9 Positive Traits

CHAPTER OUTLINE
Whar Makes a Trait Positive?
Pesonalitv, Emotions, and Biology
PstiN and Negative Afte tivity
Cnets and Iappiness
Five
l'ersonalhty and Happiness The Big
Effect
TCasing Out Cause and
*.tstydI L U t i d l i O i C WeIl-BCing

Motives
Neurobology and Approach/Avoidance
ienetics and Change
Positive Belicfs
The World Through Happy
and Unhappy Eyes
Self-Esteem
Self-Esteem and Happiness
You Need?
is Self-Esteem All
of Self-Esteem
The Darker Side
Personal Control

Optimisnm
Dispositional Optimism
Optimism as Explanatory Style
How Optimism Works
Pessimism
Varieties of Optimism and
Unresolved Issues in the Study of Optimism
Focus on Research and Theory:
Positive Illusions

differences that
have examined a wide array of individual
ositive psychologists others. A major reason
healthier and happier than

P help explain
for the
why
prominence
some people are

lives a c c o u n t for a relatively

of trait explanations is
that the objective features
smaller percentage of the variability
life events, income, age, gender,
of pennle's
in individual well-being.
and education do not tell
As we saw in Chapters 5 and 6, Differences in personal
level of happiness and life satisfaction
us much about a person's A recent arti-
are strongly related
to differences in well-being.
on the other hand, with
qualities, be associated
that 50% of people's long-term level of happiness may
cle suggests (Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, &
aspects of temperament and personalityl
genetically-influenced
Schkade, 2005)

176
 Chapter 9 Positive Traits 177

assortment of individ-
effects in another. Many individual characteristics
Positive traits include an for example, would
emotions, necessary for success at work,
characteristics related to personality, the of one's family life (eg.
ual
Each of these terms likely reduce quality
beliefs, and self-conceptions. competitiveness).
individual disposition
refers to a relatively enduring of think- Developing clear guidelines
for the positive/
characteristic way
describes a person's item on positive
that
variety of situations. negative distinction is one important
feeling, and acting across a
In the meantime, we can
ing, psychology's future agenda.
Most traits that
influence well-being show significant useel by
general standarcds
describe four interelated
time, which is the primary basis for assess positive
and negative
stability over
well-being researchers to
their designation
as traits. Many personality traits, hedonic oonception
of

are very stable

a c r o s s the life span qualities First, following the
for example, (SWB) researcher
(McCrae & Costa, 1990 well-being. subjective well-being
especially after age 30 examine whether a particular individual characternst
Terracciano, Costa, &
Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000; enhances or person's level of happiness
diminishes a
McCrae, 2006). Given the three components of
SWB, a positive qu.al
Traits are internal dispositions that color how enolOns,
the experience of pXositive
the world. Traius 1nfluence the
increase
ity may ile stistac
we see and interpret or i n c r e s e
decrease regative emolions,
events, the choices we
meanings we give to life most c o m m o n
bINIS TOr
the actions we take. tion. Etfects on SWB are the
make, the goals we select, and
Diener (1984) called "top delini uuut ***)
They represent what the ones most frequently used in positive psychology
down" influences on well-being.
That is, our inner
influ research
dispositions (top) exert stable and pervasive
(down) that Seçond, the eudaimonic view of
well-eing
lives
many aspects of evaluat
our
ences on
related. vet distinctive basis for
provides a

affect our health and happiness. Although

concep- and
Eudaimonic research
them, many ing positive qualities.
tual distinctiona can be drawn among focus on emotionalhealth. positive social
characteristics are interconnected
and theory in lile,
individual finding meaning and purpose
relationship,
share overlapping meanings For example, personal Positive qual-
and efteTIve oping and adaptation.
viewed as intimately connected toster
ity traits have been tics are those that
enhance mental health,
1991; Watson.
with emotions (eg., McCrae & Costa,
to
high-quality relations with others, and contribute
beliefs about the self From this
2002) and with generalized success in meeting lite's many
challenges.
use the generic
(Robinson & Clore, 2002). We will happiness is not a central or exclusive

all the diverse individual perspetne,

term "traits" to refer to Happiness
ritenon evaluating a trait as positive.
for
characteristics found to influence well-being increased eudaimonic well
may be rnhanced by
(as discussed in Chapter
2); however, many
being not increcase
WHAT MAKES A TRAIT POSITIVE? that enhance our health may
qualities
the courage to do the
behavior and the diver personal happiness Having
The complexities of human hard things in life, l1ke telling your
kids "no," con-
to distin-
evaluative standards make it difficult and breaking off
sity of fronting interpersonal
conflicts,
guish berween positive and negative characteristics.
first to admit bad relationships, are good
for our own and others'
the
Positive psychologists would be emotional health, but may
reduce our enjoyment of
to these difficulties (see Aspinwall
& Staudinger,
life, at least in the short term.
developmental
2003). Cogtext, cultural differences, have focused o n the
researchers
ànd the interrelation of positive and nega- Third,many
changes, that con physicat health advantages and disadvantages of
tive qualities among the many things
are various psychological traits. Physical health meas-
clear distinctions.
found attempts to establish as in the Nun Study (see
ures may include longevity,
to find. Posttraumatic growth
Examples are easy Chapter 1), level of risk for serious disease (e.g.,
(discussed in Chapter 4) shows how aignificant pos-
hean disease), physical illness symptoms, speed of
itive lessons can result from negative experiences.
recovery from illness or medical treatment (e g., sur-
Chapter 7 that "giving up" personal
a
We saw in gery), levels of stress, and the effectiveness of an
can be a pos-
aspiration, though widely stigmatized, individual's health-maintenance practices
the futile
itive adaptation beca use it may prevent
traits may have In Chapter 10, we will review research related
pursuit of unattainable goals. Some to a fourth criterion tor defining a positive trait
undesirable
desirable effects in one situation but
 8
Chapter 9 Positive Traits
A 299). Meehl pro
large-scale "cerebraljoy-juice" (Meehl, 1975, p.
dCross time andinvestiga
of virtuous behavior is a stable personality
culture has posed that hedonic capacity
raits from moral point provided
a
o taxonomy genetic in origin.
He also
a
of view (Peterson aspect that is largely tied to the
egman, 2004) Certain human qualities appear c
is strongly
believed that hedonic capacity
of extraversion. Being uutgoing
and
universally regarded as positive, not betaus personality trail
together with the
experience of posi.
ney make people happy healthy, but because
or
sociable goes
Meehl argued that a person's
y represent morally virtuous behavior and tive emotions. Finally,
independent and
emotions was
rength of character, as defined by religion and cul- capacity for positive for negative emo.
ure. Examples of traits defining people of good distinct from a similar capacity
differences in people's hedo
tions. In other words,
caracer include modesty, humility, kindness, for all possible
combinations of
gveness, bravery, and integrity. These qualities are nic capacity include characteristi-
A person might
positively valued because they reflect people s emotional experiences.
emotions and many
positive
understanding of morality, good conduct, and goo cally experience many
few of either, or more of one
character. Character negative emotions,
strengths may increase e our
Satistaction and make life more meaningtul ana than the other
healthy. However, virtuous behavior is also posi
ively regarded in its own right because of its con Positive and Negative Affectivity
nection to religious and secular mores. observations
Research has suppoted
Meehl's early
Our review of positive traits in this chapter will
individual differences in emotional capac-
locus on the first three criteria. We will examine dif- conceming
his colleagues has
Watson and
Terences in personality and address two questions. ity. Research by
shown that positive and negative
affect are, in fact,
wbat traits are associated with differences in
First, two independent dimensions
of people's long-term
well-being? (More specifically, what constellation of
emotional experience (Watson, 2002; Watson & Clark,
personality traits and beliefs predicts a happy and
emotionally and physically healthy person?) Second, 1992. Watson & Walker. 1996). The PANAS scale
described in Chapter 2, was developed to provide a
and more important, bow does a particular trait of emotional experience (Watson,
influence well-being? Individual characteristics Simple measure

describe differences among people, but they do not Clark,& Tellegen, 1988). Respondents rate the extent
necessarily explain why these dafferences exist to which they experience a number of positive (e.8
Finding that optimists are happier than pess1mists proud, excited) and negative feelings (e.g., distress,
does not tell us why or how optimism influences guilt) Separate scores are calculated for positive and
well-being. Answers to the "why" and "how ues negative emotions.The independence of positive and
tions require more detailed research investigat1ng negative affect means that people can score high or

the thinking and actions of optimists compared to
pessimists. Currently, we know more about ubat
traits are related to well-being than we do about
bow they exert their influence. Fonunately, a grow
ing body of recent research is directed at investugat-
ing the specific mechanisms through which traits
affect well-being.
PERSONALITY, EMoTIONS,
AND BIOLOGY
"Some men are just born three drinks behind"
(saying from the old "Wild West" quoted by Meehl,
1975, p. 298). Paul Meehl is often credited with
advancing the study of positive emotions through his
compelling description of individual differences in
people's ability to experience pleasure. He called this
ability "hedonic capacity" and, more
humorously,
kow on either or both dimensions.
When used across short time intervals, the
PANAS is sensitive to situational events that affect
people's current positive and negative emotional
stales. Over longer time periods, PANAS scores reflect
trait differences in people's characteristic emotiona
experience, referred to as positive affectivity and
negatlve affectivity. People high in positive affectiv.
ity have frequent and intense experiences of pleasant,
enjoyable moods and are generally cheerful, enthusi-
astic, and confident about their lives. People high in
negative affectivity have more frequent emotional
episodes involving feelings of anger, sadness, dis
tress, guilt, and fear (Watson et al., 1988).
Support for positive and negative affectivity as
enduring traits comes from studies showing long-
term stability and cross-situational
consistency.
Positive and negative affectivity are
very stable over
 Chapter 9 Positive Traits 179

few weeks to 24 years similarity of identical twins significantly exceeds

periods ranging from a that of fraternal twins, and when identical twins
2002; Watson &
(McCrae et al.. 2000; Wa.son, show strong similarities despite being raised in sep-
Larsen (1984) found that
Walker, 1996). Diener and arate environments. Research by Tellegen and his
expericnces were consis-
an individual's emotional
activities. A person's self- colleagues suggests that genetic factors account for
acoss ditlerent
tent 40% of the difference in long-term levels of positive
mood was very similar whether he or she
reported affect, and 55% of the difference in negative affect
social1zing, wOTking, recreating,
or spending
was
(Tellegen et al., 1988).
Our basic allective oricntation appears
ime alone. A biological basis for people's characteristic
show itsell wherever we go and whatever we do.
to emotional orientation receives further support from
Positive affect is one of the strongest predic
Recall the three-part
research showing that temperament ifferences
tivecomponents of happiness.
conception of SWB. trequent experience
of positive emerge early in life. Temperament refers to a

emotions, relatively low-frequency negative

emo-
tions, and life
satistlaction (see Chapter 2). Positive
is built into the emotional component of
affectivity
SWB. Watson's research is perhaps most noteworthy
for having identilied the most central defining fea-
ture of happy people, namely positive affectivity.
Happiness and positive affectivity go together, not
so much because positive affect explains differences
in happiness, but because they are essentially the
same thing. Happy people seem best
characterized
emotions.
as people who experience lots of positive
Support for this conclusion comes from the promi-
nence of positive affect in measures of happiness
and the pattern of relationships to other variables.
Many of the relationships between SWB and demo-
graphic variables (discussed in Chapters 5 and 6) are
also found for positive affect when it is measured
aone. Like SWB, high positive affectivity shows rel-
genetically-determined physiological disposition to
and typical
respond to the environment in a stable
manner.Even in the first few weeks of life, infants
level,
show temperament differences in activity
and how readily they can be
mood, responsiveness,
C infonte are
soothed and comforted by pare
irritable, cranky, quick to become upset, and quick
to cry in response to new situations and environ
mental changes. Others are calm, placid, and
approach (rather than avoid) new things in the envi
ronmen. Jerome Kagan has probably conducted the
most well-known investigation of temperament dif-
ferences. Kagan found that about 20% of infants
fell into one of two extreme temperament types
called "reactive" and "non-reactive" (Kagan, 1994;
& Snidman, 2004). Highly reactive infants
Kagan
are easily upset by anything new in their environ-
ment. Whether it's a new babysitter, a loud noise, or

atively small relationships to income, education, group of new kids to play with. reactive children are
with more timidity, shyness, and
age, and genuei, vut is heavily influenced by, and ikel to respond
fear than most kids. Non-reactive children are more
strongly predictive of satisfying relationships (see
Watson, 2002). Watson's research suggests that the laid back and comfortable with new situations and
environmental changes. They are more outgoing.
bottom line of differences in people's levels of hap-
piness boils down to differences in positive and curious, and eager to explore the world and the

negative affectivity. people in it.

