MODULE TITLE: DISSERTATION

TITLE OF PROJECT
A Critical Analysis of the History of Irish Education During the
Period Called the ‘Penal Times,’ Beginning with The Education
Act in 1695 Until Catholic Emancipation in 1829, With a
Particular Emphasis on The Hedge School System.

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G00362102
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Bachelor of Science (Hons) in Education
(Design Graphics and Construction)
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Student Number: G00362102
Programme: BSc. (Hons) in Education (Design Graphics and
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Module: Dissertation
Lecturer: Pauline Logue
Assignment Title: Dissertation
Submission Date: 25th April 2022

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Repeat the title of your article here

A Critical Analysis of the History of Irish Education During the Period

Called the ‘Penal Times,’ Beginning with The Education Act in 1695 Until
Catholic Emancipation in 1829, With a Particular Emphasis on The Hedge
School System.

Abstract
Catholic education constitutes the oldest tradition within Christian schooling. It is also a
tradition that has been contested during various periods, particularly following the
Protestant Reformation. In the context of Irish education, learning has been a central part
of culture and society, dating back before the arrival of Christianity, when Ireland became
‘The land of Saints and Scholars.’ The primary aim of this paper is to investigate the
clandestine hedge schools which were formed as a direct result of the removal of Catholic
rights during the period called the ‘Penal times,’ where there was a concerted effort to
dismantle the Gaelic order and their means to self-determination. There is a particular
emphasis on the removal of rights to Catholic education, beginning with the Education
Act in 1695 and an investigation on how the hedge schools were able to survive for over
150 years with no political or financial support and with no official status. The
significance of this research is to enhance an understanding of the history of Catholic
education in the Irish context and to inform and give context to the major questions which
are now being asked about the purpose of Catholic education and patronage of schools in
21st century Ireland. From a research methodology perspective, this is a literature analysis
study. The main finding of this study is that while it is not possible to trace the exact
reason the illegal hedge school system was able to survive through much persecution, it
is evident that the Irish Catholic identity of both schoolmasters and parents played a
decisive part in sustaining Catholic education at this period. One recommendation
arriving out of this study is a follow up study on the importance of knowledge and
understanding of one’s history, culture, and national identity as major factors, if not the
most fundamental influences on the argument for Catholic education.

Keywords: Catholic education, Penal Laws, Education Act 1695, Hedge Schools
Section 1. Introduction
Since the 5th century, Ireland has been known as the land of Saints and Scholars (Coulter,
2014). This recognition can be accredited to influential and passionate Saints such as St.
Patrick, St. Bridget, St. Brendan, and St. Colmcille, as well as the intellectual and learned
scholars emanating from the monasteries of Ireland, who were renowned for the crafting
of illuminated manuscripts such as the Book of Kells. It has been argued that Ireland’s
long history of respect and regard for education and spirituality, has been most notably
reflected in the great monastic schools which served as ‘lights of the north’ during
Europe’s dark ages after the collapse of the Roman empire (Coolahan, 1981; Hanson,
1927). Another school system that is often regarded as influential and prominent in
Ireland’s educational history is the Bardic school system, which helped to preserve and
transmit much of the cultural heritage of the people through storytelling, songs, and
poems (Coolahan, 1981). However, one of the most significant, yet relatively unlauded
and unrecognised, school systems in Irish history is that of the Irish Hedge Schools.

It was not the demise of the Bardic School system that brought the Hedge Schools into
being. Hedge Schools owed their origin to the suppression of all the ordinary legitimate
means of education during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, where the British
state sought to dominate the Catholic Irish through enforcing Protestantism by means of
a series of Penal Laws aimed at the abolition of all Irish Catholics’ rights to property,
religion, and education (O’Donoghue & Harford, 2011). Under the Penal Laws, Irish
Catholics could not hold commission in the army, enter a profession, or own a horse worth
more than five pounds, they could not possess weaponry and arms, and could not study
law or medicine. The practice of Catholicism and the public celebration of the Sacraments
was illegal, communication in the Irish language was forbidden and labelled as rebellious
against the powers of Britain (The Penal Laws as cited in English, 2016, p. 21). One could
argue, then, that these laws were not only an attack on the Catholic faith but on Irish
culture and identity itself.

As well as these laws, Catholic priests were banished, Catholic schools were banned, and
Catholics were forced to pay a tithe to upkeep the Anglican church, to name but a few of
the laws that were introduced from 1695 by the British oppressors of Ireland. Although
these laws were severe, it can be argued that the identity and faith of the Irish people,
with huge support from the educators of the era, helped sustain and strengthen the Irish
Catholics to overcome their oppressors. According to O’Donaghue and Harford (2011),
Catholic education constitutes the oldest tradition within Christian schooling.
O’Donaghue and Harford continue to state that it is also a tradition that has been contested
during various periods, particularly following the Protestant Reformation. The Penal
Code of 1695-1828 in Ireland is one of these periods and it could also be reasoned that it
was the most vigorous.

