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12 years ago, the Senate of the 111th Congress had 11 Democrats representing states won
by Republican John McCain in the most recent presidential election and 10 Republicans
representing states won by Democrat Barack Obama. On the other hand, the Senate of the
currently serving 117th Congress has 3 Democrats representing states won by Donald Trump in
the most recent presidential election and 3 Republicans representing states won by Joe Biden. In
a span of 12 years, then, the number of Senators representing a state that voted for a different
party in the presidential election decreased by 15, from 21 to 6. This comes at the same time as
news that America is becoming increasingly politically polarized. Anyone who has paid attention
to American politics over the last few years knows how incredibly polarized it is. Despite having
scientific consensuses on one side, topics like climate change and coronavirus vaccines become
political opinions. Political polarization is incredibly dangerous. Just earlier this year,
insurrectionists attempted a coup on the federal government in response to the 2020 presidential
election, and deaths from the coronavirus have recently crosses 770,000. Not only is American
democracy in danger due to intense polarization, but so are American lives. How did we get to
this point? Let’s examine the 111th Congress again, assuming that there is a connection between
the ”crossover” states and political polarization. The Congress was elected concurrently with
Barack Obama in 2008. Therefore, we can conclude that the change happened sometime after
Obama’s election. Due to the Senate’s long 6-year terms, change in membership happens slowly.
It took until after the 2014 elections for every member of the Senate to have been elected after
the 2008 elections. Since these Senators’ terms finally expired in 2020, we can assume that the
major change from 2008 to 2020 can be localized between 2008 and 2014. The most important
political change over this time period was the Tea Party Movement, a conservative reaction to
the election of Barack Obama. Therefore, the increase in political polarization in recent
American history can be tied to the Tea Party movement that occurred during the early years of
Obama’s presidency.
The Tea Party primarily began as a fiscally conservative movement within the
Republican Party, focused on lowering taxes and reducing government spending. In fact, the
name itself is an acronym for Taxed Enough Already. However, the roots of the movement go
deeper than fiscal conservatism or a reaction to Obama. It was also a rejection of the Republican
establishment embodied by previous presidential candidates George W. Bush and John McCain.
In this way, it was also a libertarian movement, prioritizing escaping big government more than
any ideological goals. This can be seen by how even though members of the movement were
more likely to identify as Republican, 43% still had an unfavorable view of Republicans. In
addition to this, the movement’s membership had similar demographic trends: they were older,
whiter, more Evangelical, and more wealthy than the average population (Zeskind 2011). These
were all people who had much in common before the movement picked up steam. Social
conservatism also seemed to be a common factor among tea party identifiers. They also tended to
have white nationalist and anti-immigrant views (Zeskind 2011). With these factors in mind, it
makes sense that they would unite against Barack Obama, a black President with goals of
government funded economic stimulus and healthcare reform. And indeed, the Tea Party largely
was a reaction to President Obama. The former president ran his campaign on change, adding
young and minority votes to his base, promoting egalitarian policies to reduce economic
inequality. This type of change threatened to unsettle the socioeconomic status quo and unsettled
the Tea Party base, eventually convincing them to coalesce into a unified movement against him.
Support for the president among Congresspeople newly elected in the wake of the Tea Party in
2010 was far lower than expected compared to past presidents. Tea Party supporters have
consistently held more negative opinions about Obama than any other group, and have attacked
his name, family, patriotism, and his nationality. In addition, it is important to note that fiscal
conservatism, while being the stated primary goal of the movement, was not always valued.
Since members of the Tea Party tend to be older than the average American, they benefit more
from social welfare programs such as Medicare and Social Security, and this is mirrored by Tea
Party support for those institutions despite their cost (Fisher 2015). Therefore, there is an
argument to be made that the Tea Party was more of a social conservative and anti-Obama
movement than a fiscal conservative movement. Nonetheless, it is clear that the movement did
help Republicans win elections. After the 2010 midterm elections, the peak of Tea Party electoral
success, in which Republicans won control of the House of Representatives and gained a net of
63 seats, there were 53 members of the Tea Party Caucus in the House and 4 in the Senate.
