of the Serat
Cabolang (c. 81I5) transliterated in KITLV Or. 471, pt. 4, pp. I 1-2.
280 See Carey, 'Pangeran Dipanagara and the Making of the Java War' (forth-
coming, I986), Chap. IX.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
PETER CAREY
I32
Blitar.281 This man, who was arrested by the Surakarta authorities in

I819, had spoken of a terrible plague (pageblug luwih gedhe) which would
arrive from the west, and which would only be warded off if true Islamic
Believers held religious feasts (sedhekah) and uttered special litanies
(dhikr) from the Qur'an.282 He also referred to a 'Regulator and
Maintainer of Religion' (Ratu Paneteg Panatagama) of Mataram blood, a
clear allusion to the coming of a 'Just King' who would be sprung from
the royal line of the central Javanese courts.283
When it came, the Asiatic cholera epidemic of April-August 1821 was
every bit as terrible as the sage had predicted for it struck a 'virgin'
population who had no built-in immunity to the disease.284 In his
reminiscences, Nahuys van Burgst, at the time Acting Resident of
Surakarta (in office, I820-22), recalled the lethal virulence of the
cholera attacks, with many people succumbing after only a few hours
and some even falling dead on the spot as though felled by an apoplectic
fit.285 Brought by sailors from Pulau Pinang and Malacca in the Malay
peninsula (where it had broken out in I819), the epidemic first
manifested itself in the Malay kampung (urban settlement) of Torbaya in
Semarang, where, in the last week of April I82I, 1,225 people died.286
By early May, the disease had spread along the entire north coast ofJava
with the most devastating outbreaks occurring in the colonial capital of
Batavia (I 56 reported deaths a day at the height of the epidemic) and
Surabaya (76 reported deaths a day in mid-June).287 The main wave of
the disease appears to have spent itself by early August, but in some parts
of East Java, serious outbreaks persisted until the end of the year,
especially in Surabaya, Madura and the Eastern Salient (Oosthoek),
where a total of iIo,000 or seven per cent of the population are
281 This was Kyai Iman Sampurna ('The Sage of Perfect Faith') who lived for a long
time in the forests ofLodhaya near Blitar, see S. Br. 13 , 'Translaten en Verbaalen, Solo,
1816-I 819', entries of i I Feb. and 17 Feb. 1819; and Dj. Br. 4, 'Dagregister van de Res.
Soerakarta, 1819' (signed H. F. Lippe [Asst.-Res. Surakarta], 31 Dec. I819), entries of
5, 26 Jan., 15, 17, 19, 20, 22 Feb., 4, 7, 8 I , 23 March, and 4 May I819.
282 The original pegon (Javanese written in Arabic script) copy of Kyai Iman
Sampurna's prophetic script (with a partial Dutch trans. byJ. W. Winter), can be found
in S. Br. 13 I, 'Translaten en Verbaalen, Solo, 1819', entry of 17 Feb. 1819.
283 Ibid.; on the connections between the title 'Ratu Paneteg Panatagama' and the Ratu
Adil, see Peter Carey, 'The Cultural Ecology of Early Nineteenth Century Java:
Pangeran Dipanagara, a Case Study' (Singapore: ISEAS Occasional Paper no. 24, Dec.
I974), p. 29; and Id. (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. XLV, 24I n. 30.
284 Boomgaard, 'Disease, death and disasters', p. 13.
25 Nahuys van Burgst, Herinneringen, pp. 123-4.
286 Muller, 'Kort verslag aangaande de cholera-morbus op Java', pp. 2-3.
287 Ibid., p. 3.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
WAITING FOR THE 'JUST KING5 I33
estimated to have succumbed.288 The number of fatalities in inland