The primary aim of this paper is to explore the clandestine or illegal hedge school system,
which developed because of the Education Act of 1695, where Catholic rights to
education were removed, and how it was able to survive for over 150 years without any
political or financial support and with no official status. The objectives of the paper are:
(1) to explore how education and learning was perceived in Ireland prior to the coming
of Christianity; (2) to investigate the purpose and consequences of the penal code,
specifically the Education Act of 1695; (3) to examine the hedge school system, which
was favourable among Catholic Parents, and how it was able to survive through much
religious persecution. This topic is relevant to Irish Education today as there are yet again
challenges facing Catholic Education in Ireland because of cultural and societal changes
(movements of people across Europe. The research methodology employed is literature
analysis research. This paper begins by setting the scene through an examination of
Ireland’s Bardic School system and how education was perceived and regarded in Ireland
before the introduction of Catholicism and the Monastic School system that it produced.
This provides the context in which the importance of Catholic education and the hedge
school system is situated and discussed. The paper will continue by introducing and
analysing the Penal Code, in which Catholic rights, including the right to education and
religion, were removed by the British and Protestant establishment in Ireland. The
purpose of these laws was to suppress the Irish Catholics with the intention of converting
them to the Protestant faith (Howell, 2016). Included in this analysis is an exploration and
a discussion of the hedge schools, which were formed because of these strict laws, and
their significance in providing essential education for a wide variety of people.
Subsequently, the curriculum in schools and the role of teachers will be considered in the
context of the hedge schools. It is maintained that a consideration of teacher identity is an
important component in a discussion of the development of any school. Therefore, a
discussion on the hedge schoolmasters and their often-criticised identities, is included in
this section. The final section will conclude with findings of how Catholic Education
survived during the Penal Code beginning in 1695 until Catholic Emancipation in 1828.
Highlighted within this is the role of the hedge schools in society at that time. A brief
discussion will be conducted on how these findings may be applied to Catholic educators
today. This will frame the context of a suggestion for a follow-up study on the purpose
and advantage of knowing one’s history and how Catholic Education in 21st century
Ireland can be influenced by the past. Before discussing the Education Act of 1695 and
the hedge school system that developed because of it, it is necessary to explore briefly
the quality of learning and the Christian values and tradition that were, according to
Graham (1925), held in such high esteem by all the Irish classes during the early medieval
ages of 500-800AD. The first section on the Bardic and Monastic schools of Ireland will
facilitate this discussion and refute the idea that Ireland was a barbaric and illiterate nation
before the coming of Christianity.

Section 2. Education and Literacy in Early Medieval Ireland

According to Hanson (1927), Christianity arrived in Ireland around 400AD and with the
commitment and determination of Catholic missionaries, it spread very quickly across
the land. Hanson continues to state that, by the seventh century, there were many
monasteries and convents dotted across the island, and these holy places were not only
sites of prayer and meditation, but also centres of learning and scholastic excellence.
However, according to Graham (1919), there are many passages in the oldest Irish
literature, both secular and religious, which state that the Irish had books before the
introduction of Christianity and that there were schools in Ireland before the earliest
monastic schools were founded, and even before Saint Patrick or Christianity itself,
reached the island. Therefore, it can be reasoned that the native Irish were familiar with
education and learning before the advent of Christianity. Hanson also expresses how St.
Patrick, when he came to Ireland, found that there were already men of learning and
"rhetoricians" here who scoffed at his lack of education (Hanson, 1927). It is evident then
from early texts that there is a long tradition of learning in Ireland and one, subsequently,
upon which Christianity would build considerably.

These men who ‘scoffed at’ St. Patrick’s level of education and often challenged him in
arguments and debate, were known as the druids of Ireland and they were members of
the high-ranking class in the Celtic culture (Bonwick, 1894). Before the introduction of
Christianity, there were three classes of learned men in Ireland, namely, the druids, the
bards, and the brehons. Hanson reasons that it seems probable that these three orders were
the result of a gradual division of labour, the bards being first distinguished from the
druids, and later the brehons from the bards (Hanson, 1927). At that point, it could be
argued that the druids, being the learned men of Ireland who passed on their knowledge,
could be considered the first known teachers of Ireland. They were religious leaders of
pagan beliefs as well as legal authorities, adjudicators, lore keepers, medical professionals
and political advisors (O’Connell, 2011). They were masters of grammar, law,
philosophy, history, geography, genealogy, myths and the near-forgotten older Irish of
the poet class (Clark, 2010), in other words they were highly educated men with a passion
for all their endeavours.

However, while it is obvious that the celts, or the native Irish, were highly educated, the
learning which took place was that of the oral tradition (Siodhacháin, 2013), which will
be further discussed in the following section on bardic schools. It would be worthwhile
here to include a brief discussion on what literacy is and how it should be perceived or
understood before exploring the learning which took place in bardic schools. One could
be forgiven for assuming that a person who cannot read or write is illiterate, without first
understanding that literation encompasses much more than those skills alone (Cope &
Kalantzis, 2000). This definition of literacy is too simplistic for the cognitive and cultural
considerations of what it means to be literate. Through the lens of the Multiliteracy theory,
however the overarching concept of literacy for both the present and perhaps more
importantly for the past, will help to assess the level of education in medieval Ireland. By
breaking down the cognitive process of creating, internalizing, and restructuring meaning,
the Multiliteracy theory broadens the idea of literacy to include fluency in any semiotic
realm that has a prescribed set of rules, referred to as a grammar (Smith, 2006). Therefore,
various forms of aural and visual culture, for example, can be defined as ‘texts,’ and
‘literacy' can mean a type of fluency in such texts. According to Cope and Kalantzis, the
editors of and contributors to the primary work describing the theory, Multiliteracy is
based on the increasing multiplicity and integration of significant modes of meaning-
making, where the textual is also related to the visual, the audio, the spatial, the
behavioural, et cetera (Cope & Kalantzis, 2000). While a thorough analysis of the
Multiliteracy Theory and its approaches would supplement the section on the native
education and learning in Ireland, for the purpose of this paper it is only briefly discussed
as a guide to the research. Although there are several mentions of books in the
documentation on this period, much of the information regarding the education in Ireland
has been described as taking place through the oral tradition. While ‘Ogham’ is
considered the first written form of Irish, which was inscribed into stones to mark graves
and land borders, indicating that at least some of the celts could certainly have been
literate in terms of reading and writing, now we can consider the literacy of people who
were learned yet unable to read or write. In addition, we can consider a popular literacy
among a race of people who could perhaps not read or write, but who could fluently
interpret oral poems and recite stories and family genealogies in terms of the grammar of
their cultural context.