Genetics and Happiness
Meehl's idea that peopie may be born "three drinks
behind" or "three drinks ahead" (as cited by
Watson, 2002, p. 116) is also supported by heritabil-
ity studies. As we saw in Chapter 5, estimates of
heritability are based on studies that compare
monozygotic (identical) twins, who have 100% of
their genes in common, to dizygotic (fraternal)
twins, who share about 50% of their genes. Some
studies also compare identical twins raised together
to those who grew up in separate environments.
Evidence of genetic influence is shown when the
A biological basis for reactivity is suggested by
differences in physiological arousal related to sym-
pathetic nervous system activity. Increases in heart
rate, brain activity, and the production of stress hor
mones have all been linked to reactive children's
response to mildly stressful situations. Non-reactive
children do not show this "uptight" response. Kagan
also found that early childhood temperament was
related to differences in personality and behavior
years later. Reactive infants were more likely to
become shy, anxious, and reserved
adults, while
non-reactive infants tended to become
extraverted,
easygoing, and talkative people with a ready smile.
Many researchers believe that each
individual's
180
Chapter 9 Positive Traits
basic
aon for biological
the
mperament establishes a founda- and are ore impulsive, self-conscious, and vulner
later
development of more speciñc per
Sonality traits (McCrae et al., 2000, Rothbart, Ahadi, & able. Emotional stabiliy is the opposite of neurog
Evans, 2000). cism and is characterized by calmness, emotiona
control, feelings of secunty, low reactivity, and rela
tive freedom from persistent negative feelings
Personality
The and
"Big Five" Happiness:
Agreeableness
Meehl's prediction about the relationship of positive Agreeableness reflects a person's concern with get
affectivity to the personality trait of exuraversion has ting along and cooperating with
others, even if n
Deen borne out by subsequent research. Studies also means compromising their own interests Spec1fic
d a
strong tie between negative affectivity and traits related to agreeableness include being trusting
neuroticism. Extraversion and neuroticism are two straightforward. helpful, compliant, modest, and
Tactors in what is called the tender-minded (in the sense of believing in the
Big Fiue Theorny, or five
Tactor model of honesty and basic goodness of other people)
personality. Before examining the at the opposite
Connection of affectivity to Antagonism or disagreeableness is
personality, we will sum-
marize the five-factor model. Over the last three end of this continuuni auu liidiauu u uy suspir
decades, personality researchers have accumulated cion and distnust of others, and a conniving, selfish,
an
impressive amount of evidence that five rela- non-compliant, hard-hearted. and cynical stance
ively independent factors describe the essential fea toward others
tures of individual personality John & Srivastava,
1999; McCrae & Allik, 2002). The five factors are Conscientiousness
very stable across a person's lifetime and have been
people's evel of discipline,
validated in cultures around the world (McCrae & ConsuntouSnOs refers to

Costa, 1997; McCrae & Terracciano. 2005). Each of self-contrl. and onganization. Highly conscientious

the five global traits (extraversion. neuroticism, people are organ1zed, competent, self-disciplined,
openness to experience, agrecableness, and consa deliberative. persistent, and dutitul, and have strong
end of this
entiousness) is made up of more specific, subord stmings for achevennent At the opposite
continuum. undinv tedness is characterized by less
nate traits. A commonly used questionnaire measure
dSsesses six facets for each of the five giobal trait amprtene, lack of ahievement orientation, disorgan-
7atin, inpulsivity, careersness, and neglecttulness.
Costa &MCrac. 1992. MeCrae. Costa.
Martin, 2005).
pennes to Exwrience
Extraversion
Openness eaperience describes the difference
to
Extraverted people are sociable, outgoing. and between people who are imaginative and creative
actively engaged with the world More specific traits and those who are more conventional and down-
of extraversion include characteristics like personal to-carth Openness to experience includes specific
warmth, gregariousness, assertiveness, excitement traits related to fantasy, preference for variety and
seeking, and frequent positive emotions. Introuersion, novelty, aesthetics (appreciation of art and beauty),
which is oppasite end of this dimension and is
at the and independence Conversely, non-openness is
indicated by a low score on the extraversion scale, characterized by practical-mindedness, preference
describes people who are relatively detached from for routine over variety, preference for the straight-
others, withdrawn, unassertive, contemplative, and forward over the complex, and greater conformity.
reserved in their emotional expression. After examining descriptions of the five
factors, you may wonder if that is all there is to
Neuroticism your personality. Do these five factors adequately
in neuroticism tend to be tense, anx- describe the many features of your personality? Two
People high
ious, moody, and more emotionally reactive to things are worth keeping in mind. First, when per-
events than people. They experience more fre-
most sonality researchers measure a large number of traits
within a population of people, they do indeed find
quent negative emotions like anger and depression,
 Chapter 9 Positlye Traits 181

related to one of the Big Five. affectivity and neuroticism may go toether because
traits are dimension of negative
they tap the same underlying
that most
the same under-
what they assess, mood. The high correlation between negative affec
That is, n o matter each
s t r u c t u r e emerges. S cond, has suggested to some
lying five-part specific tivity and. neuroticism
a number of more
diniension is made up of variables are very similar
researchers that the two
people's unique personali- be separate individual traits
traits that help capture and may not actually
Five
curious about your o w n Big
ties. If you a r e (Diener & Lucas, 1999;
Diener, Suh, Lucas, & Smith,
want to look at one of several ver-
Both statistical analyses
scores, you might 1991).
currently on 1999; McCrae & Costa,
sions of the five-factor questionnaire of questionnaire items used tob
and comparisons
the Internet. If you do a Google
search using the and personality traits show that neuroti-
a self- a s s e s s mood
c a n take
term "Big Five Personality test," you are very difficult to
would be cism and negative affectivity
test and s e e how your o w n personality
described in termns of a Big Five profile. distinguish.
kind of in the positive
overlap appears
traits has The same
Each of the Big Five personality That is, positive
and affectivity-extraversion relationship.
been found to be highly heritable. Adoption related to extraversion-not
estimates between affectivity may be highly
win studies show heritability because they a r e
because one c a u s e s the other, but
and 0.60 (Bouchard, 2004; Loehlin, 1992;
0.40
essentially nmeasures of the same thing-namely, posi-
Locl M Costa & Inhn 1998 Lykken & extraversion contains a
al., 1988; Yamagata et al., tive emotion. For example,
Tellegen, 1996; Tellegen et
component in both its definition and
2006). On average, about 50% of the
variance in positive emotion
of people are its measurement. Perhaps we are really talking about
personality traits within a group traits. Positive
attributable to genetic differences. Together with only two, rather than four separate dimension
basis for affectivity, these affectivity-extraversion may represent a
studies finding
a genetic of positive emotionality, and negative affectivity
powerful
results point to the role of heritability in
and long-term levels neuroticism may represent negative emotionality. This
determining people's overall the traits of
of happiness and well-being. possibility complicates the assumption that
extraversion and neuroticism cause, and therefore help
with explain individual differences in happiness.
TEASING OUT CAUSE AND EFFECT Consistent
is The overlap of extraversion and neuroticismn
Meehl's early predictions, positive affectivity of
extraversion; studies also show a with affectivity suggests that the connection
strongly related to
is.somewhat
consistent relationship between negative affectivity these two personality traits with SWB
and neuroticism (DeNeve & Cooper, 1998; McCrae & tautological. In other words, the positive correla-
uon of extraversion and the negatjve cnrr-lation of
Costa, 1991; Watson & Clark, 1992). The causai reu-

neuroticism with SWB may not suggest causality,

tion ofpositive affectivity to extraversion is most
probably bidirectional (Watson & Clark, 1992). On
the one hand, people who are cheerful and enthusi-
astic about life are likely to prefer social interactions
over more solitary activities. Positive affect may
increase desire for the company of others. On the
other hand, relationships are one of the more signif
icant sources of positive emotional experiences.
but may instead reflect the strong relationship of
both variables to affectivity, with affectivity playing
a central role in defining SWB. Whether extraver
sion and neuroticism make separate contributions
to individual happiness beyond their connection to
affectivity will have to be sorted out in future
research.

Most of our good times are spent with others. Other raits among the Big Five show more
Positive affectivity may be both a cause and an effect modest relationships to SWB (DeNeve & Cooper,
of enjoyable interactions with others. Neuroticism 1998, Diener & Lucas, 1999; McCrae & Costa, 1991;
and negative affectivity may also have a bidirectional Watson & Clark, 1992). Researchers seem to
agree
predispose people that openness to exgperience is only
relationship. Neuroticism may to
weakly related to
experience more frequent negative emotions and happiness. Agreeableness, reflecting a concern with
to overeact to life events, particularly those that lead getting along with others and the tendency to take a
to unpleasant emotions. positive, optimistic view of human nature, shows a
Another possible explanation for the relation of small positive correlation with
positive affect. The
extraversion and neuroticism to affectivity involves
overlapping concepts and measures. Negative
agreeableness-positive
from enhanced
aftect connection may result
personal relationships that
may
 182
Chapter 9 Positive
follov Traits
A naturally
positive life
from conce
ncern with social harmony. undercut happiness (SWB) and optimal psychologi.
View of outlook
out
resulting from an optimistic cal functioning (PWB), while extraversion, agree-
others might also to be
increase positrve fect. ableness, and conscientiousness appear
COnscientious pecple who
disciplincd, foundations for happiness and health. Despite
simi-
ca, and are
organ-
nigher achievement-oriented tend to larities to SWB findings in the
overall pattern of

satisfaction component or sco

on the life
results, there also important differences.
were

ncasures (DeNeve & Cooper, 1998). This Schmutte and Ryff's findings suggest
that per.
Tesult from
conscientiousness providing a bassmay sonality well-being in multiple
may contribute
to
Tor
goal-directed activities and the ways-no just by influencing
positive affect, as sug-
essary for goal
achievement. Increased life satis
selt-contro gested by SWB research.
Within SWB studies, the
Taction may on happi
follow from the sense of influence of neuroticism and extraversion
e n t and accompliSn
purpose that comes from successtul ness is primarily
the result of the cffects
of these

self-directed actions. traits on the positive and negative

affect compo
to affect
not directly
related
nents of SWB. Traits
or openness
to experience)
PERSONALITY AND EUDAIMONIC WELL-BEING (like conscientiousness

smaller correlations with happiness.