areas appear to have been slightly lower, although in Surakarta at the
worst period in late June about seventy deaths a day were reported.289
The situation was exacerbated by the exceptionally dry weather (it had
not rained heavily for several months), the scarcity and expense of all
foodstuffs, and the fact that the epidemic was at its height during the
Fasting Month (Puwasa) (23 May-22 June 182I) when resistance to
disease on the part of the population at large was lower.290 For the lucky
ones who survived, the memory of these terrible hot months of 182 I must
have been profoundly disturbing. The virulence of the disease and its
manifestation at one of the holiest and most religiously intense periods of
the year must have betokened to many an upheaval in the natural order
of things, a time of cosmic disturbance (Jav.: 'gara-gara') which augured
that the darkest days of the 'Time of Wrath' were at hand.291
VII. Conclusions
Space does not permit a further consideration of the m

background to the Java War here, but there is plenty o
suggest that messianic expectations associated with the comi
King' were widespread in south-central Javanese society on
288 Ibid., pp. 4-6; the figure of seven per cent has been reached by
number of reported deaths in this area with the population figures g
History, vol. I, p. 62, Table no. II facing (British Government Census
gives a total population of 7I0,657 for the districts of Gresik, Sura
Bangkalan, Pamekasan, Sumenep and Banyuwangi. It should be not
dealing here with reported deaths, the actual numbers who succumbe
very much higher possibly amounting to about ten per cent of the tot
Java (4-5-5 millions) at this time, see L. Chevalier (ed.), Societe d'Histoire de
'48 (La Roche-sur-Yon: Imprimerie Centrale de l'Ouest, 1958), p. xiv
289 S. Br. 170, 'Handelingen van den Resident van Soerakarta voor
entry of 26 June 82 1. See also Muller, 'Kort verslag aangaande de cho
Java', p. 4; Nahuys van Burgst, Herinneringen, p. I23 (who stated that
Semarang were the two towns most affected by the epidemic in Java);
Bibliotheek (The Hague), A. D. Cornets de GrootJr. private coll., pt. 3,
de Groot Jr. (Surakarta) to A. D. Cornets de Groot Sr. (Gresik), I Ju
290 S. Br. 170, 'Handelingen van den Resident van Soerakarta voor
entry of2oJune 1821 referring to a letter of instruction from the Residen
local inhabitants urging them not to observe the fast during Puwasa
cholera epidemic, and encouraging farmers to plant potatoes and root
the rice shortage. See further above Section IV n. I77.
291 See above n. 279.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
I34 PETER CAREY
the Java War.292 Everywhere people were convinced that something

portentous was about to occur: the arrival of a liberator who would rid
the land of injustice and fiscal oppression, and roll back alien economic
influences. Even senior Dutch officials realized that a major agrarian
uprising was imminent in south-central Java, although their repeated
warnings were ignored by the Governor-General, Van der Capellen,
who noted in his diary on the day the news ofDipanagara's rebellion was
brought to him that it had occurred 'entirely unexpectedly' (op het aller
onverwachts) !293
As we have seen, the background of the war must be sought as far back
as the turn of the nineteenth century, when the conditions which had
permitted the consolidation of a rural landed elite, the opening out of
new ricefields in south-centralJava and the steady population growth in
country areas, began to change. The second Sultan's pancas revisions in
1802 and c. 1808, which added considerable new fiscal burdens on to the
village communities living in the core apanage regions of Yogyakarta,
were important here, as were the developments in the outlying areas
(mancanagara) after 812 which witnessed the rapid conversion of
'tribute' lands into apanages, especially in the provinces controlled by
Surakarta. In retrospect the year I812 heralded the most significant
changes, for, in the aftermath of the British territorial annexations
(especially of the key apanage province of Kedhu), Javanese apanage
holders and officials in the remaining regions ruled by the princes moved
swiftly to maximize their rents by the institution of the fixed money rent
(pajeg mati) tax and the tax-farming of ever larger areas to non-Javanese
Demang, especially the Chinese. The annexed regions also suffered for
the combination of Raffles's ill-judged land-rent scheme, the unofficial
survival of the old tribute demands, ever growing peasant indebtedness
to Chinese moneylenders, and the baneful effects of government-
sponsored cash crop cultivation. These all led to a sharp decline in living
standards. It is even possible that the social configurations of south-
central Javanese village society may have begun to shift under the
weight of the new fiscal demands in some areas with the numpang
sharecroppers merging with the 'landowning' sikep to form a broad
small-holding peasant mass. But the evidence is not available to confirm
such a development.
292 Carey, 'Cultural Ecology', passim; Carey, 'Pangeran Dipanagara and the Making
of the Java War' (forthcoming, I986), Chap. X.
293 Anon. (ed.), 'Aanteekeningen van den Gouverneur-Generaal van der Capellen
over den Opstand van Dipo Negoro in 1825', TNI, vol. 22 pt 2 (i860), p. 363 (entry of 24
July); Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 283 n. 201.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
What is certain is that agrarian conditions continued to deteriorate in