Having members in the Senate at all is quite a notable feat, given the Senate’s less reactionary
and more moderate politics. And a 53-member caucus is quite notable in the House, as it was
more than 1/5th the entire Republican caucus and was one of the largest ideological caucuses in
the House itself. In fact, a statistical analysis of Tea Party activity in Congress by Ragusa and
Gaspar found that the Tea Party often acted like its own distinct political party in how it
consistently voted as a bloc and was able to set its own agenda, separate from the Republican
Party. In fact, the Republican Party often times followed the agenda set by the Tea Party Caucus.
And this change was not a temporary one that only lasted for the duration of the Tea Party
movement. What we saw was a noticeable shift in the amount of power wielded by the right
wing of the party compared to the more moderate establishment wing. The Tea Party movement
had a lasting effect on shifting Republican politics to the right, turning the Tea Party ideology
into the mainstream Republican ideology (Medzihorsky et al. 2014). Therefore, it is clear that the
Tea Party movement was a coalition of older, whiter, Evangelical Americans over social
conservative, fiscal conservative, and libertarian ideals that permanently influenced the
There is no doubt that the Tea Party and its remnants have affected the Republican Party
to this day. The US debt ceiling is a great example of the short- and long-term effects of the Tea
Party on the Republican Party. The limit on how much the federal government can borrow has
historically been raised over a hundred times, almost always on a bipartisan basis. Many of the
partisan fights over it have occurred since the Tea Party Era though. In 2011, the Republican
Party negotiated a budget decrease as part of a debt ceiling increase. This fight was extremely
bitter and one of the early examples of political brinkmanship in this new era of political
polarization. The United States’ credit was lowered for the first time, and the stock market took a
large hit. Just 2 years later, there was another crisis as Republicans demanded the Affordable
Care Act, Obama’s landmark healthcare initiative, be defunded in exchange for another debt
ceiling increase. While the debt ceiling was again increased, the US’ credit rating was once again
downgraded, and this event was the beginning of the end for the Tea Party. While the Tea Party
had not been as active since 2010, they were still a major force in American politics. However,
most Americans disapproved of the way Republicans handled the debt crisis, and the Tea Party
began to reach new lows in popularity. Finally, in 2021, once the official Tea Party movement
was long dead, there was yet another debt ceiling crisis. While this crisis is yet unresolved, it is
another example of how Republicans became the party of “fiscal responsibility” during the Tea
Party movement. Even though the movement was long dead, fiscal conservatism was still an
important part of Republican ideology, hence the fight over the debt ceiling yet again. More
aspects of the Tea Party have stuck around than just the fiscal conservatism. Anti-establishment
and anti-immigration views are both key hallmarks of the Republican Party today. President
Trump won the primary and the general election running as an outsider that would “drain the
swamp” of the corrupt Washington establishment. In addition, Trump also used heavy
xenophobic rhetoric, winning lots of support among ex-Tea Party members who shared his anti-
immigrant views. And as we know, Trump practically has an iron grip on the Republican Party
today, so his views are the views of the Republican Party. Even Trump, to a certain extent, is a
product of the Tea Party Movement. A Democrat until 2009, Trump shares the social
conservative views common among Tea Party members even if he is not truly a fiscal
conservative. Nonetheless, he harnessed the Tea Party base and used similar strategies such as
populism to be elected. However, it is interesting to point out the demographic changes that
occurred during Trump’s reign over the Republican Party. While older and whiter voters are still
very Republican, wealthier individuals shifted to Democratic voters during this time, while
poorer individuals became Republicans. This is the opposite of the Tea Party demographic, as
members of the Tea Party movement were for the most part wealthier than the general
population. While we are seeing a reversal in election results so far since Trump’s departure, it is
still too early to say if this is a pattern. Either way, Trump would have caused the most notable
demographic shift of Republicans since the Tea Party movement itself. The point remains,
however, that the Tea Party movement has shifted the Republican Party to the right. In doing so,
it has also shifted the Democratic Party to the left. After the 2008 elections, Democrats
controlled both the ideological left and the ideological center, as well as a little of the ideological
right (Bohrer 2009). However, the Tea Party movement allowed Republicans to take back the
ideological right, pushing Democrats further left. This has led to less political crossover between
parties. With less common ground between parties, it is only natural that there is more
partisanship between them. An important point is that these changes start at a national level and
work down to a more local level. For example, in the Senate, the most conservative Democrat,
Joe Manchin from West Virginia, is still more liberal than the most liberal Republican, Susan
governor Charlie Baker is most likely more liberal than Louisiana’s Democratic governor John
Bel Edwards. This effect will be even more magnified at more local levels. This is not
particularly good news, however. State politics is still very polarized, just slightly less so than
national politics.