Section 3. Bardic Schools

The Bardic school system that developed to facilitate this kind of learning became secular
institutions (not influenced or associated with religion), instructing in the native Irish
language, literature, history, and Brehon Law (Dowling, 1935). The bardic schools placed
huge emphasis on literacy skills and students in Bardic schools spent nights at a time
mentally composing poems on any given topic, to be recited at a specific hour for the
approval of their teacher or master (Clark, 2010). It is evident that the curriculum in bardic
schools included memorisation drills, composition exercises and recitations which were
commonplace and proved to produce poets and bards of the highest calibre (Binch, 1961).
While it is not evident that these poems were written, it can be reasoned that the oral
tradition was very effective in this regard. This competence in the use of language and
prose was not unnoticed in society and the Irish poets and bards were highly regarded and
respected because of them. This can be seen in the way in which Irish kings and chiefs
took them into their own clans as advisers whose principal duty was to compose poems
of high praise to promote popular support for their chief (Clark, 2010). This suggests that
the poets would have been very capable and knowledgeable, again signifying that the
level of learning in Ireland was significant and those who were well educated were highly
regarded.

However, the English term ‘poet’ could be misleading in that it suggests a person who
recites poems, in this case to entertain aristocratic households, the Irish term ‘file’ would
better suit these heirs of the druidic tradition, who were much more than writers of poetry.
The poet or file was not only tasked to write poems but could counsel his chief on public
relations and diplomacy issues and serve as his chief's official envoy (Clark, 2010),
suggesting that the chiefs had great confidence in their knowledge and abilities. This idea
is reinforced by the historian Osborn Bergin who states that a leading poet was a professor
of literature and a man of letters who was highly skilled in the use of elegant literary and
belonged to a hereditary class in an aristocratic society, who held an official position
therein by virtue of his training, his learning, and his knowledge of the history and
traditions of his country and his clan (Bergin, 1970). This learning came through
systematic study, the cultivation of the Gaelic language, and the development of a taste
for general literature (Graham, 1919). As well as this, the role of reading and recording
the landscape was also undertaken by the students at the bardic schools, a profession that
was highly regarded as central to the society of the time (Siodhacháin, 2013). This
indicates that there was a broad curriculum in the bardic schools, signifying the
importance of education and how the native Irish were developing their own societal
structures.

In the bardic school, an aspiring poet had to complete twelve years of training to qualify
as a scholar and a trained scholar, known as ‘ollamh’, could versify on any subject on
demand, as well as recite any one of 350 long verse poems and prose tales that he had
learned (Clark, 2010). It is reasonable therefore to suggest that the oral approach to
teaching and learning in the bardic school was very successful and this tradition of oral,
aural, and rote learning is still prevalent in Irish society in the form of poetry and short
stories. In addition, the same kind of aural learning can be seen within Irish traditional
music sessions in Ireland (Waldron, 2009), all of which have arguably become a part of
Irish culture and identity. The Bardic Schools were highly developed and scholarly
institutions which gradually developed to provide what amounted to a university
education up until the middle of the seventeenth century (Graham, 1925). As a result, it
can be argued that the standard of education being attained, and the method of teaching
and learning employed, would instil and encourage in pupils a sense of regard for
education and an appreciation and respect for the Irish culture and identity that it
promoted. It can be stated therefore that Christianity was not the source of education in
Ireland but that there was already a well-developed cultural structure and highly regarded
education system in place in Ireland prior to the coming of Christianity. This refutes the
idea that Ireland was a barbaric and uneducated nation before the arrival of Christianity.
However, while learning was central to the Celtic culture, education was about to take on
a new meaning in Ireland with the arrival of the Catholic faith. The following section on
Monastic Schools will facilitate a discussion on this development.