the decade (1815-25) preceding the Java War, especially after I816
when the operation of the tollgate farm, market taxes and opium
monopoly began to affect trading activities in the principalities and
undermine village welfare. The extension of the estate leases to
Europeans and Chinese during the same period, although quite
restricted in scope, further dislocated peasant society, turning some
erstwhile 'landowning' peasants into day labourers. With all these
pressures intensifying in the five years before the Java War, the rapid
succession of droughts, harvest failures, cholera epidemics, floods and
the near-collapse of cash crop prices, plunged many Javanese peasants
into abject poverty, vagrancy and despair. Their only hope seemed to lie
in millenarian prophecies which predicted the coming of a 'Just King'
who would institute a 'golden age' (Jav.: 'jaman mas') of justice and
plenty, a longing which may have been partly inspired by the memory of
better times in the late eighteenth century. Many of the popular
movements in the years leading up to the Java War were thus inspired
by expectations of the restoration of a status quo ante, the revival of old
values and customs which had been rapidly eroded during the first three
decades of the nineteenth century. These expectations acted as the
catalyst in mobilizing the south-central Javanese peasantry behind
Dipanagara in 1825, a phenomenon clearly recognized and encouraged
by the latter when he adopted one of the titles of the 'Just King' (i.e.
Sultan Erucakra) in August 1825 and insisted that the old level of
ricefield tribute should be restored.294
It is probable, however, that by 1825 it was already too late to turn
the clock back, even if Dipanagara had ultimately proved victorious.
The combination of domestic and European pressures on the Javanese
peasant economy had already begun to change it irreversibly. Clifford
Geertz makes a useful point here when he writes that it might have been
easier for the Javanese to make the transition to a modern economy in
the early nineteenth century before the full impact of the European
presence had begun to make itself felt than they are able to do today.295
The society which might have developed out of the highly stratified
agrarian world of the late eighteenth century would certainly not have
been a fair one: considerable discrepancies in wealth and access to land
would probably have persisted. But who can deny that theJavanese as a
people would have retained a more competitive and entrepreneurial
spirit with which to confront the modern world?
294 Carey (ed. and trans.), Babad Dipanagara, p. 287 n. 21 8; and above Section I p. 65.
295 Geertz, Agricultural Involution, p. 82.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
I36 PETER CAREY
Vote
Vote on Currency
on Currency
Values and Values
Abbreviations
and Abbreviations
It
Itshould
should
be noted
be that
noted
monetary
thatpractice
monetary
and policy in
practice
Indonesia between
and policy
the
late
lateeighteenth
eighteenth
century (I795)
century
and I826 (I795)
are complex
and forI826
a number
areofcomplex
reasons, f
the
the most
most
important
important
being that (i)
being
silver, copper
thatand
(i)paper
