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Psychopathological Dimensions of Harassment in The Workplace (Mobbing)
Psychopathological Dimensions of Harassment in The Workplace (Mobbing)
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Psychopathological Dimensions
of Harassment in the Workplace
(Mobbing)
ABSTRACT: Aims: This study (a) evaluates the subjective perception and the
psychopathological effects on workers subjected to harassment at the workplace,
(b) examines the pathogenic relation between workplace harassment and psy-
chiatric aspects, and (c) assesses the correlation between socio-demographic
variables and the pathogenic extent of this phenomenon. Methods: The study
was carried out with the participation of 733 workers who approached the Work
Psychopathology Medical Centre of the Department of Mental Health of Naples
(Italy); 533 (73 percent) completed the diagnostic trial. Diagnoses were made in
accord to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th edi-
tion, text revision) criteria. Each individual was graded on an empirical scale to
quantify the correlation between diagnosis and harassment at the workplace. Two
groups, with the highest and the lowest degrees of working pathogenesis, were
compared. Statistical analysis was carried out to study the correlation between
diagnoses and working pathogenesis. Results: The greatest subjective perception
of mobbing is found among workers of high (managers, officials, etc.) and medium
(employees, white-collars workers, etc.) work level and the highest care demand is
experienced by workers in the fields of public administration, health-care, social
Giovanni Nolfe, xxx, is xxx at the Mobbing Regional Observatory of Campania (Italy).
Claudio Petrella, xxx, is xxx at the Mobbing Regional Observatory of Campania (Italy).
Francesco Blasi, xxx, is xxx at the Work Psychopathology Medical Center, Department of
Mental Health, Naples. Gemma Zontini, xxx, is xxx at the Italian Psychoanalytical Society,
Naples. Guiseppe Nolfe, xxx, is xxx at the National Research Council of Italy, Institute of
Cybernetics. <<AU: Please amend brief author biographical statements (e.g., include
academic degree if appropriate, position, etc.).>>
70
WINTER 2007–08 71
The relation between work and mental health has been emphasized by a number of
studies--both cross-sectional [1–3] and longitudinal [4–13]--based on the assump-
tion that work demands and conflicts are considered important variables of mental
illness [14]. These studies confirmed previous findings within social psychiatry as
to the relevance of job-related stressful life events (both in terms of interpersonal
relations and organizational systems) and created rating scales in which these events
were emphasized [15–16].
Over the last 20 years, starting with the empirical data of Leymann [17–18]
who drew attention to several studies from the 1970s [19], the phenomenon of
harassment at the workplace has been studied in a systematic fashion, and it has
been more accurately defined as an interaction comprised of acts of harassments,
discriminations, unwanted conducts with an adverse effect on dignity, social isola-
tion or exclusion, public and professional humiliations, criticism, intimidations, and
psychological and sometimes physical abuses. This process must occur repeatedly
and over a period of time (almost six months). In fact “a conflict cannot be called
bullying if the incident is an isolated event or if two parties of approximately equal
‘strength’ are in conflict” [20, p. xxx] <<AU: Please provide page number or
reword to avoid direct quote.>> Several other terms have been introduced to
describe this subject including scapegoating [21], mobbing-psychological terror
[22–23], workplace trauma [24]. work harassment [25], bullying [26–28], and
abusive behaviour and emotional abuse [29–30]. In this study, in accordance with
other authors [20, 23, 31], we use the term harassment (bullying) at the workplace
to identify persistent and repeated negative acts operated by one or more work
colleagues (generally coworkers or superiors) toward one or more victims who
are usually unable to defend themselves.
The frequency of psychiatric illness related to workplace harassment has be-
come of increasing interest within the international literature both because of its
high health-care demands and its social and economic costs [32–34]. These topics
The authors thank Sara Rundle-Smith and Rosanna Scalabrini for their helpful insight
and suggestions.
72 international journal of mental health
were initially examined within work and organizational psychology and, due to
their frequent legal aspects, within forensic psychiatry. Subsequently, a number
of researchers have considered the clinical, psychogenetic, and therapeutic impli-
cations [14, 35] and have also suggested the need for further investigations, with
larger samples of participants [36] to delineate the phenomenon more accurately.
However, to date, few systematic studies have been carried out. An increased risk
of poor mental health, suggested by a follow-up study carried out on individuals
reporting interpersonal conflicts at work [37] was found by Ferrie et al. [13]<<AU:
Please confirm that this is correctly cited as Ferrie et al. (the original was Fer-
rie, 2006)>> who used the General Health Questionnaire [38]. Another study [39]
observed a high incidence of sickness absence ascribable to work characteristics
but did not focus on specific diagnoses and symptoms. Quine [40] found clinical
anxiety (30 percent) and depression (8 percent) among people who had experienced
workplace harassment, and Kivimäki, Ferrie, Head, Shipley, Vahtera, and Marmot
[11] examined the exposure to workplace harassment by a postal questionnaire
sent to more than 10,000 employees and observed an increase in cardiovascular
disease and depression in respondents exposed to a prolonged period of bullying
when compared with those who had not been exposed to workplace harassment.