Section 4. Monastic Schools

Up to this this point, our study has been limited to a discussion of the native Irish culture
and learning which was only slightly influenced from the outside. An attempt is made
here to explore the beginnings of classical learning, which Schlegel claims to have come
mostly if not entirely with the arrival of Christianity (Schlegel, 1957). It is also worth
noting that Ireland occupies the unique position of being the only part of the Celtic world
that was not brought under the sway of Roman arms and influence (Ginex, 2021). The
consequence is that she is one of the very few nations of western Europe whose
civilization was free to develop along native lines (Schlegel, 1957), thus maintaining the
same culture and identity which made her Gaelic and Celtic. In a certain respect, the Irish
monastic schools were unique in that they were neither purely classical schools like those
that flourished in Gaul in the fourth century, nor were they mere theological seminaries
such as existed in certain parts of Britain and the Continent whose sphere of influence lay
outside the island of Ireland (Bitle, 1990). According to Ginex (2021), Irish monasticism,
and thus Monastic Schools, were an ascetically ordered continuance of Irish society
which were the product of both Irish temperament, customs, and conditions, as are
reported to have existed in Ireland in the days of the Druids. The establishment of
monastic centres in Ireland shows how the missionaries adapted to the pre-existing culture
to accommodate and facilitate Irish practices in order to further Christian proselytization.
By the late sixth century what developed was the monastic life, modelled on the
foundations of the ‘tuath’ or ‘clann’ in Celtic culture (Foster, 2016). The survival of tribal
and native customs can also be seen in the monasteries which were directed by an abbot,
who functioned similarly to a king of a ‘tuath’, and the monks learned and studied under
him, similarly to the poets in the bardic schools. While there are many other examples
wherein the same structures of teaching and learning were adopted and developed, a
discussion of this kind is beyond the scope of this paper. However, it is evident from the
documentation that after countless druids and learned leaders of the ancient Gaelic order
were converted and became Christian monks and teachers, they maintained a lot of the
customs and traditions which were held dear while preserving the native traditions.
Furthermore, it should be considered that St. Patrick had already been in Ireland as a slave
and would have been familiar with the culture and customs of the pagan celts and it can
be reasoned that he would have been able to use this knowledge to his advantage to
articulate the Catholic faith in a manner that presented a better option than that of the
pagan practices (Foster, 2016). The result was that Christianity held an open approach to
Irish traditions and customs, which were incorporated into the faith and produced this
new way of Christian living.

The lay schools formed by the Druids in olden times went on as before, where students
of law, history and poetry grouped around the dwelling of a famous teacher, and it was in
such an environment that the passing on of knowledge took place. The monastic schools
in like manner gathered their scholars within a 'rath' or earthen entrenchment, whereupon
they were taught Latin, Canon law and theology (Hanson, 1927). While there is evidence
indicating that the Celts had some familiarity with Latin before the coming of
Christianity, it is widely agreed that the coming of the faith certainly provided the most
extensive if not all the learning of Latin (Stevenson, 1989). The Irish assimilated Latin
quite well, developing their own style of script as well as working with missionaries and
the principles of Latin orthography to develop the written form of the Irish language by
the sixth century (Ó Croínín, 1995). Lay schools and Monastic centres continued to
develop side by side, as co-heirs and advocates of the national Gaelic tradition and
language, one devoting itself to studies of a more secular nature while the other focussed
primarily on the spiritual (Clark, 2010). While this suggests that were two very different
kinds or approaches to education at play, it is well documented that education was central
and highly regarded in both the bardic schools and in the monastic schools. The bardic
schools took a secular approach to learning which was reflected in the teaching of pagan
customs, while the monastic schools had a spiritual focus, which was very much in line
with the Gospel message. However, while these institutions may appear separate and as
having opposing beliefs or values, there are many examples of centres for learning, both
secular and ecclesiastical, that merged the studies of the druids who were known as the
‘Aos Dána’ or the ‘people of the arts,’ with that of Latin learning of the monks (Foster,
2016). Such an institution was established by St. Colmcille, where instead of being
disbanded after the Christian missions introduced a new religious system, the poets of the
old order adapted both themselves and the oral literature they retained to Christianity
(Smith, 2006). It can be reasoned then that the environments created in these schools of
learning were centred on cultivating knowledge, not only of Scripture but also of pre-
Christian Irish history and culture. It has therefore been established that the monastic
schools which developed with the coming of Christianity and which thrived in Ireland,
were able to foster the learning of scripture, and the native culture of the old Celtic order
and synthesis into what became the first form of Catholic education in Ireland. However,
while this highly influential Catholic Education flourished in Ireland for many years, they
were about to undergo great trials with the introduction of the Penal Code or Penal Laws,
particularly that of the Education Act 1695. The following section will provide a brief
background on the origin and the purpose of the Irish penal laws, giving context to the
circumstances from which the hedge school system emerged.