silver,
moneycopper
were
circulating
circulating with changing
with agios
changing
(due to inflation)
agios and(due
the to
sources
inflation)
do not always
and
state
stateexplicitly
explicitly
which sort
which
of money
sort
is meant;
of (2)
money
even 'copper'
is meant;
is not an (2
unambiguous
unambiguous term since
term
it can since
refer toit
copper
candoits
refer
(duiten
toor copper
farthings), doits
bonken (d
(lit.:
(lit.:'lumps)
'lumps)
or picis or
(cash),
picis
depending
(cash),
on the
depending
period one is dealing
on the
with;perio
(3)
money
money of account
of account
and circulating
andcoins
circulating
are often not coins
distinguished
are in
often
the
sources;
sources; and (4)
andbetween
(4) I816
between
there wasI816
an artificial
there difference
was an between
artificia
the
Dutch
Dutch guilder
guilder
(Generaliteits
(Generaliteits
gulden) and the Netherlands-Indies
gulden) and the guilderNetherlan
(Indische
gulden).
gulden). The latter
Theneverlatterexisted,
never
however,
existed,
as a circulating
however,
medium. asInstead
a cir
there
there was was
theJavatheJava
Rupee (Ropij)
Rupee
with the
(Ropij)
same valuewith
of I20 the
doits or
same
30 stuivers
value
(i(istuiver
stuiver
=4 duits)
=4andduits)
a fine silver
and content
a fine of silver
10.91 grams
content
(as opposedofto the
10.91
silver
silvercontent
content
of the Dutch
of the
guilder
Dutch
which was
guilder
9.613 grams).
whichIn I826,
was
the fiction
9.613 gr
of
ofthe
the
Netherlands-Indies
Netherlands-Indies
guilder was given
guilder
up, and the
wasDutch
given
guilderup,
was an
declared
declared to be to
the be
official
the currency
official
of account
currency
in Indonesia,
of ataccount
exchanging inat Ind
par
parwith
with
theJavatheJava
Rupee, andRupee,
consisting and
of 20 (new)
consisting
stuivers, orof
ioo 20
(old) (new)
duits, s
see
seeL. L.
de Bree,
de Bree,
Gedenkboek
Gedenkboek
van de Javasche van
Bank (Weltevreden,
de Javasche 1928),Bank
vol. I, p.(We
I49,
I49,pp.pp.
487-88;
487-88;
and W. M.and
F. Mansvelt
W. M. (Re-ed.
F. Mansvelt
and continued by
(Re-ed.
Pieter an
Creutzberg),
Creutzberg), Changing
Changing
Economy in Indonesia.
Economy A Selection
in Indonesia.
of Statistical Source
A Selection
Material
from
from the the
Early Igth
EarlyCentury
Igthup to
Century
I940. Vol. 2:up
Public
toFinance,
I940. i8i6-i939
Vol. 2: (The
Public
Hague: Fin
Martinus
Martinus Nijhoff,
Nijhoff,
1976), pp. 12-I3.
1976),Otherpp.
coins
12-I3.
in circulation
Other before
coins
the 1826
in cir
reform
reform included
included
the ronde the
real, silver
ronde real-of-eight
real, silver
or Spanish
real-of-eight
dollar ('Spaanse o
Mat')
Mat') with
with
a fine silver
a fine content
silver
of 24.5
content
grams and ofa value
24.5
of between
grams 63 and
and 66 a v
(old)
(old)stuivers;
stuivers;
and milled
andsilver
milled
ducatoons
silver
(imported
ducatoons
from Holland)(impor
with
approximately
approximately the same the
silver same
content,silver
but which
content,
was valued asbut
high which
as 80 (old) was
stuivers
stuiversin Java.
in I Java.
am grateful
I am to Dr
grateful
Peter Boomgaard
to Drfor Peter
all his help
Boomgaard
with this
note.
List of Abbreviations
AJ. Anno Javano (Javanese era).