TOSve generally show
psychologists working from the eudaimonic In contrast, within the PWB model, conscientious

.. iid .. . i o n of the Bi18 showed relatively strong

correlations with self-
rive to measures ness
of psychological wel1-being (PUWB), environmental mastery, and purpose
in
detined in terms of optimal functioning and succes
acceptance,
elements of psychological
in life-the three important
coping with life's challenges. Schmutte and Ryt
health The self-discipline, persistence,
and achieve-
(1997) found a
pattern of relationships between eacn conscientiousness made
ment strivings that defire
ol the Big Five personality traits and measures or
significant coniributions to healthy functioning,
PWB, suggesting that the influence of personality do not increase happiness (SWBB)
even though they
extends beyond happiness. Ryff's con
its effects on to experience con
In a similar vein, openness
ception of PWB (reviewed in Chapter 2) descnibes six its lack of rela-
tributed to personal growth, despite
aspects of psychological functioning tionship to happiness.
The major point of Schmutte
and Ryff's study
positive evaluation of self
Self-Acceptance: a
goes hack to the distinction between hedonic (SWB)
and one's past cudaimonic PWB) conceptions of well-being.
and
in man
Envtronmental Mastery: competei.ce The cffet of peronality on well-being depends, in
one's life and environment is
aging
connectons to part on how well-being is defined. Personality
PositiveRelations: high quality dearly related to bxh happiness and health; however,
others certain traits may enhance health
more than happi-
Purpose in Life: strong sense of meaning and
ness and t e r s a For example, conscientiousness-
purpose in life of good
has been shown to be a very strong predictor
. Personal Growth: sense of continuing growth longevity.
individual physical heakth practices and, consequently,
and development as an
In their review of the connections between conscien
Autonomy: ense of self as directing and deter tiousness and health, Roberts and his colleagues
actions and choices
mining reponthat people tend to live longer if, as
215 8-year-ods, they rated as more conscientious by
were
(1997) study,
Ryff's
In Schmutte and the impact of consci-
completed a Five parents and teachers. Moreover,
midlife adults (ages 44-65 years)
entiousness has been shown to be equivalent
to car-
and a self-report meas-
Factor personality inventory diovascular disease" (Roberts, Wilson, & Bogg, 2005
dimensions of PWB. Results showed
ure of the six Conscientious people take better care of
linked with each of p. 156).
that neuroticism was inversely
while extraversion, agree- themselves through diet and exercise, and they avoid
the six PWB dimensions, use of
conscientiousness showed consistent risky behaviors such as smoking, excessive
ableness, and again, the
with PWB. Openness to experi alcohol, and unsafe driving habits. Here
positive correlations overall
connections to point is that, wliether or not conscientious people are
showed weak positive
happier, most of us would agree that living healthier,
ence a
are generally in line with
well-being. These findings
longer life is an important part of well-being. To get
a
Neuroticism seems to
those of SWB researchers.
 Chapter 9 Positive Traits 183
complete picture of well-being, both health and hap neuropsychology suggest that people's basic
piness cniteria should be examined. approach/avoidance tendencies may have a biologi-
cal basis (see Carver et al., 2000 for a review).
For cxample, Grey (1990) describes a
Neurobiology and Approach
Behavioral Activation System (BAS) and a
Avoidance Motives
Behavioral Inhibition System (BIS). The specific
may. be neural mechanisms that make up these two systems
Affectivity, personality, and temperament are still unclear. However, research with both ani-
considered foundations of well-being because they
mals and humans suggests that different neurotrans-
represent stable genetically based dispositions that
influence multiple aspects of our lives. For example mitter pathways and brain regions may be involved
life in the operation of the two systems. The BAS is
a person high in positive affectivity experiences
very differently than someone high in negative responsive to environmental cues that signal oppor-
affectivity. and this difference is likely to be present, tunities for rewards, non-punishment, and escape.
in general, over the entire life course. Another foun- This incentive-sensitive system motivates approach
dational disposition that may nderlie well-being behaviors that increase movement toward positive
has to do with differences in people's basic tenden- goals. On the other hand, the BIS is responsive to
cies toward apprvacth or avOuance. D.
uthreat-sensitivei7ishment and non-reward. This
In Chapter 8, we reviewed studies showing the system inhibits goal-directed behav-
different achievement outcomes and emotional con- iors to aoid negative outcomes. The activation and
inhibition systems are thought to operate independ-
sequences of pursuing positive goals compared to
who strive ently of one another and to be related to differences
avoiding negative outcomes. People
toward approach goals are more likely to be success- in emotional experience produced by rewards and
ful, experience more positive emotions, and suffer threats. The BAS is related to positive affect and
fewer self-regulation difficulties along the way. In such emotions as happiness, elation, and hope. Thee
BIS may underlie negative affect and emotions such
contrast, avoidance goals are associated with less
achievement success, more negative emotions, and as fear, sadness, anxiety, and frustration. Although
much more clarifying research needs to be done,
many self-regulation problems that undermine posi-
researchers excited by the possibility that the
well-being outcomes. Questions concerning indi-
are
tive
vidual differences in approach/avoidance motives are
BAS and BIS model may serve as one biological
foundation for und istanding emotional and per-
raised when we ask, "Why do some peoplecharac-
differences amnno neonle.
teristically approach goals,
pursue while others focus sonality
Do people differ in their fundamental approach/
mostly on avoiding undesirable outcomes?" One differences in
answer (discussed in Chapter 8) was suggested by avoidance dispositions? If so, are
differences
research related to Higgins' work on self-discrepancy approach/avoidance orientation related to
in emotional experiences, personality, and goal
that differ-
theory (1987, 1996, 1998). Higgins found behaviors that, in turn, impact well-being? Carver and
ent parenting styles were linked to children adopting
either a prevention (avoidance) or a promotion White (1994) created and validated a self-report scale
of Behavioral Activation Sensitivity and Behavioral
(approach) focus toward personal goal strivings.come Inhibition Sensitivity that closely parallels Grey's
have
Like Higgins, many psychologists
avoidance tendencies BAS/BIS conception. The BAS sensitivity scale
to regard approach and behaviors.
assesses an overall approach tendency involving a
as building blocks for more complex person's active in'erest in positive goals, strong
Recent reviews that this increased interest
note
response to rewards, and eagerness/quickness in pur-
arises from the possi-
in approach/avoidance issues Items on this scale asked
emotional experiences, motivations, suing reward opportunities.
bility that many people to rate the extent of their agreement or dis
and self-regulated behaviors
personality dispositions, tendencies
agreement with statements such as "When I get some-
or avoidance
may boil down to approach thing I want, I feel excited and energized." *When I
2000; Carver & White,
(e.g., Carver, Sutton, & Scheier, want something, I usually go all out to get it." "T'm
2006). Formerly
1994; Elliot & Church, 1997; Gable, together always willing to try something new if I think it will be
areas of research might be brought
separate fun." (Carver & White, 1994, p. 323). The BIS scale
share a common approach/avoidance
because they evaluates a general avoidance tendency that reflects a
advances in the field of
explanation. In addition,
 184
Chapter 9 Positive Traits
PETSOn's over-response to, and
dd outcomes. The scale includes ongoing worry about, therapist/client satistaction (Elliot & Church, 2002)
Tthink something statements such as, and happiness judgments (Gable, 2006; Updegraf
unpleasant
usually get pretty 'worked is going to
happen Gable, & Taylor, 2004). Together with the work of
or
upset when I think or up."" "1 feel
pretty worrie goal researchers (reviewed in Chapter 8), these find
me." "I feel know somebody is angry ings suggest that biologically organized and genet
woried when I think I have done at
at
poorly cally influenced differences in people's approach/
something" (Carver &White. p. 323). avoidance tendencies may serve as foundations for
Consistent with the idea of BAS/BIS
s a
basis for sensitivity many important determinants of well-being.
Arver and
emotional and personality differences, One reason for the expanding research on
White, along with other
have found moderate researchers, approachavoidance motivation is that it seems to
vity, correlations among BAS Sensi circumvent some of the tautology of trait descrip-
positive affectivity and
among BIS extraversion, and tions discussed earlier. Saying someone is happy
roticism
sensitivity, negative affectivity and neu- because they are high in positive affectivity is some
De Approach-motivated
"attracted,"
individuals appear to what like saying hapPpy people are happy because
in terms of
seeking out and being dit- they experience many happy emotions. Approach
Terentialy sensitive to
rewarding and positive emo- and avoidance motives, however, point to how and
llCes. Tus may explain wlhy they dre why motives may be related to well-being. Each
nigh in positive
one of the most
affectivity. Because relationships are motive provides a different basis for people's
makes
significant sources of enjoyment, it actions, life orientations, and interpretations of the
sense that an approach orientation would world. Because these differences may underlie many
come
along with extraversion. Avoidance-motivated behaviors, from social relationships to personal
individuals are
probably not "attracted," in terms of goals, approach/avoidance tendencies may make
Seeking out
unpleasant emotions, but their strong multiple contributions to well-being. Recent studies
reaction and
sensitivity to negative outcomes may have begun to describe what approach-motivaed
make negative
emotions more
the present and in
chronically salient in people do that increases their personal wel-being
memories of the past. This and what avoidance-motivated
greater sensitivity to negative than to positive fea people
do that
reduces their well-being. At present, one thing seems
tures of life
may contribute to the higher negative clear: an approach motivationa! orientation toward
affectivity associated with an avoidance orientation. life belongs on the list of positive traits.
The neurotic
tendency to ruminate about negative
experiences may also express this selective focusing
on
negative events that have occurred in the past Genetics and Change
and that may occur in the future.
The bottom-line conclusion of our discussion to
Clearly, a
self-report measure of
approach/ this point is that
genetically-influenced differences
avoidance tendencies does
directly assess the
not in personality, emotionality, temperament, and
neurophysiological processes that may underlie approach/avoidance orientation explain as much as
them. However, Carver and White's scale
may meas- half of the variation in people's long-term levels of
ure the conscious manifestations of the BAS and
BIS described by Grey. At the
happiness. Does this mean that each of us is essen
very least, thinking tially stuck for life with whatever
of approach/avoidance tendencies as
foundations we inherit? Does each of us have a
happiness
for a wide variety of traits and behaviors has genetically-
a basis for new
provided determined set-point level of happiness to which we
conceptual and empirical studies. In consistently return? Are we condemned to a hedonic
addition to the connections with
roticism and extraversion,
emotionality, neu- treadmill,with positive life events
causing only tem-
dispositional differences porary increases in happiness (see Chapter 5)?
in approach/avoidance motives have also been researchers have suggested as much.
Some
related many factors, including the daily frequency
to Lykkenand
of positive and negative emotions Tellegen (1996) once remarked, "It may be that try-
(Carver & White, ing to be happier is as futile as trying to be taller and
1994), social relationships (Elliot, Gable, &
Mapes, therefore is
counterproductive." This
2006). achievement motivation (Elliot &
Church, based on the fact that possiLility is
1997), self-control and self-regulation (e.g., Carver & long-term
mined by the great genetic happiness is "deter
Scheier, 1998; Fishbach & Shah, 2006;
Higgins, 1998), lottery that occurs at
conception" (p. 189)
 Chapter 9 Positive Traits
185
However, a number of researchers have washed out in studies that lowk only at overall aver-
this conclusion based on newer evi- ages. For example, the studly by Lucas and colleagues
argued against
dence suggesting the need to revise both the origi- (2003) described in Chapter 5 found large differences
version of the hedonie treadmill concept and the in the effects of marriage. Marriage produced only
nal
person's happi- short-term happiness gains for the stucly participants
idea that genetic influence means a

changed. For example,

cannot be when viewed collectively. However, nearly half of the
ness set-point
several eople in the stucly showed long term gains in happi
Diener and his colleagues have suggested
revisions to the hedonic treadmill ness and nearly half showed dee reased happiness. As
empirically-based a general conclusion, it scems fair to say thar happ
theory (Diener, Lucas, & Scollon. 2006) These
ness is clearly in our genes, hut just as clearly. life
authors note that even if people do have different
events and personal choices can change u r happi
genetically-established levels of happiness, these
ness set-point. For example, research reviewed in
levels appear be "set" pretty high. Study alter
to
study has found that most people (75% or so) report
Chapters 7 and 8 suggests that making the "right" per
of the time. Sonal goal choices contributes in a major way to a

being very happy or quite happy most

In the aftermath of life events that can push happi- happy/healthy life
return to
ness up or down in the short term, people
a positive level Ppu .tiuty, ds

would be suggested by the strong adaptation POSITIVE BELIEFS

hedonic treadmill theory.
process described in the The World Th.ough Happy
Research reviewed by Diener and colleagues also and Unhappy Eyes
shows that people have multiple set-points, rather trait
made Happiness itself may be regarded as a positive
than one overarching set-point. Well-being is and connection to
and negative because of its long-term stability
up of separable components (positive
genetically-influenced dispositions like positive
affect,life satisfaction) relevant to different domains 1991).
of life (e-g, work and family). Each of these compo affectivity and extraversion (McCrae & Costa, this
have taken
and life domains can increase or decrease Lyubomirsky and her colleagues
approach and examined how
nents
increase even happiness-as-a-trait
independenty. Life satisfaction may differ in the
at chronically happy and unhappy people
though positive affect is decreasing. Happiness about and interpret their lives. Her
at home. way they think
work may be coupled with unhappiness that ". happy
research supports the general view
. .