Section 5. The Penal Code

Before a discussion is carried out on the Penal Code, and the Education Act therein, it is
necessary to briefly explore the political and social circumstances in Ireland at that period.
In 1690, the Catholic King, James II, was defeated by William, Prince of Orange in the
Battle of the Boyne. In Ireland, this defeat marked the end of political independence and
a submission of the whole country to an entirely Protestant parliament in Dublin
(O’Connell, 2011). This defeat foreshadowed the introduction of “laws against popery”,
which were collectively known as the ‘Penal Laws’. These represented a collection of
laws with a religious bias against Roman Catholics, but also to a lesser extent, against all
who were not members of the Church of Ireland, including Presbyterians (Clarke, 2010).
For the purposes of this paper, the focus will primarily be on the conditions enforced upon
Irish Catholics. Among the first of the penal laws to be enacted were those against
Catholic education. The 1695 Act to Restrain Foreign Education, also known as ‘The
Education Act,’ contained provisions designed to prevent Irish youths going abroad to be
trained up in any priory, abbey, nunnery, popish university, college, school or house of
Jesuits or priests (Burn, 1824). The intention of this legislation was very clearly to put to
an end to the last hope for Catholics to be educated through going abroad, and its drafting
reflected the fact that around that time several colleges for Irish Catholic students had
already been established throughout Europe, in countries that were perceived as being
hostile to England (O’Connell, 2011). Those found in violation of the law would have to
forfeit all their property and, to reinforce and expediate this, an attractive reward of £200
was available to informers (Clarke, 2010). Here it could be reasoned that the Laws
themselves were not enough to restrain the Irish Catholics to surrender their rights to
education, indicating their passion for learning and for their native traditions. The Penal
Code, however, was not just a method of usurping the rights of Catholics, it was an
attempt to eradicate all trace of culture, including the native Gaelic language, personality,
ways of thinking, mannerisms, and beliefs (Overton, 2019). In other words, one could
argue that it was intended to eradicate the identity of the Irish Catholic. The
overwhelming negative impact of this system was reiterated by Edmund Burke, the
famous Irish orator, who described the Penal Laws as a machine of wise and elaborate
contrivance, as well fitted for the oppression, impoverishment and degradation of a
people, and the debasement in them of human nature itself, as ever proceeded from the
perverted ingenuity of man (Costello & Howlin, 2021). Another aspect worth noting was
that many incentives were offered to promote conversions to the Protestant faith.
According to Howell (2016), a Catholic eldest son was allowed full inheritance rights if
he changed his religion and younger sons, upon conversion, could claim a portion of an
estate (Howell, 2016). Therefore, the land which was not taken from Catholics during the
plantation, became a tool used to bribe the Irish Catholics to convert to Protestantism, in
what could be argued as an attempt to destabilise them in a time where land ownership
served as a symbol for social, economic, and political power (O’Connell, 2011). This land
ownership according to English, represented security and community, and was a crucial
factor in the establishment of Irish identity (Howell, 2016). While one could argue then,
that the Penal laws effected all aspects of Catholic life and culture, and in fact as Overton
(2019) claims, held many similarities to the Nuremberg Laws and other radical and
dehumanising Laws enforced in Nazi Germany (Overton, 2019), for the purpose of this
dissertation, the focus is specifically on the educational and religious effects it had on the
Irish people. Having explored the political and societal background of the period, the
following section on hedge schools will explore the origin and formation of the prohibited
school system which developed because of these laws.

Section 6. Hedge Schools

Before exploring the hedge schools and their origin, it is important to note that at this
period schools did exist. However as O ’Hegarty (1952) notes, they were all Protestant
schools, and were all, to a greater or lesser degree, established with the objective of
converting Catholic children to Protestantism (O’Hegarty, 1952). It could, therefore, be
considered that the education of Irish children in these schools was primarily an element
in the process of cultural colonialism, and as a result, Irish Catholics did not avail of them
to any large extent (Clarke, 2010). Because of this it could be reasoned then that most of
the Catholic population were not being educated in any formal manner. As the Penal Laws
forbade Catholics from participating in an educational system appropriate to them, the
development of hedge schools was an inevitable and understandable response in a quest
to illegally educate young Catholics (Ó hÓgartaigh, 2006). This was the people’s
response to the threat to their culture and identity, a response that gained momentum until
the end of the long eighteenth century, when there were an estimated 9,000 such schools
throughout the country and attended by 400,000 scholars (Lyons, 2016). The schools, as
their name suggests, were open air ‘academies,’ which in the early days met in a well-
guarded and secret place, often on ‘the sunny side of a hedge,’ a sheltered field, a shed,
or in remote and mountainous districts where danger of detection was least likely to be
incurred (Johnston, 1969). Not only were these locations isolated because Catholic
education was forbidden, it could be reasoned also that these locations were also chosen
for the simple reason that instruction might be carried on without serious or prolonged
interruption. PJ Dowling in his book ‘The Hedge Schools of Ireland,’ also states that the
hedge schools rendered possible a kind of a guerrilla warfare in education by their facility
to disband and regather somewhere else, when found by the authorities (Dowling, 1935).
This indicates that it was a familiar occurrence, again signifying that they were aware of
the consequences of pursuing this form of illegal education. It was the English writer
Arthur Young who noted during his travels in Ireland that ‘many a ditch was full of
scholars’ (Anderson, 2016). This suggests that contrary to what some writers suggest that
the ‘peasants’ of hedge schools were taught by unlearned men desperate for food and
shelter alone, that these teachers were in fact highly educated men, many of whom had
been trained in a tradition derived from the bardic and monastic institutions which were
held in such high regard for many generations. (This standard of teaching and of
schoolmasters’ abilities to teach is further examined in section 7. Schoolmasters). It is
well documented by Johnstown (1969) in his book ‘The hedge schools of Tyrone and
Monaghan,’ that both Tyrone and Monaghan played a major part in the overall
development of the hedge school system and that Tyrone like Kerry (Johnston, 1969),
which is widely considered the most advanced district in learning at this period, earned
itself a reputation for producing classical scholars. Johnstown continues to highlight this
point by stating that the Rev. Dr McIvor in his Memorial to the Commissioners of
National Education in 1867, vouched for this reputation somewhat insistently when he
stated that Tyrone has been called the Northern Kerry, but that Kerry may well have been
the Southern Tyrone (Johnston, 1969). While there is much evidence to argue either way,
it is apparent from the literature that the learning of the hedge schools was widespread
and that even the most isolated areas availed of the clandestine system. One such example
can be seen in Dowling’s book ‘The hedge schools of Ireland,’ were it is stated how Rev
Alexander Ross writing from Dungiven in county Derry in 1814, recounts that even in
the wildest districts, it is not unusual to meet with good classical scholars, and how there
are several young mountaineers of the writer’s acquaintance, whose knowledge and taste
in the Latin poets might put to the blush many who have all the advantages of established
schools and regular instruction (Dowling, 1935). It is therefore evident that there was a
high standard of learning attained in the schools throughout the country. One of the best
discriptions on the nature of hedge schools of the early nineteenth century, as pointed out
by Johnstown, however, has been written by William Carleton the novelist. Carleton
writing of his native Clogher Valley in county Tyrone, painted a picture that was, as
Johnston clarifies, by no means fabricated as Carleton himself had been educated there at
a succession of hedge schools. He describes Pat Frayne's school as:

“…a sod house scooped out of the bank on the roadside, and in the course of a
month it was filled with upwards of a hundred scholars, most of them males, but
a good number of them females. Every winter’s day each (scholar) brought two
sods of turf for the fire, which was kept burning in the centre of the school: there
was a hole in the roof that discharged the functions of a chimney. Around this fire,
especially during cold and severe weather, the boys were entitled to sit in a circle
by turns . . . The seats about the fire were round stones. (Carleton, 1834, p. 19)”

Although Carlton may be utilising his novelistic flare in his description, the popularity of
this type of strangely romantic education is reflected in the characteristic crowding of the
schools which is reported by many other writers. While this suggests that though there
may be a certain bias towards the depiction of the schools by Irish writers, there is clear
evidence supporting what sometimes seems to be the romantic educational ideal. Having
therefore establishing the nature of the hedge schools, one must examine the curriculum
of the school to form a well-rounded understanding of it as an education system. An
overview and discussion of the subjects and examples of textbooks used will be given in
the next section to form a better understanding of the education provided therein.

Section 7. Hedge School Curriculum

Having briefly considered the origin and purpose of the hedge schools and the removal
of basic human rights from which they developed; it is important to include an exploration
of the curriculum of the hedge schools. According to Lyons (2016), hedge schools unlike
some of the other systems of education available at the time, had a great breadth of
curriculum. Johnston also states that they pursued no specific scheme of study, however,
but simply offered as broad an education as possible based on the master's own
knowledge, which itself was very broad and interesting from one master to the next
(Johnston, 1969). This indicates that much of the learning and thus the curriculum
depended on the knowledge and beliefs of the schoolmasters themselves. (This will be
addressed in section 7. Schoolmasters). Carleton (1834) in his book ‘The Hedge School:
Traits and Stories of the Irish Peasantry,’ recalls how he was taught ‘Cough's Arithmetic’
by Frayne, book-keeping by O'Brien, Virgil by Charles McGoldrick and, jigs, reels and
hornpipes by Buckramback at his dancing school at Kilnahushogue. This indicates some
of the subjects taught, which were more often than not, taught in the vernacular in the
earlier stages before English became the language of ‘fair and market’ (Lyons, 2016). It
is also evident from the literature that Latin and Greek formed an important part of the
hedge school curriculum (McManus, 2000). However, while the study of Latin and Greek
would have included the study of Scripture and the Catechism, it is worthwhile noting
that the teaching of the classics was undertaken not only for religious or educational
purposes alone but to further the practical needs of students who wished to gain entry into
professions, the army, a trade, or a service on the continent (Raftery & Fischer, 2014), as
well as the simple fact that there was a lack of other books available to Catholics. This
however, did not meet with the approval of Sir Robert Peel who, as Home Secretary,
(1822–27) expressed the view in the House of Commons in 1826, that he didn’t wish to
see children educated like the ‘young peasants of Kerry’ who ‘run about in rags with a
Cicero or a Virgil under their arms (O’Connell, 2011). This indicates the hostility the
English government at this period and how the classical learning in the native schools
was perceived. This was, after all, an age which promoted the utilitarian philosophy of
Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832), which emphasised useful learning as opposed to what Sir
Robert Peel considered a decadent and meaningless education. This idea is refuted
however in Johnston’s account of Carleton who recalls advancing in the classics, and
having gotten as far as Ovid's 'Metamorphoses', was charmed more than by any book he
had then ever read (Johnston, 1969)

While it can be seen that the hedge school entailed classical learning and other content
which was not necessarily Christian, an important insight to the religious teaching can be
seen in the Report of the Commissioners of Education (1825), where it lists ninety-two
books under the heading Religious Works and Tracts as well as eleven Roman Catholic
catechisms, four of which were in Irish (Raftery & Fischer, 2014). However, although
there are strong traces of Catholic teaching within the hedge schools, it must be
remembered that the Penal Laws had a religious bias against all who were not members
of the Church of Ireland, not only Roman Catholics. Uniquely for the period therefore,
the hedge schools at times provided a non-denominational education, which was a
remarkable achievement due to the hostile sectarian climate which prevailed at the time
(McManus, 2000). This would suggest then that whether the schools were Catholic or
not, that religious differences were set aside to achieve optimal learning opportunities.