Furthermore, Paterniti, Niedhammer, Lang, and Consoli [41] emphasized the
relation, independent of personality traits, between psychosocial factors at work
and depression (measured by self-administered questionnaires as well as by the
subjective assessment of depressive symptoms).
The aim of this study is to appraise and characterize, within a large sample,
both the clinical features of individuals and the socio-demographic variables of
workplace harassment (mobbing) by means of diagnostic and nosographic tools
of psychiatric research. Most previous information is based on data from ques-
tionnaires administered to more or less large workers cohorts, and such methods,
although able to evaluate subjective perception of the phenomenon, may only
provide indirect and not standardized measurements insofar as they only provide
information about the association between subjectively self-reported work char-
acteristics and subjectively self-reported mental health outcomes. In contrast, our
study considers the association between subjectively self-reported harassment at
the workplace and objectively evaluated mental disease according to standardized
clinical and diagnostic criteria, as well as proposing a simple methodology to assess
the “weight” of work as a pathogenic factor. This course of action appears even
more pertinent in the Italian population, which shows a high reticence to answer,
as deduced from the observation that the Italian cohort gave one of the smallest
response rates to questionnaires used by the European Community in a large epi-
demiological study [42, pp. 2–3].
Method
The study was carried out on 733 participants ( 297 women and 436 men) who ap-
WINTER 2007–08 73
180
160
140
No. of Participants
120
Men
100
Women
80
60
40
20
0
18-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61 & over
Age (years)
Results
We first investigate the comprehensive number of people arrived at the Work Psy-
chopathology Medical Centre to analyze their demographic characteristics. The
assignment of 733 individuals through five classes of age has shown the highest
prevalence in the ranges from 41 to 50 years of age (37.0 percent) and 51–60
years of age (33.4 percent). This percentage decreases to 21.1 percent in the range
31–40 and declines to slighter values in the extreme intervals of 18–30 and 61 and
WINTER 2007–08 75
Mail &
Telecommunications
Industry & Building
10% Others
Energy Industry
2% 12% Farming, Fishing,
2% & Handicraft
Armed & Police 1%
Forces
3% Commerce &
Tourism
15%
Public
Adminstration
23% Health & Social
Work
Bank & Insurance Transport 17%
10% 5%
Figure 2. Work Sectors
over, which constituted, respectively, 4.1 percent and 4.3 percent of the sample.
The distribution of men and women in these five classes is shown in Figure 1.
Although the allotment of women in the five categories reproduces a symmetric
curve, with the highest level in the medium range (from 41–50), in the categorical
allotment of men by age, we observe a progressive increase with aging with the
widest score between 51–60.
The distribution of workers in the various sectors is shown in Figure 2. The
highest care demand is operated by workers of the public administration, health-
care and social work, and commerce and industry. The private sector accounted
for 57.8 percent of cases, the public sector accounted for 38.7 percent of cases, and
3.5 percent of cases were mixed (public and private) sector.
The workforce is subdivided into three categories: low level (e.g., blue collars,
laborers, tradesmen, etc.), medium level (e.g., employees, white collars, etc.) and
high level (e.g., managers, 5officials, professionals, etc ). The first level was found
in 16 percent of the population, 50 percent were categorized in the medium level,
and 34 percent of individuals were allocated into the third level.
The diagnostic trial was completed on 533 workers and diagnoses were made
based on DSM-IV-TR criteria [43]. The results are summarized in Table 1.
Adjustment disorders appear as the most frequent diagnosis (51.05 percent),
followed by anxiety disorders (24.24 percent) and mood disorders (23.05 percent).
The diagnoses of schizophrenic spectrum are relatively rare (1.66 percent), with an
increase up to 2.56 percent when considering all individuals suffering from psy-
chotic spectrum disorder. Within mood disorders, depression (as a single episode
without psychotic symptoms) emerged as the more frequent nosographic entity
(92 percent). The diagnosis of post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) concerned
85 percent of all anxiety disorders.
76 international journal of mental health
90
80
Group H
70 Group L
Participants (%)
60
Group L
50
Group H
40
30 Group H
Group L
20
10
0
Mood Mood/Anxiety Adjustment Others
Diagnoses
Figure 3. Correlation Between Diagnosis and Working Pathogenic Level
which shows that significant differences are found in two diagnostic classes: A
(mood disorders) and, most significant, AB (mood and anxious disorders). Of in-
dividuals suffering from mood pathology, 80 percent (20 percent) were in Group H
(Group L). The data for individuals with combined anxiety and mood disorders are
even more marked (Group H = 84 percent; Group L = 16 percent). In contrast, the
differences were lower among individuals with adjustment disorders (Group H =
65 percent; Group L = 35 percent) and not relevant among diagnoses of psychotic
spectrum (both Groups H and L = 50 percent).