consis-
While there is stability in overall happiness, and unhappy individuals appear to experienc
have differ-
tent with the set-point idea, people may
indeed, to reside in-different subjective worlds"
ent set-points for different aspects
of happiness and
other words, happy
domains of life. The idea of a single baseline or set (Lyubomirsky, 2001, p. 244). In
different ways of
not explain how different
and unhappy people have very
point for happiness does looking at life that both reflect and sustain their
in different
dimensions of well-being can move characteristic emotional state.
directions over timne. 4-item Subjective
of the strongest Lyubomirsky developed a
Newer studies provide some
and direct basis
treadmill theory, and Happiness Scale to proviae simple
a
evidence against the hedonic
in happiness for distinguishing beiween people who consider
idea that long-term changes
against the
large-scaleSeveral themselves to be generally iappy äii iiosc
largely impossible.
set-points regard themselves as typically unhappy (seee
are
changes in
shown significant
longitudinal studies have In a 17-year Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999, and Chapter 2 c this
people's baseline levels of happiness. text). HapPpy and unhappy people (as defined by
Fujita and Diener
longitudinal study, for example, high or low scores on the scale) are then presented
their research participants
(2005) found that 24% of with a variety of judgment tasks and their responses
in their baseline
had experienced significant changes are compared. You can probably anticipate many of
levels of happiness from the first 5 years of the study
Lyubomirsky's findings if you think about what you
to the last 5 years. In particular,
negative life events
and physical dis-
are like when you are unhappy compared to when
such as divorce, death of a spouse, your life is going well. In a bad mood, we are more
abilities can produce long-term
decreases in happi-
individual ditferences
ikely to be envious and jealous of what others havve
It is also true that there are
ness. that we don't, to take some comtort-perhaps even
to life events. These differences may be
in adaptation
186
Chapter 9 Ponitive Traltn
many
eultues (
related o il natisfart
in
delight-In the failings and mislortunen l
otheth, t m s lear
« that the new
nd to dwell Dlener & Diener, 19),
on the negative rather than the prniive is md an proofnieM
withisn
Apects of our llves. In contrant, happinesN prewlie en or a postlve wll virw
ndivilualiM weti
itive pattern We appreciate whal we lecivit n iotis a it s

Kitayatia, 1P)
Ore (eg, lene,
Iebmai, Markus,
AVC, Are not so sensitive to the latlings oraet th
Within thr initeed Mat 1fsteem is t i r
plishnients of others, and l s on hen in peye d Y, atvl in
sesaar hel nras

aNpects ol life most beavily the pu

1IS «ulur, l f
esteem has b t
These temporary efle tn leeting happy a ular huoks anl many proytans
nappy moods capture many l the enduring h of c o t l e s self hlp
wue aray td u 1alprrtlenm
Aimed at olving a
Terenceshetween haractesist ally hapy and efers the evaluative (1Mi n
unhappy people found in Iyubomisky h e Self esteem stnith,
o f l l onept
(Baunerste"r, 19%, (4
Nee Lyulbomirsky, 2001, tor eview) lerbatk value that
a
«f self wrthh anl
19%7) tis the feeling
about performance relative to peers, for examle, trelf (re f the mune

hada much greater eflet on unhappy ople esuts wlhen the elf pulges
elf e s t r e n asks perpe fa
of
than on happy
people 1Happy people wee ess e wilely umed n e a m r e s

horw thery feel atrast ther

Sitive to sotal comparison nlomation, es Any Mraightforward ratinys of
Iens that erple with hh
when i neoative (ir infomtin th t thy had rlves (Roenterø. 1N) T have a
endore m Jueer "I feel
performed worse than thein peers) In contrast, self- esteem would "I take a poritive atttiude
unhappy people were highly sensitive to compar number of goxd qualities"
f woth, at keaa
toward myself." "I feel I a n perVm
a
ISons with others and felt deflated by otlhers' sip kw elf
on an equal plane
with others" Peuple with
rior performance. Unhappy people felt good about
items sch a "I wish I cauld
csteem would endorse
their performance only when others performed "T feel I do nor have
And these effects were have more respect for myself"
more poorly than they did. much to be proud of." "I certainly feel useless at
largely independent of their actual performance
times." Whether we have a positive, uncertain, n

quality. Unhappy people felt happier wBen they the subjec

negative view of ourselves, depends
on
received a poor performance evaluation, but knew rela
peers did even worse, than they did
when they tive judgrnent we make of our abilities, talents,
received an excellent evaluation, but knew peers tionships with others, and success in achieving
self-esteem have a
had done even better! important goals. People with high
favorable view of themselves as competent, likeable,
Research comparing how happy and unhappy
attractive, and successful people. In the
extreme case
that
peope evaluate various life events has shown nnay 1 c i i e i an
happy people give more favorable interpretations, (e.g., depression), low self-esteem
which people see themselves as
remember positive experiences more than negativve opposite pattern in
ones, and find humor and opportunities
for self incompetent, unlikeable failures. However, research
improvement in negative events. Conversely, findings suggest that more typically, low-self esteem
about is related to uncertain and conflicted views of the self
unhappy people spend more time ruminating
and how oth- that are overly sensitive to the ups and downs of life;
negative events, missed opportunities,
ers are doing relative to themselves. Happy and feeling good one day and bad the next (Baumeister,
unhappy people do, indeed, seem to live in sepa- Tice, & Hutton, 1989; Campbell, hew, & Scratchley,
rate worlds. Differences in perception, interpreta- 1991). Compared to those with high self-esteem, peo
tion, and evaluation of hfe lead happy and unhappy ple with low self-esteem are less confident that they
individuals to construct different personal realities can achieve their personal goals (McFarlin &
that have opposite emotional consequences Blascovich, 1981).
Self-esteem is influenced by others and bears
some relationship to our actual abilities and talents
Self-Esteem We all feel good when we receive praise from peo-
Our discussion of self-esteem is focused on North ple we care about, and a "straight-A" student cer
American cultures. As we saw in Chapter 5, more col- tainly has a reason to feel academically competent.
lectivist cultures (like Japan) have very different self- However, because self-esteem also reflects a per
conceptions that do not place such heavy emphasis son's own subjective perception of self, it may or
on positive self-feelings. Although self-esteem is may not match up with the views of others or with

objectively defined qualities or accomplishments A
person may have an inflated view of sell that is not
supported bv his or her actual abilities On the other
hand, a person may also dislike who I she is,
despite admiration from others or success and com
petence in various life endeavors
I.ike many personality characteristics, sell
esteem can be thought of as both a trait and a stat
A recent analysis of 50 published slies andd data
from national samples of nearly 75,000 perople
found strong evidence for the stability of self esteem
from age 6 to age 83 (Trzesniewski, Donnellan, N
Robins, 2003). On the other hand, many sttudies find
that self-cstecm fluctuates in recsponse to leelhak.
such as acceptance or rejection by otlhers (eg.
Heatherton & Polivy. 1991; Leary, Tambon, Terdal, N
Downs, 1995). Evidence supporting b ' '
and state views suggests that people have a rela
tively stable baseline level of self-esteem (rait self-
esteem) to which they return after specific life
events have temporaily pushed self-esteem up or
down (state self-rsteem).
SELF-ESTEEM AND HAPPINESS Self-esteem is con
sistenuy found to be a powerful predictor of happi-
ness and life satisfaction. In a study of over 13,000
college students representing 31 different nations,
Diener and Diener (1995) reported across-the-
board corelations of 0.47 between self-esteem and
life satisfaction. This correlation was even higher in
individualistic cultures (e.g., r = 0.56 in the United
States). Studies of adult populations show the same
connection between self-esteem and happiness (see
Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003, for a
review). Self-esteem is also related to people's con-
fidence and initiative in tackling new endeavors,
whether this is striking up conversations with oth-
ers, persevering at challenging tasks, speaking
front of groups, or resisting the influence of others
(Baumeister et al., 2003; Baumeister, Campbell,
Krueger, & Vohs, 2005). People with low self-
esteem are not as happy, not as confident and
adventuresome, and may give up rather than try
harder when faced with a difficult challenge or ini-
tial failure at a task.
The Value of Self-Esteem. Many psychologists
believe that the need for positive self-regard is one of
the strongest human motives (eg., Baumeister, 1998;
Sheldon, Elliot, Kim, & Kasser, 2001; Taylor & Brown,
1988; Tesser, 1988). People go to great lengths to
Chapter 9. Positive Traits
protet, enhance, and maintain a prnitive
Reearch suggests that the vast nayority of self-1age
us
cessful in these effons are
(Baurneister. 19D,
Diener, 1995; Myers, 1992 Most
Dierer
he mid range on sell esteem
eople g
neaures, ytfemefMy
ow slf esteem s ores Are
relatively un o n
Wlhat mtivates our nerd ror sell esteerm Whar
vale
does a positive self view have for u r healthe
happiness
One answer, suggested by My"rs (19)2),
life
satista tion may begin withh wlf satsf.ac to m A
positive view of self may (oleor ur vew of
Rnal an you he very fpositiv about yourself
1nvery negative about your hfe? Perhaps you
tiink of how this might neur, bur self evauation
And life evaluation seem intimately intertwi
W
csteem than it des to satisfacticon with friev
family, income, or job. Even though correlatiopal
studies do not tell us about cause and effect,
hard to imagine a satisfying life
happy and witho
strong measure of self-acceptance, self-respect, and
pos.tive self-regard.
High self-esteem may also have value as a
buffer against stress and anxiety caused by
experiences that can threaten and deflate our self
image (Baumeister, 1992; Steele, 1988). Self-este
may act as a coping resource that affirms
the self
when we confront failure, losses, criticism, a
conflict with others. People with low or fragile self
esteem may experience debilitating stress a k
worry over such events. They may' become dis
couraged and dejected by failure. People high
self-esteem are not so easily overwhelmed by neg
ative events and are better able to endure arw
maintain a positive outlook. They have more
"reserve" self-esteen, which helps them absor
in blows to self-regard without caving in. The buífe
ing effect is a major reason why high self-esteem 1s
considered an important resource for mental'an
physical health. According to terror management
theory, self-esteem may also buffer the anxiete
caused by the ultimate threat to self-our own
death (see Chapter 7). The theory argues that a
cule
ture provides its individual members with
means of
achieving a sense of value through social status
and conditions of worth, in order
of death
to
bring the fear
manageable proportions.
to
According to another prominent
esteem plays an important role in theory, self-
Social relationships that are so vital tomaintaining the
our health
and,
 objectively defined qualities
person or accomplishments. A
Chapter 9 Positive Traits 187

may have an protect, enhance, and maintain a positive self-image.

inflated
upported by his or her actual view of self that is not Research suggests that the vast majority of us are suc
na,2 person may also abilities. On the other cessful in these efforts (Baumeister, 1999; Diener &
aespite admiration dislike who he or she is, Diener, 1995; Myers, 1992) Most prople score in
from others or
petence in various life success and the mid range on self-esteem measures; ex'remely
com
C