While much of the education in the hedge schools was not primarily Catholic, the
influence of the Catholic schoolmasters and the clergy is very evident. Because the
Catholic clergy and the influential educators who derived from the scholastic and
distinguished monastic system were generally suppressed and specifically banned from
teaching, and were permanently being hunted by the authorities, the role of teaching was
left to laymen who were called hedge schoolmasters (Fernández-Suárez, 2006). However,
it is documented by O’ Connell (2011) that the education of the faith was still central to
student learning and although Bishops and most of the Catholic clergy were officially
outlawed or in some cases executed, most hedge schoolmasters were Catholic and worked
hand-in-hand with the parish priest to teach catechism to their students (O’Connell, 2011).
The work of education was, therefore, left primarily to the lay schoolmaster who was
daring enough to risk his liberty in order to teach (Johnston, 1969). This suggests that the
identity of Irish Catholic schoolmasters impelled them to suffer persecution on account
of their beliefs and customs by refusing to accept the imposed Protestant faith and the
freedom from persecution that it offered; they were willing to risk their lives for the cause
of education and the Catholic faith which was arguably the primary motivation of their
actions. While the majority, if not all the writers, assert that the education and the broad
collection of topics taught in the hedge schools were favourable, further investigation
exposes some negative commentary on this area. One example can be found in Johnston’s
book ‘Hedge Schools of Tyrone and Monaghan’ which when describing the continuity of
learning stated that the schools were fully attended in Summer, half empty in Spring and
harvest time; and from the cold and damp utterly deserted in Winter; so that the children,
who periodically resorted to them for instruction, usually forget in one part of the year
what they have learned in the other (Johnston, 1969). While this contradicts what most
writers maintain that the home and farm work was done during the day and instruction
given in the evenings between six and eleven o’clock, it does raise the question of weather
or not the attendance or management of pupil learning was regulated or tracked. While
this is hard to gauge without any literature to support either claim, perhaps an
understanding of the intentions of schoolmasters’ teaching and thus student learning, may
be sufficient. Having briefly assessed the curriculum and character of the schools, it is
important to form an understanding of the teachers themselves as these have an
unparalleled effect on the school they teach in and the atmosphere they create for students
(Brookfield, 2017). The following section on schoolmasters is an attempt to create a
picture of who they were and how they were perceived, as well as what motivated them
to teach.

Section 8. Schoolmasters
Having considered the culture of the hedge schools, it is important to explore the character
of the main protagonists within this education system, namely the masters themselves and
their conditions of employment. Such an exploration would necessarily include details
of their traits, qualifications, and customs as well as their relationship with the students,
the parents and other influential bodies or authorities within the area, for example the
Parish Priest. Here an attempt is made to consider the motivating factors of the
schoolmaster’s willingness to put himself at risk for the sake of educating the children of
his own people. This idea of the schoolmasters being of one with the peasantry whom
they educated is well documented by the authors of this area. According to McManus
(2000), not only did the people regard the masters as one of their own, they even conferred
honorary titles on them in recognition of their scholarly achievements. Some of those
recorded are for instance the classical scholar Donnchadh an Chorráin O’Mahony who
was ’The Star of Ennistymon’, while Carleton’s book-keeping teacher was referred to as
’The Great O’Brien Par Excellence’ (Carleton, 1834). There are also traces of the Bardic
tradition being alive within hedge schools with the poetic hedge schoolmasters who
entertained the people, such as Eoghan Rua Ó Súilleabháin being named ’Eoghan an
Bhéil Bhinn’ or ‘Eoghan of the Sweet Mouth,’ while Seán Ó Coileáin was named
nicknamed ’The Silver Tongue of Munster’ (McManus, 2000). However, while there are
many accounts of this kind of romanticised relationship between teacher and parents, it
is important to consider that most writers on this topic such as P.J Dowling seem to be
partisan in their outlook and they view the hedge schoolmasters as beyond reproach. This
is not the case however at there are reports, as McManus points out, of known
involvement of several high-profile hedge schoolmasters in agrarian and sectarian
movements such as the Whiteboys, the Defenders, the Society of United Irishmen and,
later, the Ribbonmen (McManus, 2000). While these groups were perceived by the
Protestant establishment as enemies and the schoolmasters in them as subversives, the
native people did not seem to agree. This can be seen Carleton’s account where he states
that parents went to the most extraordinary lengths to ensure that their children received
this education by taking the unusual step of kidnapping hedge schoolmasters (Carleton,
1834). This suggest that while the schoolmasters may have been flawed and at times lived
a life conflicting to the values which today’s ‘Code of Professional Conduct for Teachers’
would expect of a modern-day educator, it could be argued that the nationalist beliefs and
identities were precisely what made hedge schoolmasters acceptable as mentors and
tutors to the vast majority of the school going population at this period. Therefore, the
schoolmasters held a very important position within society, as Clarke (2010) claims to
be the sole educator of the native. However, the teaching of religion was not left to the
master alone, the priest having final responsibility, but both parent and priest entrusted
the children’s spiritual welfare to the teacher (Lyons, 2016). It can therefore be reasoned
that the priest would have either appointed the teacher himself or approved of his
appointment to this position of ‘loco parentis.’ While there was a deeply held conviction
by some political leaders, contemporary writers, and evangelical educators that the poor
should not be educated above their station in life, this was one that was not shared by
hedge schoolmasters (Johnston, 1969). The schoolmasters similarly to the educators of
the monastic schools, not only taught the aristocracy like the bardic schools, but also
welcomed people from all classes of society, including the peasantry (O’Connell, 2011).
This was an essential element of the school system as the masters often depended on the
hospitality of local families for food and shelter and earned extra income by working on
farms or giving private tuition to the children of the house they were staying in. (Clarke,
2010). Thus, it was inevitable that the financial situation of these hedge schoolmasters
was precarious, to say the least, signifying that there was much more motivating them to
teach than the little they received financially.