Discussion
to evaluate better the actual effect of harassment at the workplace as a risk factor
for depression.
The high incidence of anxious disorders in our patients is in agreement with
other epidemiological studies that evaluate the link between work strain and mental
illness [73]. Many authors have already underlined the weight of life-events, such
as humiliation and entrapment (highly prominent features among people subjected
to workplace harassment) in the pathogenesis of anxious diseases, mainly when
linked to depression [74]
Within anxiety disorders, the cases of PTSD were very frequent. This diagno-
sis is often found to be linked to depressive illness, thus confirming the clinical
relation already suggested by other researches [75], who have underlined how
the same traumatic mechanisms act autonomously in these two psychopathologic
dimensions.
The high PTSD incidence is connected with the current diagnostic criteria, in
place from the DSM-IV [76] onward, which rules out the quantitative (and in-
definite) dimension “outside the range of normal human experience” of traumatic
events as previously required by the DSM-III [77, p. xxx]. <<Please provide page
number or reword to avoid direct quote.>> Such historical modification of PTSD
diagnostic criteria [78] amplifies its conceptualization as far as to encompass, prob-
ably, the Freudian concept of traumatische neurose [79–80].
The bidimensional theory of PTSD [81], the evaluation of this illness in a di-
mensional perspective [82], and the late investigations that have connected PTSD
to affect arousal dysregulation and to numbing [83–84] make the high relevance
of PTSD (and its recurrent link with depression) in our cohort not at all surpris-
ing. Quantitatively less relevant, but significant in relation to the development of
theoretical models [85], appears to be the link between PTSD and psychosis.
We observe, in agreement with previous studies [86–87], that adjustment disor-
ders are the most frequent pathology. To date, this diagnosis has not been studied in
detail, although it represents a psychopathological dimension, whose nosographical
relevance [88–89] and correlation to significant disability levels, including the non-
negligible suicidal risk [90], has often been underlined. Its frequent confirmation,
criticized by other authors [91] as a psychiatric complication of many somatic
pathologies with chronic evolution and a relevant emotional impact [92–96], sug-
gests that traumatic phenomena, characterized by a higher degree of chronicity but
a lower dramatic power (i.e., catastrophic stressor), can engender the disorder both
in the case of workplace harassment and of organic illness.
Regarding the psychotic spectrum disorders, our findings, for the first time,
provide data in this area, although the relation between trauma and psychotic
process has already been reported [97]. The prevalence of these severe illnesses
is limited, although it shows an increase of risk when compared with the general
population. We suppose, however, that harassment at the workplace might cause
82 international journal of mental health
psychotic spectrum disorders and that the incidence observed in our sample might
be underestimated. Indeed, the appearance of psychotic spectrum symptoms could
direct these individuals (both outpatients and inpatients) to other general psychiatric
services rather than to our Center, which is more specifically dedicated to work
psychopathology.
We hypothesize two main categories of pathogenic mechanisms: First, trau-
matic stressors can produce (in relation to the violence and harassment degree of
the bullying process, as well as to the specific traits of the victim’s personality) a
severe symptomatic frame that might even reach PTSD (with intense hyperarousal,
flashbacks, and dissociation phenomena) and psychotic spectrum disorders; and sec-
ond, the traumatic event with a prolonged but lower intensity mechanism produces
the polymorphic pattern of adjustment disorders. Within this limit, depression--
considered a specific disorder as well as a symptom (within adjustment disorder
with depressed and mixed mood, PTSD, personality disorders, etc.)--crosses these
pathogenic mechanisms and grounds, and is, therefore, the main psychopathologi-
cal dimension of workplace harassment.
These data and the significance of the phenomenon have strong therapeutic im-
plications. In fact, the early identification of stressful working conditions is (particu-
larly in depression) a fundamental approach to the care of these pathologies because
their treatment can frequently be grounded (beyond individual pharmacological and
psychotherapeutics strategies) in the therapeutic involvement of relational, familial.
and social backgrounds to amplify the defenses, resources, and coping strategies
of the individuals. On the other hand, in the cases in which working pathogenesis
is found, the evaluation and the treatment of the working organization patterns
appears to be essential above all to achieve preventive intervention forms that can
be planned only on the basis of suitable health-care government strategies, and.
to this end, the sensitization in the scientific and psychiatric community to these
topics is a fundamental necessity.
Further findings are needed concerning the personality characteristics of the
individuals exposed to workplace harassment and to develop, as also suggested by
other authors [98], more standardized criteria to measure the cause–effect relation,
which are the main limitations of this study. We have not carried out an objective
measurement of workplace harassment and need to exclude more clearly any
modification of the perception of the psychosocial and interpersonal factors within
the working environment as a consequence of personality traits.
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