Csteem can many

endeavors.
personality characteristics, selt
low self-esteem scores arc relatively uncommon.
be What motivates our need for self-esteem? What value
A
recent thought of as both a trail and a state. does a positive self-view have for our health and
analysis of 50
rom national samples published studies and data
of nearly 75,000
happiness?
TOund One answer, suggested by Myers (1992), is that
strong evidence peopie
for the
Irom
age 6 to stability of self-esteem life satisfaction may begin with self-satisfaction. A
age 83 (Trzesniewski.
Robins, 2003). On the other IDonnellan, positive view of self may color our view of life in
that hand, many studies find general. Can you be very positive about yourself
self-esteem fluciuates in
such as response t feedback, and ver gative about your life? Perhaps you can
acceptance or rejection by others think of hnw this might occur, but self-evaluation
Cton & (eg
Polivy, 1991; Leary, Tambor, Terdal,& and life evaluation see.
Downs, 1995). Evidence
and state supporting hoth the rat
views suggests that
General life satisfaction shows stronger links to self-
esteem than it does to satisfaction with friends,
tively stable baseline level of people have rela-
a

esteem) self-esteem (trait sell- family, income, or job. Even though correlational
to which
events have
they return after specific life studies do not tell us about cause and effect, it is
temporarily
down (state self-esteem). pushed self-esteem up or hard to imagine a happy and satisfying life without a
strong measure of self-acceptance, self-respect, and
positive self-regard.
SELF-ESTEEM AND HAPPINESS Self-esteem is con High self-esteem may also have value as a
sistently found to be a
powerfui predictor of happi buffer against stress and anxiety caused by life
ness and life satisfaction. In of
a study over 13,000 experiences that can threaten and deflate our self
college students representing 31 different nations, image (Baumeister, 1992; Steele, 1988). Self-esteem
Diener ond Diener (1995)
reported
board correlations of 0.47 between self-esteem and across-the may act as a coping resource that affirms the self
when we confront failure, losses, criticism, and
life satisfaction. This correlation was even
higher in conflict with others. People with low or fragile self-
individualistic cultures (e.g., r =0.56 in the United esteem may experience debilitating stress and
States). Studies of adult populations show the same worry over such events. They may become dis-
connection between self-esteem and happiness (see couraged and dejected by failure. People high in
Baumeister, Campbell, Krueger, & Vohs, 2003, for a self-esteem are not so easily overwhelmed by neg-
review). Self-esteem is also related to people's con- ative events and are better able to endure and
fidence and initiative in tackling new endeavors, maintain a positive outlook. They have more
whether this is striking up conversations with oth- "reserve" self-esteem, which helps them absorb
ers, persevering at challenging tasks, speaking in blows to self-regard without caving in. The buffer-
front of groups, or resisting the influence of others ing effect is a major reason why high self-esteem is
(Baumeister et al., 2003; Baumeister, Campbell, considered an important resource for mental and
Krueger, & Vohs, 2005). People with low self.
esteem are not as happy, not as confident and
physical health. According to terror management
theory, self-esteem may also buffer the anxiety
adventuresome, and may give up rather than
try caused by the ultimate threat to self-our own
harder when faced with a difficult challenge or ini- death (see Chapter 7). The
tial failure at a task. ture provides its individual
theory argues that a cul-
members with means of
achieving a sense of value through social status
The Value of Self-Esteem. Many
psychologists and conditions of
worth, in order to bring the fear
believe that the need for positive self-regard is one of of death to
the strongest human motives (e.g., Baumeister,
1998;
manageable proportions.
According to another prominent theory, selt-
Sheldon, Elliot, Kim, & Kasser, 2001; & Taylor Brown, esteem
1988; Tesser, 1988). People go to
plays an
important role in maintaining the
great lengths to sOcial
relationships that are so vital to our health and
 188
Chapter 9 Positive Traits
well-being. Soclometer Theory takes Self-esteem may also function as a sociometer
perspective, arguing that the purposeevolution-
any an
of of our personal traits. Traits that are associated with
sel
seem is to monitor social inclusion and exclusionm high self-csteem, such as competence, likeability,
Leary & Baumeister, 2000, attractiveness, and morality, arc the same traits that
Human survival was Ler et al., 1995) make a person appealing to others. Self-esteem also
likely very dependent on main
aining close relationships with others, both seems to "meter" the extent to which we possess
tection from larger animals and for the safetyproof
as

intants who could not qualities that contribute to soial acceptance by

others. People with high self-esteem may have an
fend for themselves during the
early years of life. An internal tine and be comfortable obtaining and
1S monitoring system that casier more

sensitive to social maintaining social acceptance

hecause they may
rejection and exclusion would
Signal the need for corrective action to come to find that they are generally likeable people.
SOcial
repair tne
relationships that are so impotant to survival. Consisternt with this
measures ot
possibility, s 1al
Leary and his colleagues (1995) believe sell anxicty (concern with acceptance and rejection)

esteem is just such a show negative correlations with self-esteem (Leary &
system. A growling stomach Kowalski, 1995). In other words, compared to pe
and a
parched mouth tell us when we need to eat
and drink-two
things that are obviously important ple with low self-esteem, individuals with high self
to our survival. Decreases in self-esteem mav tell n liked by others.
Something equally important about our relationships.
Using the analogy of a car's gas gauge that monitors
fuel level, Leary and colleagues believe that self- IS SELF-ESTEEM ALL YOU NEED? If you are happy
esteem is a gauge of our social relationships. Like a with yourself, odds are high that you will be happy
with your life. And compared to those with a poor
gas gauge., self-esteem is important because of what
are likely
it measures and what it causes us to do. self-image, people with a positive self-view
A gas gauge does not make your car more etfi- to enjoy more initiative, more persistence in the
face

cient or faster. It simply tells you when you need gas
sO you don't get stranded somewhere. Self-esteem
has an analogous metering function. It lets you
know when to mend relationships so you don't get
of obstacles, more effective stress coping, and more
positive social relationships. Given these benefits, is
self-esteem all you need for a happy life? Is increas-
ing people's self-esteem antidote to unhappiness?
an

stranded without your friends or family. Self-esteem For awhile, particularly within popular culture, the
functions as an internal, subjective monitor of social answer to these questions was thought to
be yes. At
one time, low self-esteem was considered a major
acceptance. and pro-
Yuu can easily find support for one of the psychological cause of individual problems,
widely viewed as
grams to increase self-esteem
were
major tenets of sociometer theory within your
own

the cure.
experience. Think about a time that you felt very Over the last 30 years, psychologists have gen-
bad
good about yourself, and a time you felt very sorting out
extensive research focused on
about yourself. Odds are that good self-feelings erated an

involved times when you received praise or recog- the value, limitations, and complexities of self
others, moments of intimacy with esteem. This research has a counterpart in an
nition from
friends or lovers, and shared activities. Our worst equally large body of self-improvement literature
within popular culture. One review identified over
feelings often reflect social ridicule, rejection,
failed romance, and when our actions
moments 15,000 research articles on self-esteem, and a multi-
ashamed in front of tude of self-help books focus on ways to feel better
made us feel embarrassed or
about your self (Baumeister et al., 2003). A brief his-
others. Leary and colleagues have found that self-
sensitive to social inclusion and tory may be useful in sorting the massive
out
esteem is highly
exciusion, and that being liked by others
is linked amountofself-esteem research and its connection
to popular culture. Psychologists' understanding of
to positive self-evaluation (Leary & Baumeister,
self-esteem and its role in individual and social
2000; Leary et al., 1995; Srivastava & Beer, 2005).
problems appears to have gone through three over
Consistent with the idea of self-esteem as a
sociometer of where we stand in our relationships, lapping, yet discernable phases, starting in the 1970s
social acceptance increases self-esteem and rejec- and continuing to the present. This historical sketch
is an oversimplified view and has more to do with
tion lowers self-esteem.
 Chapter 9 Positive Traits
189
different programs of research than the develop-
First, most findings showing the benefits of
ment of ideas over time. However, it will hopefully esteem were based
self
on correlational studies, making
help Tganize some of the paradoxical and contra- it difficult to
dictoy rescarch findings concerning self-esteem and
deter tause and effect Dcs a

positive relationship Ietwcen self-esteem and aca

temper the many untounded claims of the self-
innprovCmCnt Titerature
Self-Esteem as a Significant Variable in Individual
and Social Problems. In the first phase, many psy-
holgists and practitioncrs (eg. teachers, school
umit.ators, and leaders of social agencies) had
hgh hopes for the potential of self-esteem studies
t oth ap'ain d help solve many pressing
demic achievement mean high self-esteen causes
better performance or does it mean that gol stu-
dents have higher self-esteem because they have
something to feel good abour? We can ask the same
question for low self-esteem. Is low self-esteem the
cause or the result ol poor performance? Serond
many benefits of a positive self-image were assessed
by self-report measures. Perople high in self-esteem
have many positve heliefs ahout themselves. They

sL pblems (e . Dawes, 1994; Hewitt, 1998: regard themselves as attractive, likeable, competent.
Mere. Smelsor, & Vasconcellos, 1989). Based and superior to thers, but are they actually so

largely on correlation studies, low self-esteem was when evaluated lby. ostne.-A
belieed to be a potentially significant and perva- In their review, Baunieister and his colleagues
sive cause of many social
problems, including examined only those studies that included some

poor academic achievement, bullying, aggression,
atttation to gangs. teenage pregnancy, drug
abuse smoking, delinquency, eating disorders,
depression, suicide, shyness, and loneliness.
Among practitioners, feeling bad about oneself
was likened to a nationwide viral epidemic and
raising self-esteem was the obvious "social vac-
cine" (California Task Force to Promote Self-
Esteem and Personal and Social Responsibility,
1990). California appropriated money and devel-
oped programs to enhance self-esteem. in schools,
l e , helping students feel good abuu
themselves was expected to pay big dividends in
the form of improved academic achievement.
Self-Esteem as a Symptom-Not a Cause-of
Behavior. In the second phase, enthusiasm for the
self-esteem movement began to wane because many
programs produced disappointing results. Efforts to
raise self-esteem did not produce noticeable benefits
and may have produced other problems such as the
"social promotion" of students (passing students to
the next grade level despite their failure to learn
lower-grade skills). Psychologists also began to take
a critical look at self-esteem research. Several
reviews concluded that low self-esteem is not clearly
individual problems and that the benefits
related to
much limited than
of high self-esteem were more
previously thought (Baumeister, 1992: Baumeister,
1998; Baumeister et al., 2003, 2005).
Reviewers encountered iwo major problems
in sorting fact from fiction in self-esteem research.
objective/behavioral measure of outcomes and judg-
ments. They found that high self-esteem was
strongly related to happiness and life satisfaction,
and to enhanced initiative in tackling new chal
lenges and maintaining persistence in the face of
obstacles. However, high self-esteem was largely
unrelated to independently assessed school achieve-
ment, occupational success, likeability, attractive-
ness, or to teenage smoking, pregnancy, and drug
use. Furthermore, people with certain types of high
self-esteem such as narcissism (which involves
inflated and highly defensive self-esteem) are more
prone to viclence. Such people are overly sensitive
to anyone who challenges their high opinion of
themselves and respond aggressively to anyone
who threatens their inflated self-image. Low self-
esteem did show significant connections to depres-
sive symptoms and vulnerability to the negative
effects of stress. The bottom line for Baumeister was
that low self-esteenm did not appear to underlie most
social problems and the benefits of high self-esteem
were not backed up by objective evidence.
Contingent Self-Esteem: It's Not the Level, but the
Basis of Esteem That Matters. In the third
researchers have begun to develop more phase,
models in an
attempt
complex
to clarity some of the contro-
versies concerning the role of
self-esteem in individ-
ual and social life. For
example, Crocker and her
colleagues, have argued that self-esteem
have paid tou much attention to researchers
levels of self-esteem
(high versus low), and too little attention to
of self-esteem (Crocker & the basis
Wolfe, 2001). People
190
Chapter 9 Positive Traits a d h e r e n c e to
self-standards
failures or
"hang self-esteem, so to speak, on different successes or
2004, p. 594, bold
in that
domain" (Crocker & Park,
developed a
activities, competencies, and areas of life. Crocker and her
colleagues
ne face ours). of self-esteem
On may take pride in his intellectual abilitics anc seven
sources

another on being liked by others. How people

scale to measure

Cooper, &
Bouvrette. 2003)
(Crocker, Luthanen, basis
cspond to a life experience depends on its se different contingent
describes a
Each source
scale items are
relevance. For example, getting a "C" in a college self-worth. Samples of
an for feelings of contingency
dimen-
Class may be a major blow to individuals with shown in Table
9.1. For
some
and to the
of self-worth, but the absence
t c competence-based sense related to both
sions, items contingency
are given
no
big deal for someone whose self-image is conun of a
self-worth
of contingen
899). The list
presence
gent on social relationships and not on high aca- et al., 2003, p. and
(Crocker
demic achievement. Most researchers have relied on be r e p r e s e n t a t i v e
self-worth is m e a n t to additional
cies of think of
global measures of self-esteem that do not assess the not
exhaustive. You can easily
athletic ability,
specific and differing bases for people's evaluation ot and worth (e.g.,
sources of self-pride
self-worth. They only tell us about a person's level of service).
self-esteem. Crocker believes that thinking of sel physical health, public
ontinoencies
of
self-worth" model is
Thie that contingent
worth only in terms of level is an oversimplified view studies showing
supported by for people's
that has led to misunderstandings concerning
the
domains of self
are powerful guides Crocker &
role self-esteem plays in social problems. (Crocker & Luthanen, 2003;
domain or
behavior
2005). What people
do
is a
"A contingency of self-worth Wolfe, 2001; Park &
Crocker,
self-esteem
staked enhance their
category of outcomes on which a person has maintain, and
that a person's view of to protea,
who take pride in
People
his o r her self-esteem, so
depends on its source.

his or her value or worth depends on perceived

self-worth-sample items
TABLE 9.1 Contingencies of

1. Approval of Others
think of me
"I don't what other people
care
don't respect me
"I can't respect myself if others

2. Appearance
on whether or
not I feel attractive
"My self-esteem does not depend myself
I feel good about
"When I think I look attractive,
3. Competition
sense of seif-respect
"Doing better than others gives me a
self-esteem.
a task rarses my
"Knowing that Iam better than others on

4. Academic Competence
isn't tied to how well I do in school
"My opinion about myself
a sense of self-respect
"Doing well in school gives me
5. Family Support
not influenced of my relationships with my family
by the quality members."
"My self-worth is
"When my family members are proud of me, my sense of self-worth increases."

