Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The last decade of the 20th century witnessed a development in the field of
unleashed by the invention of moveable type 500 years before. This has rightly piqued the
interest and the pastoral concern of the leaders of the Catholic Church. But the spate of recent
documents from the Pontifical Council for Social Communication are not the Church’s first
attempt to deal with the phenomenon of mass electronic communication. For that, we need to go
This paper will offer a cursory presentation of how the Catholic Church responded to the
development of mass media in the first half of the 20th century, beginning with the popularization
of motion pictures and concluding with the post-war period. I believe that awareness of this
context can serve as an important interpretive tool for reading the pre-conciliar papal documents
on media, namely Vigilanti Cura (Pius XI) and Miranda Prorsus (Pius XII). The two encyclicals
focus especially on the human and social dimensions of the media. This would be
institutionalized even linguistically by Vatican II’s choice of the term “instruments of social
The attitude of the Church toward the new media of the early twentieth century, mainly
radio and motion pictures, must not be sought only in official teaching, but in the action-in-
history of Church members and organizations. From at least 1928 to 1957 (that is, with the
publication of Miranda Prorsus), Church members were actively engaging with the media. For
example:
This active presence in the world of mass communication meant that Catholics were in a
position to offer some insight, and even contribute to the evolution of these new media. Wireless
political freedom meant that the media, especially motion pictures, enjoyed rapid growth in the
United States. That put the Church in the U.S. in a position to assess the impact and potential of
The Catholic Church had been addressing media issues sporadically since the time of
Gutenberg, but early responses on the part of the hierarchy tended to be limited to the realm of
scholarship. After all, books could only impact the literate: reading involved a process of
decoding and abstraction from symbols, and only scholars had the time for that. The onset of
concerns. These media engage the senses directly: there is no “mediation” and therefore no
“literacy” required. Anyone with eyes and ears is subject to the impact of these technologies, and
brought into any action or discussion whatever, witnessing these not simply as an individual, but
as a member of a potentially unlimited audience. Even the spread of the “new means” was
prodigious: the birth of motion picture technology is usually dated 1895. By 1909, there were
40,000 people employed in the motion picture industry in New York City alone. As early as
1916, campaign films were promoting Woodrow Wilson’s bid for the Presidency. At the same
time radio, first conceived in terms of military communication, was being recognized as a
medium for popular programming.
The im-mediate and sense-oriented nature of radio and motion pictures meant that these
media were not so much “interpreted” as “encountered”: think of the panicked crowds fleeing a
theater to escape the oncoming train—on the screen. For that early screen audience, the mediated
image was experienced as present, and the response was unreflected and instinctual. No wonder
decision “unanimously and pointedly [excluding] all motion pictures from First Amendment
protection,” equating the industry simply with free trade and not with the communication of
ideas. In fact, in its early development, film productions were not taken all that seriously: cinema
was thought to be simply another kind of game, a device for mindless entertainment. As such, it
was clearly subject to limits and controls. Censorship issues were raised—or censorship taken for
granted—as early as 1907, when Chicago police had the right to inspect and “license” all films
according to criteria of morality. The motion picture industry was terrified of the idea of
censorship and waged continual battle against it, claiming that “self-censorship” in the form of a
code or list of principles would be sufficient and effective in addressing the concerns of parents,
clergy and civic leaders. The rank and file kept attempting to put some controls on the industry:
despite the studios’ best efforts, 90 U.S. cities had censorship offices for motion pictures by
1925. This was the year after the Industry adopted a (non-enforceable) self-censorship formula
Through the first decades of ferment, the Catholic Church in the United States was
surprisingly quiet. On the whole, pastoral issues relating to the burgeoning Catholic population
probably demanded the most attention. Various U.S. dioceses addressed the matter of motion
picture content—sometimes at the initiative of the local bishop, sometimes because of the
interest and action of a lay group. There was little consensus on exactly what to do. Then came
the Depression. Studies owned their own theater chains and had invested millions of dollars in
equipping their production facilities and movie palaces for “talkies.” The stock market crash
occurred during this costly infrastructure upgrade, leaving every studio in Hollywood on the
brink of bankruptcy. “Hollywood determined that sensationalism and exciting action in greater
quantities were required to lure the missing millions back…. [From 1930-1934] films were racier
and more explicit than ever before”. To fill the genre gap generated by sound technology
(“talkies” opened the way to musicals), Broadway productions were hastily adapted to film,
It is not hard to see that this would have provoked a backlash on the part of “decent, God-
fearing citizens” who were more than likely unnerved by other cultural experiments in the
“Flapper Age.” “The impetus for a moral crusade had to come from an institution with power
and respect. The Catholic voice, which had not always been in the forefront of demands for
The industry’s 1930 “Hays Code,” drafted by Father Daniel Lord, SJ and prominent
Catholic publisher Martin Quigley, was “too little, too late”—especially since there was no
provision for enforcement. As Pius XI noted, it “proved to have but slight effect.” In fact, James
Skinner observed, “Few films seemed complete without a studied contravention of the Code”.