AN Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia, Jakarta.
ARA Algemeen Rijksarchief (General State Archives), The Hague.
AvJ Archief van Jogja, Rouffaer collection (KITLV H 698a-b).
Baud J.C. Baud private collection (ARA).
BCG Besluiten van Commissarissen-Generaal.
BGG Besluiten van den Gouverneur-Generaal.
BKI Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Leiden.
BL Add. MS. British Library (London) Additional Manuscript.
Dj. Br. 'Bundel Djokjo Brieven' (volumes of letters in the Yogyakar
Residency archive, AN).
dJ J.KJ. deJonge and M.L. van Deventer (eds.), De Opkomst van
het Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost-Indie. Verzameling van onuitgegeven
Stukken uit het Oud-Koloniaal Archief, 6 vols. 's-Gravenhage: M.
Nijhoff, 1862-1909.

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC
Dfl. Dutch guilder (Generaliteits gulden).

dK H.M. de Kock private collection (ARA).
GKA Geheim en Kabinets Archief (ARA).
HB Hamengkubuwana.
Hogendorp G.K. van Hogendorp private coll. (ARA).
IOL India Office Library and Records, London.
Jav. Javanese.
Java NOK Java's Noord Oost Kust (volumes of letters in t
Government ofJava's Northeast Coast, AN).
J.R. Java Rupee (post-1896 same as the Dutch guilder [Dfl.].
KITLV H Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (Lei-
den) Western language MS. (H= Hollands.).
KITLV Or Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (Lei-
den) Oriental language MS.
kr. krama (High Javanese).
Mack Pr. Mackenzie Private collection (IOL).
MvK Ministerie van Kolonien (archive of the former Minister of the
Colonies, ARA).
ng ngoko (Low Javanese).
NvB HJ. Nahuys van Burgst private collection (Bibliotheca Publ
Latina 616, Universiteits Bibliotheek, Leiden).
PB Pakubuwana.
r.r. ronde real (see Sp.D. below).
Schneither G.J.Chr. Schneither private collection (ARA).
S.Br. 'Bundel Solo Brieven' (volumes of letters in the Surakarta
Residency archive, AN).
Sp.D. Spanish dollar (worth about 63-66 stuivers).
TBG Tijdschrift van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetens-
chappen, Jakarta.
TNI Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indie, Jakarta.
vAE van Alphen-Engelhard private collection (ARA).
VBG Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en
Wetenschappen, Jakarta.
VKI Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Landen- en
Volkenkunde, Leiden.
VOC Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie (Dutch East India Com-
pany, I602-I799).

202.43.95.117 on Mon, 28 Feb 2022 13:40:13 UTC

Waiting For Just King

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Waiting for the 'Just King': The Agrarian World of South-Central Java from Giyanti

(1755) to the Java War (1825-30)

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/312483

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STUDENTS ofJavanese society have long recognized that the

oo26-749X/86/ogo6-o50I$02.00 ?I986 Cambridge University Press

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communities in Java.3 Specialists in the history of the central Javanese

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cannot suppress the wish to be ruled, albeit in a worse fash

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in the ricefields to take part in the destruction of Dutch mobile columns

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millenarian movements which manifested themselves in the Javanese

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II. The Structure of the Javanese Apanage System

Before embarking on a detailed examination of the economy and society

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)re apanage areas Outlying provinces

2/5' Apanage Bupati 2/5

- 1/5 Beei Bekel ee D eman Be el / Dem \ 1/5

_2/5 K ( sikep sikep

dependents (numpang/rayat) dependents (numpang/rayat)

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local population at the time of court festivals (e.g. the Garebeg),

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August I812, which annexed some of the outlying territories and

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Yogya prince, pointed out that there were also frequent di

61 GKA, 20 Sept. I830 no. 56k, 'Verbaal', interview with Pangeran

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They were also rather more distant socially

64 See above n. 62.

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III. The Social Structure of the South-central Javane

In their descriptions ofJavanese villages in the early ninete

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It was above all the latter category (i.e. the

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War began to have an effect, it s

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90 Onghokham, 'Residency of Madiun', pp. 186-7.

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advantage, shared no property in common, and gathered together in

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100 On the great problems of irrigation in southern Bagelen, where Surakart

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impact of this great enlargement ofof the

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