There is also evidence that the schoolmasters partook of what one could argue to be a
primitive form of continual professional development (CPD). The schoolmasters
provided their own teacher training as ‘Poor Scholars’ or student teachers underwent a
long and arduous training under hedge schoolmasters of repute (Dowling, 1935). This
century-old tradition involved the issuing of a challenge by the Poor Scholar to his
teacher, which was according to Raftery and Fischer (2014), generally contained in rhyme
and posted upon the chapel-door. It could be stated here that this practice was reflective
of the bardic tradition of speaking in rhyme and poem, indicating the continuation of the
practice. If the student was defeated, he continued in his local hedge school, but if he
succeeded, he would seek out a more learned teacher to challenge his scholarly capacity
and this undertaking according Raftery and Fischer (2014), to took over two years, before
the poor scholar finally settled in his profession. It is evident therefore that the poor
scholar was required to undertake much training before becoming a schoolmaster.
Furthermore, the hedge schools were the only preparatory schools available to young men
intended for the priesthood, who wished to enter the Irish Colleges in Salamanca and
Louvain up until the year 1793 (McManus, 2000). In addition to this it is well documented
that students from all over Ireland attended these colleges and that the entry requirement
was at university level. It can be maintained therefore that that native hedge schools which
catered for all classes and all age groups, were very much the making of the schoolmasters
themselves and Irish tradition and identity which they courageously fought to preserve.

Section 9. Conclusion and Recommendations

The primary aim of this paper has been to investigate the clandestine hedge schools which
were formed as a direct result of the removal of Catholic rights during the period called
the ‘Penal times,’ where there was a concerted effort to dismantle the Gaelic order and
their means to self-determination. The first objective of this paper was to explore how
education and learning was perceived in Ireland prior to the coming of Christianity. The
paper began with an overview of the state of education and learning in Ireland before the
advent of Christianity and found that the celts were a very well-educated people with a
social structure and a highly regarded education system called the Bardic school system.
The Bardic schools were aimed at the native aristocracy and learning was carried out in
the oral and aural tradition in the form of stories, poems and recitation of family
genealogy and history. It was established that through the multiliteracy theory that the
celts were therefore learned people with a good grasp of literacy before the coming of
Christianity. The paper explored how the arrival of the faith in Ireland brought a new
understanding of reading and writing and the Latin language which inform and helped
develop the written Irish language. While most or the old Celtic order of poets or ‘filí’
converted and enhanced the learning in the Monastic schools, some continued to study in
the bardic tradition, with survived side by side for some time.

The second objective of this paper was to investigate the purpose and consequences of
the penal code, specifically the Education Act of 1695. It was evident that the intention
of this legislation was to end the last hope for Catholics to be educated abroad, and its
drafting reflected the fact that around that time several colleges for Irish Catholic students
had already been established throughout Europe, in countries that were perceived as being
hostile to England. The Penal Code, however, was not just a method of usurping the rights
of Catholics, it was an attempt to eradicate all trace of culture, including the native Gaelic
language, personality, ways of thinking, mannerisms, and beliefs. In other words, one
could argue that it was intended to eradicate the identity of the Irish Catholic.

The final objective of this paper was to examine the hedge school system which was
favourable among Catholic Parents and how it was able to survive through much religious
persecution. While it is not possible, in this paper, to do justice to the religious zeal of the
Irish Catholics during this period, it is well documented that the faith in Ireland was a
central stimulus and a driving force behind the survival of Catholic education in the
country. On the one hand, the Catholics in Ireland demonstrated not only could they retain
a firm loyalty to the learning tradition of the country and to the religious practice of the
Mass, but also that despite the persecution they underwent, they could create an
underground, alternative educational and ecclesiastical structure which functioned
effectively throughout the country. While there are many factors at play in the sustainence
of Catholic education at this time, the real credit must be given to the people themselves,
who inspired by their knowledge and pride of national identity and culture, were
determined to have their children educated. Initially, it is important to stress the role of
hedge schools in the educational and cultural fabric of Irish society at that time. The hedge
schools dominated Irish education for over 150 years due mainly to the democratic
principles upon which they were founded. They fulfilled the needs of society on several
levels and although this study focused mainly on the education of Irish Catholics, the
native schools ensured that children of all denominations were educated, and evidently to
a very high standard. They exposed children to broad range of reading books, including
many classics such as Latin and Greek books, which broke away from convention. This
included introducing them to works of fantasy and fairy lore, as well as rebellions and
books which promoted national identity and history. The schoolmasters were of the
people and for the people and as a result were very well regarded by all classes of
Catholics. They raised the morale of the people with their unique and personal identities,
who in turn rewarded them with their respect and regard.

Teacher professional identity stands at the core of the teaching profession. It

provides a framework for teachers to construct their own ideas of who they are, how they
act, and they understand their work and their place in society. The identities of hedge
schoolmasters have played a vital role in the preservation of Catholic education and of
old traditions and customs from the early education systems of the Bardic and Monastic
schools, which traces of are still visible in Ireland today. While the penal laws arguably
aimed at eliminating Irish Catholic identity and culture, the effect on the great majority
of the Catholic Irish seems to have been the promotion of resistance and a strengthening
of loyalty to their ancestral roots. In terms of Irish education today, there are yet again
questions being asked about Catholic education and the role of Catholic patronage in
schools. While this study does not specifically address this issue, the findings suggest that
Irish Catholic identity has been an essential component if not the central component to
Irish education since the 5th century and is therefore, deserving of serious consideration
in the conversation around school patronage. In addition to this, the hedge school system
proved the ability of what was arguably an alternative Catholic education system to
accommodate quite sufficiently, members of other religions, in a time where sectarianism
was widespread. While this study was restricted by word count and timescale, a follow
up study on the importance of Catholic educators’ understanding of their own history and
identity in 21st century Ireland, is suggested to inform and inspire educators, especially
those of Catholic tradition, to embrace and uphold their identity.

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