6. Virtue
if I did something that was unethical."
"My self-respect would suffer
"I couldn't respect myself if I didn't live up to my
moral code."

7. God's Love
"I feel worthwhile when I have God's love."
"My self-esteem would suffer if I didn't have God's love."
 Positive Traits 191
Chapter 9
school per-
hours students' self-esteem may not increase
were found to spend more
increase stu-
thir appearance and partying. Those whose formance. However, finding ways to
grooming. shopping, o n God's love, dents' active cngagement and
identification with
w a s based party less, but
elf-esteem school might enhance academic achievement.
to church m o r e . Academic competence
niar 2nd go
linked to success in
basis of self-esteem
was
as a
schoo. More inmportantly for
SELF-ESTEEM Crocker and
into graduate THE DARKER SIDE OF
gettung distinction
the self-contingency model her colleagues make an important
our historical sketch, self-esteem. In terms
social problems (such as school fail- berween global and contingent
sURgests that self-esteem matters. Not
abuse, and violence) may be linked
less to of benefits, the basis of our
ure, drug are beneficial.
of global self-esteem and more to
the all forms of positive self-image
the level how the pursuit of
self-esteem. Based o n studies exploring Crocker's recent studies examine
Source of a poten-
esteem, Baumeister and colleagues self-esteem as adesirable end may entail
levels of global self-defeating-and even

concluded that low self-esteem

is not a major cause tially darker side that is
classical humanistic psy-
Crocker and her colleagues harmful. Her studies affirm
of problems. However,
level of esteem may not be the
critical fac-
chology ideas about the basis of self-worth
suggest
of self-worth may be central to Self-Esteem.
tor. Contingencies Contingent versus Non-contingent
manv individual
and social problem behaviors. for the value of
of self-worth Years ago Carl Rogers (1961) argued
One way in wich contingencies as a basis for parents'
unconditional positive regard
in social problems is through peo- Children who experienced
are implicated love of their children.
domains
from the specific life would grow up to
ple's disengagement frustrated in their
love that was unconditional Conditional
are continually inherent value.
in which they believe in their o w n
esteem-confirming results. Why the other hand, was
considered
attempts to achieve positive regard, on
o r her self-worth on
an
because receiving love
and
s o m e o n e hang his
should damaging to the child
stan-
that never affirms it? on meeting parental
area
that the high approval a r e contingent
For example, Steele (1997) argues Conditional love creates a
dards and expectations.
African Americans may of insecurity for a child, because
college dropout rate among continual source
self-esteem from academic whenever conditions of
result from disconnecting love can be withdrawn
may o c C u r that people
performance. This disengagement envi-
worth are not fulfilled. Rogers argued
to succeed in an meeting external
because of frustrated efforts
on
whose self-worth is contingent
as non-supportive, and
ronment that may be perceived
academic
standards are likely to have fragile, defensive,
as assuming m o r e problems as a
or w o r s e yet, that is perceived
b t e d by studies
unstable self-esteem and suffer
studies sup-
inferiority. A similar dilem1.
feel result. Recent theoretical and empirical
American adolescents may observations.
finding that African with peers port Rogers' early
between being popular between
they must choose First, researchers have distinguished
& Zigler, 1995; who feel
or well in school (Arroyo
doing people with contingent self-esteem, pres-
Dornbusch, & Brown,
1992). Peer support sure to meet external standards of worth, and people
Steinberg, weaker for
that is
"true" self-esteem
for high school performance appears
or
or
with non-contingent
than for Caucasian and feel-
African American students grounded in unconditional self-acceptance
Asian students. On a day-to-day
basis, maintaining value (Deci & Ryan, 1995; Kernis,
more impor-
ings of personal
may be 2003a, 2003b). Supporting this distinction are studies
solidarity with s a m e - r a c e peers ivasis for sclf-
tant than schooi achievement
as a showing that contingent self-esteem is linked to a
self-esteem is the primary number of negative emotions such as feelings of
esteem. If peer-based
self-esteem,
Contributor to a person s overall level of guilt, conflict, pressure, and anxiety, and problems
measure
self-esteem SLIch as fragile and unstable self-esteem, poor coping
then studies using only a global
does not pre- after failure, defensiveness, and risk for depression
might easily conclude that self-esteem
this would miss (see Baumeister et al., 2003, 2005; Crocker & Wolfe.
dict school performance. However,
the critical point that Crocker
and her colleagues 2001; Deci & Ryan, 1995; Kernis, 2003).
want to make. Namely, that
self-esteem, considered

in terms of contingencies of
self-worth, may be very
some groups
Pursuing Self-Esteem. Second, studies by Crocker
relevant to the school achievement of and her colleagues have shown that the effects of
of students. Baumeister may be right, that raising
192
Chapter 9 Positive Traits
Pusuing self-esteem primary life goal are strik
as a
make choices and take actions according to wha
will please others rather than themselves. Living un
8Y parallel to those associated with materialism
Ocker and Park, 2004; Crocker and Wolfe, 2001; to others' expectations rather than
one's own under
mines autonomy, intrinsic motivatinn, and person
drk& Crocker, 2005). Recall our discussion ol
diism and its discontents in Chapter 7. Viewedmate
irom ally expressive actions. In
a similar vein, seeking
ne
perspective of self-cdetermination theory, the self-esteem may interfere with satisfying relation
rouble with if it leads to
materialistic aspirations is that they do and the need for helongingness
ships
añd partners rather than
yielcd happiness, and may interfere with the ful competing with friends
mutual regard. Satisfying
Tllment of basic developing intimay and
necds that are the foundatiOns O
nealth and from self-less, rather than
happiness ie., autonomy. relationships benefit m o r e
nd compeenee
belongingness). Crocker provides evidence and
self-centered attitudes. Like materialism, seeking
guments to the effect that the self-esteem for its own sake may decrease well.
sa
pursuit of self-esteem attention away from more impor.
primary life aspiration may also subven satistac- being by diverting
o n of these
thrce important needs and, tant needs.
undermine well-being. ironically, therelore,
sclf-csteem can De As an addendun to the three decades of
undermined in the same research on self-esteem, a recent article argues that
To understand the
prOcess the understanding of this popular
conrent
ma
logic of Crocker's analysis,
e following example in which the need have come full circle (Swann, Chang-Schneider, &
with a misplaced
Tor
competence may be sacrificed in the service of McClarty, 2007). Research began
belief that low self-esteem predicted a wide variety
pursuing self-esteem. A college student whose self
from poor aca-
esteem is heavily invested in, and contingent of important personal behaviors
upon, demic achievement to drug abuse and violence. The
high academic performance may be very motivated
to study hard and get good grades. However, if a
concept was then subjected to highly critical evalua-
tions that led many researchers to conclude that self
pOsitive academic self-image becomes the single
didn't predict much of anything related to
most important goal, then actual competence and esteem
Swann and
learning might be compromised by the need to important social or personal problems.
protect and maintain this image. Both of your text his colleagues argue that recent work supports an
book authors have encountered students who are understanding of self-esteem as a global aspect of
highly protective of their GPAs, to the detriment of self that is vitally important to people's lives. Such
obtaining the skills needed to fulfill graduate work makes efforts to improve self-esteem poten-
school aspirauons. To maintain a high GPA neces tially valuble. As they note, the history of self-
sary for gradu* l 2dmission, somc students esteem iecarch parallels other concepts, for which
take easy classes, avoid useful (but harder) classes early enthusiasm was followed by criticism and dis-
(like advanced statistics in psychology), and with- illusionment (e.g.,, the study of attitudes in social
draw from classes at the first sign that their GPA psychology). In these cases, too much specific pre-
might suffer. Instead of taking classes they need or dictive power was expected too s0on. That is,
might enjoy, they select classes that are likely to enthusiasm for a concept leads researchers to
increase their GPA and flatter their academic self- assume that it predicts a wide variety of specific
image. In addition, poor performance and criticism behaviors. When specific predictions are not bom
may be taken as threats to self-esteem rather out, researchers assume the basic concept is prob
than as usefu! feedback to improve icauing. The lematic. However, as Swann and colleagues note,
net result of these possibilities is that self-esteem self-esteem is most appropriately conceived as a
may go up, but competence may be sacrificed in global aspect of self that would be expected to influ-
the process. ence and
predict global-not specific--behavioral
A similar logic links the pursuit of self-esteem outcomes. For example, depression is a global
to
disruptions in the ability to fulfill needs for auton- behavior describing a general condition that is
omy and belongingness. The well-being benefits
strongly related to low self-esteem. Research
derived from freely and autonomously chosen reviewed by these authors suggests that, if self-
actions may be compromised
by excessive concern esteem is considered a global rather than specific
with self-esteem. For example, a
person whose self- aspect of self, then self-esteem compares favorably
esteem is contingent on the
approval of others may with other well-established
concepts in psychology
 Chapter9 Positive Traks 193

For instance. self-esteem mav be only weakly empty, or is it half ful Looking at the exact same
related to a specific behavior, such as alcohol use by eality. a pessimist takes a moe negative view, focus
ing on what is missing, while an optimist takes a pos
eenagers. However, if behaviors were bundled into
global measure of health unhealthy teen life itie view, seeing what is av iable. Psychologists have
viened optimism pessinmism primanly as an individ
styles (one that included things like drug use.
depression, anxiety. tobacco se. poor school per- ual difference variable de scnbing people's general
funure.
formance. and del1nquenc. then self-esteem positive or negative expe tations about the
would be a significant predicor vanable. with low People van in their degr e of optimism/pessimism
to a
self-esteem linked to an uni ealthier
ifest le and and these ditterencEs an nNentially important
high self-esteem to a health1eT lifestyle From thi Wde asortment of lite act vities and choices. e
can
fora
self-esteem is an nant foundation tor be optimisic or not about inding the perfet git
view, imp
h o u ean before guests
health and happiness signiticant other., geting th
amve. reroveing from a heart att.ack. getting a job
finan
promotion. making al gains trom investments.
Personal Control vaation.
having good neather
or i

be aftected by
vliefs can
Chapter 7 provided an extenled discussiur n er Certainlv. people's
be pessimistic
the specifics of a situati a You can
cnna control in ihe regula'ion of goal-d.rected candidate will win
ui that vour favorite political
behavior. Here, we wili only note tnat a scIt
the polls.
because he or »he is behind in
cumently
personal causation, ineaning a feeling that vou are house projet com-
of action in your life. has long been but optimistic that you n il get a
the origintor ber.ause vou have hired extra
basic motive of the self (Baumeiser. pleted betore winter
regarded as a
However, research makes it
clear that people
1998, deCharms, 19%8) and an important
foundation help.
1992) Many do vary their overall evel of optimism/pessimism.
in
of well-being (Argyle, 2001 Myers. Studies also show that pnsitive
and negative expec
to well-being. such as
prominent theories related and tations about the
future show a consistent pattem of

self-efficacy theory, self-determination theory. relatedness to measures ot well-being.