There is absolutely no doubt that American politics is extremely polarized. There is very
little bipartisanship on a party level, and individuals truly believe that the other party is trying to
destroy the country. This bitter partisanship began with the Tea Party movement in 2009. As a
coalition of older, whiter, more Evangelical, and wealthier voters than the rest of the country, the
Tea Party attempted to oppose President Obama’s agenda with fiscal conservative, social
conservative, and libertarian ideologies. The Tea Party began the streak of partisanship by
strongly opposing Obama, stronger than any other group in Congress, and taking control of the
Republican Party. Though they only lasted for a few years, their effect on politics was long
lasting. They left a “fiscally responsible” mindset on the Republican Party, leading them to
become the main opposition to Democrats’ spending plans. It also started an anti-establishment
and anti-immigrant strain in the Republican Party that was exacerbated by President Trump’s
and primarying liberal Republicans. With this system, both parties were left more ideologically
divided than ever before. What is the solution to this problem? It is hard to believe, but it could
be for more independents to join political parties. According to a 538 article by Geoffrey
Skelley, moderates with an ideological tilt not belonging to a political party actually contributes
to polarization. If moderates are independent, only the most radical partisans are actually party
members, which pushes the party to the wing. In addition, a common enemy could also serve to
unite Americans. Some of the few widely bipartisan bills passed by Congress have been in
response to China, whether it is censuring them or investing in science so America can compete
better with China. Either way, it is a clear sign that there are indeed ways to escape the political
polarization imposed on America after the Tea Party movement in 2009. If we can overcome this
and begin to work with others again, America will be able to focus on fixing domestic problems
as well as international threats, and our reputation among the rest of the world will finally be
restored to levels not seen in decades. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that we stop
seeing the other side as the enemy and start trying to work with our fellow Americans instead.
Works Cited
Bohrer, John R. “Because Bipartisanship Is Dead until 2011: A Defense of Senate Moderates.”
bipartisanship-is_b_305366.
Fisher, Patrick. “The Tea Party and the Demographic and Ideological Gaps Within the
Medzihorsky, Juraj, et al. “Has the Tea Party Era Radicalized the Republican Party? Evidence
from Text Analysis of the 2008 and 2012 Republican Primary Debates.” PS: Political
Science and Politics, vol. 47, no. 4, [American Political Science Association, Cambridge
Ragusa, Jordan M., and Anthony Gaspar. “Where’s the Tea Party? An Examination of the Tea
vol. 69, no. 2, [University of Utah, Sage Publications, Inc.], 2016, pp. 361–72,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/44018016.
Skelley, Geoffrey. “Few Americans Who Identify as Independent Are Actually Independent.
https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/few-americans-who-identify-as-independent-are-
actually-independent-thats-really-bad-for-politics/.
Zeskind, Leonard. “A Nation Dispossessed: The Tea Party Movement and Race.” Critical