7) place per-
control theory (reviewed in Chapter We will discuss the rwo major approaches
to
and adaptive
sonal control at the center of healthy research: optimism as an
of a belief in personal optimism in psychological
functioning. The importance indivndual disposition or
trait and optimism as an
theories of depression
control is also reinforced by how people character
as a significant
contnib- explanatory style descnhing
that regard loss of this belief of bad events in their
istically interpret the
c a u s e s

utor to emotional Early work suggested

problems. ill also consider other versions of opti-
of negative events may atti-
that repeated experience mism and pessimism and whether an optimistic
a condition of
undercut confidence and produce tude is always beneficial.
Studies of defensive
like
in which people feel unrealistic optimism, and realistic opti
"learned helplessness,"
life circum- optimism,
victims of stressful disadvantages
helpless, hopeless mism help clanify the advantages and
have no control (Seligman,
stances o v e r
which they of different expectations about future events.
that the critical factor
1975). Later studies suggested events
was not s o much
the o c c u r r e n c e of negative DISPOSITIONAL OPTIMISM Scheier and Carver
1990).
about control (Seligman, (1992) define dispositional optimism as a global
but people's beliefs
individuals tend to
believe that they have
will bring a bounty of
Depressed emotions o r uie EApectaticn that the furure
their negative
little control o v e r
them. As described
in good things and a scarcity of bad things. Pessimismn
situations that engender is an opposite expectation-that the future will have
s e n s e of
control and personal empow- more bad than good outcomes. As a general expec-
Chapter 7, a
to a variety of positive
erment has been related tation, applicable to many areas of life, optimists are
outcomes.
health and well-being confident that they can achieve their goals, while
pessimists doubt their ability. In curent research,
dispositional optimismis measured by a revised ver
Optimism sion of the Life Orientation Test (LOT) (Scheier.
the fundamental dif
wisdom suggests that Carver,& Bridges, 1994). Six items ane rated on a 0 to
Everyday and pessimist is cap-
a
ference between an optimist 4 scale, where 0 strongly disagree
to the question, "Is the glass
half and 4
strongly
tured in the a n s w e r
 194
Chapter 9 Positive Traits
4gree. In the levels of distres.
list of items below, "R" indicates distress, and pessimism to higher distress at
assess levels of
reverse-scored itenm Longitudinal studies that
some of the clear-
v e r time provide
multiple points
In uncertain times, I usually expect the best est evidence for the benefits of optimism.
Smething
3. I'm
can go wrong for me, it will. (R) and Life Transitions. A

.
always optimistic about the tuture Coping with
Distress
life transition
harily ever expect things to go my way woman's first chiled represents a major
.I to depressed feelings after
rarely count on good things happening to that s o m e t i m e s leads
me. R) childbirth Several studies suggest that an optimistic
0.
Over.All, I expect offer resistance to postpartum depres
more good things to happen attitude may
& Jones,
Fontaine
to me than bad
sion (Carver & Gaines,
1987,
1997). Women
Turner, & Adler,
1997: Park. Mxore, times
cheier and Carner view optimism in the the LOT at several
con in these studes completed after the
ext of the several weeks
nhent
seli-regulated
dctions aimed at the ac
of personal goals (see Chapter 8)
hieve
In their
y and in
durin pregnanechildren. w o m e n reported
births of their Optirnistic
both during pregnancy
Selt-regulaton model. expectations and confidence fewer depressive symptoms,
t challenges and and during the postpartum
period, compared to
ohstacles to goal achievement. Faced withh difticul more pessimistic women. During pregnancy, opti-
and an ability
ties, optimists believe they can overcome them and
mism was associated with less anxiety
therefore persevere outlook (Park et al., 1997).
in their efforts. Pessimists, on to maintain a positive
from corona.y bypass
sur-
the other hand, have less confidence and positive People recovering attitude
also benefit from an optimistic
or
expectations and are likely to become pasive gery
& Pransky, 1993;
give up their efforts (Fitzgerald, Tennen, Affleck,
is related Scheier et al., 1989). Men undergoing
bypass sur-
AS you might anticipate, optimism several times
to other positive traits we have discussed in this gery were surveyed
before, and at
chapter. Specifically, dispositional optimism
as
after their surgery. Compared to more pessimistic
measured by the LOT shows moderate positive cor less presurgical distress,
patients, optimists reported their med-
and self confidence in and satisfaction
with
relations_with traits such as self-mastery more
after sur-
esteem, and negative associations
with traits that ical care, more relief and happiness shortly
neuroicism, anxi- life satisfaction in the
detract from well-being, such as
gery, and greater post-surgery
*
A similar pattern
ety, and depression (Scheier,
Carver, *"s months following their operation.
2002; Scheier et al., 1994). These correlations sug of findings has been reported for women coping
breast (Caver
and pessimism share some
cancer
gest that optimism with treatment for early stage
and negative is generally
degree of overlap with other positive self-esteem etal., 1993). Although the prognosis
with high breast cancer is obviously
traits. For example, a person good when caught early,
However, research by disease that often evokes
is also likely to be optimistic. a serious, life-threatening
that when the both fear and depression. Carver
and his colleagues
Scheier and his colleagues has shown
controlled, offset the distress of
effects of other traits are statistically found that optimism helped
optimism remains a significant
and independent
dealing breast cancer. LOT scores taken at the
with
outcomes. An optimisiic ätti- time of diagnosis predicted
women's self-reported
predictor of positive health
in individual level of distress both before and after surgery
tude pays significant dividends
and happiness, particularly when people face diffi- (assessed at 1 week, and at 3, 6, and 12
months).
& Scheier, 2002b; Women who were optimistic at the time of diagnosis
cult life changes (see Carver
Scheier et al., 2002; Chang, 2002a). experiencd less emotional upset before surgery,
and were more resilient in the weeks and
months
Optimism and Well-Being following surgery.
best regarded as a The optimism that helps womencope with
Dispositional optimis1m is perhaps those who care for them.
that fosters resistance to distress. breast cancer aiso helps
personal resource

Researchers have studied people facing a variety

of Family members who provide care for loved ones
and
challenging life situations and found that optimism with serious long-term illnesses like cancer
is consistently linked to lower levels of personal Alzheimer's disease face an emotionally taxing and

energy-draining task. An optimistic attitude is a valu-
able resource. Studies find that optimistic family
caregivers experience lower levels of depression,
better physical health, and less disruption of tneir
daily schedules (Given et al, 1993; Hooker,.
Monahan, Shifren, & Hutchinson, 1992).
The transition from high school to
significant event in the lives of millions of college
freshmen each year. Faculty members, counselors,
administrators, and many parents know that some
students adjust to the increased freedom and aca-
demic demands of college more successfully than
orhers. What personal qualities might be the basis
for effective adjustment to a new college environ-
Inent? Aspinwall and Taylor (1992) examined three
individual difference variables as potential predic-
tors of successiui duapiawiu. u oiecui, p-
Chapter 9 Positive Traits 1S
ald law school. And
they take better care of them
selves by smoking or abusing drugs or alcoho-
not
and by maintaining a healthy diet, exercising regu
lariy, and following their doctors' advice in screen
ing for and treating illness. Optimistic peopl=
suffering from chronic illnesses such as rheumatoio
college is a arthritis, asthma, and fibromyalgia maintain a moro
positive daily mood compared to less optimistio
people coping with the sane illnesses. Following
bypass surgery, optimists reac h behavioral mile
stones (such as sitting up in bed, walking, resuming
an exercise 1outine, and returning to full-time work)
more quickly than patients with less optimistic out-
looks (Scheier et al., 1989).
Studies suggest that the cumulative effects of anh
optimistic attitude toward life may increase longeviry
s n Crl from Chapter 1. On average, the

control, and optimism. Each of these variables has more cheerful nuns lived a full 10 years longer thang
been regarded as an individual resource that helps their least cheerful counterparts. A study of 839 Mayo
people cope with challenge and change. Aspinwall Clinic patients tracked over a 30-year period found
and Taylor enlisted 676 college freshmen early in that optimism was correlated with a lower risk of
the fall semester to complete measures of self- death (Maruta, Colligan, Malinchoe, & Offord, 2000).
Three A final example of research showing the relationship
esteem, personal control and optimism (LOT).
between positive thinking and longer life, focused on
months later, at the start of the next semester, these
related to older adults' attitudes toward self and aging (Levy,
same students completed four measures
to items addressing Slade, Kunkel, & Kasl, 2002). Participants attitudes
college adjustment, responding were assessed for as long as 23 years before mortality
their levels of stress, their happiness, and their gen-
data were collected. Those with positive attitudes
eral well-being. Results showed that, while each of (e.g, "I have as much pep as I did last year." "As I ger,
to col-
the three individual dispositions was related older, things are better *han I thought they would
had a direct and
lege adjustment, only optimism be.") lived an average of 7.5 vears longer than people
benefits of self-
independent positive effect. The with more negative views (e.g., "As you get older,
esteem and control w e r e more indirect and
personal
to active rather than you are less useful.") (p. 263).
depended o n their relation
avoidant coping with college
stress. That is, high
control improved adjust- OPTIMISM AS EXPLANATORY STYLE Research sup-
self-esteem and personal
solutions ports the value of an optimistic outlook in coping
ment only if students also actively sought avoided with a variety of negative life events. One reason
If they
and help for adjustment problems. benefits
the optimists do better involves how they explain why
rather than confronted their problems,
control were dimin- bad things happen. Certain types of explanations
of self-esteem and personal
was directly related to soften the blon: of disapnointments and protect our
ished. In contrast, optimism
and more self-image and positive view of life. Other types
measures of successful college adjustment
effective, active coping.
contribute to a negative self-image and a more
depressing view of life. Seligman and his colleagues
Health. Compared to pes-
have conceptualized optimism and pessimism in
Physical and Emotional of detined
simists, many studies
find that people with
an
opti terms
explanatory style,
characteristic way ot explaining
as people's
negative events
better mental and physical
mistic attitude enjoy
& Apte, 2002;
Carver & (Peterson, 2000; Reivich & Gllham, 2003; Seligman,
health (see Affleck, Tennen,
2002; Scheier et al, 1990). Originally focused on the
thinking patterns of
Scheier, 2002b; Peterson & Bosio, to depressed individuals (Abramson, Seligman, &
2002). Optimists are likely than pessimists
less
less anxiety Teasdale, 1978), studies of explanatory style evolved
Suffer from depression. They experience to describe the diferences between
school
medical
in adjusting to n e w life tasks such as
optimistic
and
196
Chapter 9 Positive Traits
pessimistic interpretations of bad life evnts (external)? Was the permanent aspect of life
cause a
to change (unsta-
cterson & Villanova, 1988). The explanation that (stable) or temporary and likely
ble ) Was the cause true of your life or personality
Pessimists give for a particular setback or misfortune
limited to this one situation
Points to causes that are
stable, globai, and intettiai generally (global) or
calculated for prositive
are
(spe ific ? Separate
scores
Slable causes are those that are enduring and
and negative events.
unlikely to chanRe in the future Gubal eterS to researcherscrde the
For the CAVE
measure,
general causes that affect almost everything about a based on
dimensions of explanatory style
vAOUs
person's life, and internal causes are those stem invoive personal
documents. These might
WIilten
ming from the traits and belieis ol the individual therapy
trane rip's. per.
autobiographies,
rather than external circumstances Csays, interviews Rese.archers
letters, diaries, or
A pessimistic explanatory style is exemplilicd SOa explanatuinstor bad
ccurring
by a college student who fails a big math exam an idenity naturally doxuments
Identified explanations
events in these the ASQ
"Im bad test- according to
Says, "Tm just no good at math or a
then rated by judges
globa! specific. stable
are
relers to stil-
Taker. Each of these two explanalions seales
(internality-externality,
researchers to
good at math today. allows
Die causes (e.g., if you're not
unstable). The
CAVE measure

to life
cither): gloval optimism/pessimisin
Odds are you won't be tomorrow,
thr relationship of
11 f f r t no s without conducting
long-term ongitudi-
causes (e.8:
outcomes
Peterson, Seligman, and
Tormance in all classes); and internal nal studies. For example, evaluate
m e a s u r e to
the test o r how much T used the CAVE
its me; it's my fault-not Vaillant (1988)
in the late 1930s and
sees disappoint- Harvard students
studied). In contrast, an optimist and
interviews of Optimism and
unstable, specific, age of 25
years).
by early 1940s (average
caused more
ments as
offer the follow related to data
then
on phys-
external An optimist might
causes. pessimism
scores were
later in
e x a m . "I
failed the collected 35 years
for a failed morbidity,
explanations Ical health and better physi-
ing
instructor didn't
make clear what adults enjoyed
because the 1970. Optimistic young e v e n after adjust-
later in life,
exam exam was
covered." "The mental health
would be cal and health and
material studied in their physical
to what we differences in
ambiguous and
unrelated
didn't have
much ing for 25.
work late and mental health at age explanatory
class." "I had to of failure point shown that people's
These interpretations
have
Studies of
time to study." instructor may better predictor
is a
next time the
events

to unstable c a u s e s (e.g.,
had to work
style for negative explanatory style for positive
causes(e.g., I behavior than
their internal-
be more lear), specific the poor found that the
(e.g., it w a s
aiso
Research n a s
external causes events. than the stabil-
late), and late-not my
lack
is less predictive
Metalsky, &
dimension
bad test, or working external
(Abramson,
instructor, a dimensions

of ability or laziness, etc.).

by the ity and global From the perspective
assessed Peierson, 1991).
style is frequently Alloy, 1989; between a n opti-
Explanatory Peterson the difference
Questionnaire (ASQ) of explanatory style, whether bad
events
Attributional Style of Verbatim concerns

Content Analysis mist and a

pessimist temporary
1982) o r the or only
et al., Bettes, & Seligman, relatively permanent
whether
(CAVE) (Peterson, of six are seen
as
unstable), and
Explanations brief descriptions (stable or
features of life o r are
The ASQ provides asked to of one's life (global)
1985). e v e n t s . People
are
most aspects
and six positive them. they affect s i t u a t i o n s (specilic).
Opunism
negative event happened to limited to particular the ASQ or
that each other measured using
imagine "Your significant explanatory style, positive
events:
as an to
positive
Examples of has been treating a pattern
of relationships
boyfriend,
o r girlfriend)
that is CAVE, shows in dispositional
(spouse, a project similar to
those shown
"You complete outcomes 1998).
m o r e lovingly." e v e n t s : "You (Peterson & Park,
you negative research
Examples of "You optimism
highly praised." acts hostilely
toward you."
is a
source

friend who others expect

of First, optimism
meet a WORKS action
work done that HOW
OPTIMISM initiate
the the easier to
get all
one
can't
then asked
to
describe
It is much to
nositive
will lead
motivation.
are each of
you." People each to r a t e actions
and then believe our when w e
event,
and when w e important
of particularly In the
cause stable-unstable,
major internal-external, Outcomes.
This is persistence.
on the some- tax our
Was the
cause
cause
dimensions. obstacles that may
face
situation
global-specific
or about the
(internal)
about you
thing
 Chapter 9 Positive Traits 197
face of
disappointments, optimism energizes contin-
ued action, while etfective
pessimism may lead to giving up. coping captured in the well-known
The explanatory style of Serenity Prayer, made famous by Alcoholics
optimists offers one reason
for these motivational benefits. Anonymous: "God grant me the serenity 'to accept
By
events as temporary and limited tointe:preting
bad the things I cannot
change; courage to change the
tions, optimists protect themselves from
specific situa- things I can; and wisclom to know the difference"
ative emotional reactions that strong neg (Rheinhold Niebuhr). Research
might undermine suggests that opti
mists aPpear to know the difference (Aspinwall
confidence and interfere with effective
(Carver & Scheier, 20025). coping et al., 2002).
A
The connection of summnary of rescarch studies comparing tlie
optimism to more
ettec- Coping strategies of optinnists versus pessinmists is
tive coping is a second
way in which optimism shown in Table 9.2. Thee results are based on the
works. Optimists are better al dealing
with stress LOT measure of
(Aspinwall. Richter, & Hoffman. 2002: Ness & dispeositional optinism developed
by Scheier and Carver (1992).
SegerstrOm, 2006). They are more
likely than pes- Fourth, to the extent that an optimistic attitude
simists to use active
coping str.ategies amed at
con Contributes to more freent
fronting and solving problems. In their
expcriencing of posi
study of
tIve aflect, optimists may also reap the benefits
college students' adjustments to the strsses of col-
described by Fredriciss broaden-and-build the-
lege, Aspinwall and Taylor (1992) found that
opti-
mistic students set to work ory ol POSIuve CllnO11s ta
finding ways to deal tions contribute to more creative problem-solving,
directly with the challenges of attending class, offset the effects of negative emotions, enhance
preparing for exams, writing papers, and develop- resilience in the face of distress, and increase the
ing new rela:ionships. Studying, preparing for tests, likelihood of social support from others. Finally, an
talking with other students, and planned use of
optimism-positive emotion connection would also
time wereamong the active stress-reducing include the beneficial effects of positive emotions
approaches used by optimistic students. More pes- on physical health (Chapter 3). It is clear that
nega-
simistic students tended to avoid
problems by pre- tive emotions suppress immune-system function-
tending they did not exist, wishfully thinking ing. Recent studies strongly suggest that positive
that they would somehow go away, and
reducing emotions may enhance the body's ability to
fight
rather than increasing social interaction with fellowv disease. The health benefits of optimism and the
siudents.
A rhird advantage of optimism is flexibility in
the use of different coping approaches. Based on
their review of dispositional optimism and coping TABLE 9.2 Coping strategies of optimists
research, Ness and Segerstrom (2006) suggest that and pessimists
optimists distinguish between controllable and
Optimists Pessimists
uncontrollable life stressors and adjust their cop-
ing strategies appropriately. Faced with less con- Information seeking Suppression of thoughts
trollable threats, such as life-threatening illness,
Active coping and Giving upp
optimists disengage from what may be fruitless
efforts, at least in the short term, to solve an
planning
unsolvable problem. Instead, they shift their cop- Positive reframing
Self-distraction
ing orientation from active problenm-solving to
Seeking benefit
more emotion-focused coping based on
accept Cognitive avoidance
ance of a reality that cannot be changed. Use of humor Focus on distress
Emotional coping involves finding ways to reduce
and manage the emotional consequences of stress- Acceptance Overt denial
ful events and conditions. This might involve Source: Scheier, M. ,Curver, C. S, & Bridges, M. W.
engaging in enjoyable activities, sharing feelings Optimism, pessimisn, and (2002)
p>ychological well-being. In E. C.
with others, or looking past the stressful present Chang (Ed), Optimismm and
pesstmiSm:
research and practie pp. e Implications for theon
Situation to a more positive future. Knowing what 189216). Washington,
Psychologic Association. Copyright American DC. American
al
you can and cannot change is a critical element of Associatuon Reprinted by permission Psychological
198
Chapter 9 Positive Traits
than ruminating about
be done rather
nealth risks
of pessimism may stem, in needs to
shows patterns similar to
pnysiological factors related to differences part,
in
the ret
what went

optimism in its
wrong.
relationships
Hope
to adjustment, achieve
eprevalence of positive and negative emotions ment, and health

Power of Negative Thinking.

In
VARIETIES OF OPTIMIsM AND PESSIMISM The Positive
e n c o u n t e r expressions
describing
everyday life we about the future. People
ope Theory. Dispositional optimism focuses on of expectations
a variety that some.
or
positive expectations for the future that motivate are "cautiousBy optimistic,
$ay they pursuing a pipedrearn"
go-directed behavior. Optimism as explanatory one is "wildly
unrea1stic."
assessment of the
their realrstic
yie focuses on a sense of agency in describing or "takes pride in
pessimism are
and
OW people stay on course in achieving their goals that optimIsm
future." It is clear
about and prepar.
oy explaining bad events (setbacks) in a way that options
for think1ng
not the only think of somecne
preserves a positive attitude. Snyder's hope the For example.
ing for the future description: The
ory combines these wo elements of expectation who fits the following
you know when thinking
about his or
and
ana agency in defining hope as willpoweris the
anxIOus
person is very task, expecting
on an upcoming
waypower" (Snyder, 1994, 1995). Agency her performance descriptions
gives detailed
willpower that provides the energy and determina- the w o r s t : the person and yei u e e i s a
will go wrong,
tion to persist
in the pursuit uany* all the th1ngs that Norem and her
col-
tant goals. What Snyder calls "pathways thinking8 successful
is usually very and behavior
as confi this sort of thinking
IS the *waypower,." which he explains leagues descrihe (Norem & Cantor, 1986).
identified
dence that routes to desired goals can be as defenstve
pessimism
Power of
encountered, alternative book The Positive
and, when obstacles are The title of Norem's Pessimism to
Scale contains Defensive
routes can be found. The Hope Negative Thinking: Using
at Your Peak pro-
items assessing both agency and pathways
(Snyder, Harness Anxiety and Perform
are given of research findings
1994; Snyder al.. 1991). Example items
et vides a succinct summary
each item is (Norem, 2001).
below. People rate the extent to which regarding this form of pessimism that chan-
true for them and a score describes
summary
a per-
Defensive pessimism is negative thinking
about potential failure into successful
son's degree of hope. nels anxiety
achievement.
1. I energetically pursue my goals. (agency measured with a ques-
Defensive pessimism is
me well to consider how they pre
2. My past experiences have prepared asks people
tionnaire that
or the future. (agency) think about uifferent situations (e.g.
pare for and
of jam. are then asked to
a rate
3. I can think of many ways to get out academic and social). They
statements given below
(pathways) how much the kinds of
I know I can
83). Defensive
4. Even when others get discouraged, describe themselves (Norem, 2002, p.
find a way to solve the problem. (pathways) would endorse these sample question-
pessimists
naire items:
correlations with opti-
Hope shows substantial
to be optimistic
mism. Hopeful people also tend
2002).
(Snyder, 2000; Snyder, Rand, & Sigmon, flexible "I go into these situations expecting
tbe
of
However, hope adds the importance worst, even tbougb I know I wil probab
and self-motiva-
thinking. problem-solving ability, be OK"
benefits of
tion to an understanding of the coping I
optimism. Hopeful people, compared
to those who Toften uworry that, in tbese situations,
are less hopeful, are more skilled in generating won't be able to carry tbrougb my inten
alternative means for achieving goals when they tions
encounter roadblocks to their original plans. T often try to figure out likely it is that
bow
Hopeful people are better problem-solvers.. They I will do poorly in tbese situations"
are also more likely to use positive "self-talk" (e.g., I spend a lot of time planning wben one of
I can do this") to maintain their motivation when these situations is coming
faced with obstacles. Hopeful people focus on what
up.
 199
Positive Traits
Chapter 9

Defensive pessimism serves three positive is clearly shown in a study that asked college stu
about
functions. First, by setting low expectations (i.e., dents describe their thoughts and feelings
to
Table 9.3
expecting the worst), this fom of pessimism softens college exams (Norem & Canter, 1986) versus
shows the different responses of optimists
the blow of failure if it does occur. If you expect suc-
defensive pessimists.
cess, failure is disheartening. If you expect failure, as well
success is a pleasant surprise. Second, by anticipat- Defensive pessimists perform just
worst-case outcomes you can as optimists, but use a very different strategy
ing and reflecting on and avoid extensive
failure from occurring. Optimists set high expectations
prepare in advance to prevent They are
confident
Third. if you are anxious about how you will do in thinking about future outcomes.Defensive pessimists
the that things will work out well.
arious pertormance situations, pouring over all and worry about
wavs vou may fail, and making preparations
to avoid set low expectations, are anxious,
s u c c e s s . In
to e n s u r e
each potential source of failure "harnesses"
and failing, but prepare thoroughly strat-
to follow this
channels your anxiety into a productive purpose. By fact, defensive pessimists "need" fact that
evidenced by the
mentally rehearsing what you will do and
how you egy to be successful, as they
studies in which
confi- their performance suffers in
will avoid potential pitfalls, you increase your about
and worrying
are prevented from thinking
dence, reduce anxiety, and feel more in control of task.
ihsituation-all of which helps maximize your possible outcomes of an upcoming defensive
siccess,

chances of success. Research affirms each of these Despite their performanre Norem,
emotional price (see
three functions of defensive pessimism (see Norem, pessimists may pay an
levels of
for review). Related to their higher
2001, 2002: Norem & Chang, 2002). 2002, a
negatives
and focus on the
anxiety
Defensive pessimists think quite differently performance
show
defensive pessimists
This (what may go wrong),
about a future performance than do optimists.

about upcoming exams

TABLE 9.3 Optimists' and derensve pessimists thoughts
Optimist Statements

1. I'm studying the material

2. Feel confident
.eel "a little" nervnus
4. Feel relaxed/calm
5.Ifeel like l'm prepared
6.I would psych out the exam questions
7. Plan sleep/study schedule
8. I'm not nervous/worried

Defensive-Pessimism Statements

1.I anticipate doing poorly

2. Feel nervOus
3. Feel anxious
4.I think about how unpreparedl am in order to get myself to work harder
5.I study as much as possible
6.I think about the exam
7.I think about what will happen if Ifail
8.I usually do better than expected
Source: Norem, J. K., & Caior, N. (1986). Defensive pessimism: Harnessing anxiety as motivation.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51, 1208-1217. Copyright American Psychological
Association. Adapted with permission.