This is precisely the context in which the Legion of Decency was conceived.
The establishment of the “Legion of Decency” with its pledge and published list of
movies was not the start of something new, nor was it, strictly speaking, an episcopal imposition
upon the laity—far from it! The action of the Episcopal Committee for Motion Pictures provided
a unified approach to action that was already being taken in a variety of ways across the nation.
That unity led to incredible strength. In the first year of its existence, even before the National
Office was established in New York, the Legion of Decency had seen between seven and nine
million Catholics take its pledge. This created a powerful sense of belonging, and the kind of
pride that comes from being on the high moral ground. In addition, the kind of action typically
taken against “immoral” films (pickets, parades and petitions) was itself a kind of drama. It
created a spirit of solidarity and civic pride, and its success enhanced Legion of Decency (and
Within two years, the bishops approved a simple A-B-C ratings system for the Legion.
An A rating was not “excellent” or even “approved”; the bishops had already determined that
only negative judgments were to be given. “A” meant “not disapproved.” It was up to the local
Ordinary to determine what, if any, action was to be taken for B and C-rated movies. Studios
learned from grim experience that “the Condemned [C] rating…was a magisterial judgment that
The founding of the Legion of Decency preceded, only by about a year, the establishment
Ignatius Breen. The PCA was not a studio tool; it was able to impose a fine for non-compliance
with its Code, and theater chains subscribing to it could not even book films that did not carry
the PCA seal of approval. The Legion of Decency had no such tools, and yet producers and
distributors who had managed to stave off official censorship submitted to the indignity of seeing
their scripts rewritten, takes cut or even reshot, artistic visions compromised as they scrambled
for at least a “B” rating from the Legion. For about twenty years, popular support for the Legion
of Decency was such that even powerhouse studios reluctantly submitted. The combination of a
PCA office with teeth, and the growing power of the Legion of Decency was such that by
November 1937 “of the 1,271 titles reviewed [by the Legion of Decency]… 91 percent were
approved in the A-1 and A-II categories”. Little surprise, then, that Pius XI, in addressing his
1936 encyclical to the U.S. bishops, would see the Legion of Decency as an appropriate and
praiseworthy pastoral initiative. It is only natural for the Pope to have been heartened by what
Vigilianti Cura focuses strictly on motion pictures, and its concerns are almost entirely
pastoral. The encyclical urges bishops to exercise “vigilant care” so that the faithful will make
appropriate use of the medium. Pius XI specifically calls for the establishment, in every nation,
of “Legion of Decency” style organizations and services, with international links among them for
the sake of a unified message. (This also reflects awareness of the international exchange of
Meanwhile, trouble was brewing in Europe. Joseph Goebbels had been appointed
Propaganda Minister for Germany, and the German motion picture industry was nationalized.
1500 filmmakers fled the country, but their loss did not stop the production of propaganda
movies. Radio, too, was a means for Nazi propaganda. Hitler had even had small radios mass-
produced for wide distribution to the German population (by war’s end, 70% of German families
had a radio—the highest percentage in the world). This made it easy for the Nazis to nourish
anti-semitism and to present their ongoing invasions and annexations of neighboring countries in
a positive light.
In the field of radio, the Church’s own communication was anything but abstract.
Marilyn Matelski places the origins of Vatican Radio in the years after the unification of Italy,
when the Papal States were taken from the Pope, who remained “prisoner of the Vatican.” With
Mussolini’s rise to power, “the implicit threat of future repression lingered…. Pacelli suggested
that the Holy See investigate the possibilities of incorporating a new medium, ‘radio,’ into
Church propagation. Through radio, no pope could ever be driven into isolation again;
geographic and political borders had become virtually meaningless when confronted by the ‘air
waves’ of broadcast technology”. Inaugurated on February 12, 1931 by Pius XI (Marconi, of
course, was present), it was the first “transnational” radio station in the world.
The most significant entry of the Catholic Church in world communication came on
January 21 and 22, 1940. The January 21 broadcast, made in German, was the “first in world
radio to report the imprisonment of Jewish and Polish prisoners in ‘sealed ghettos.’ From that
point on, Vatican Radio continued to feature stories on concentration camps and other Nazi
torture chambers”. Ronald Rychlak, in his study of Pius XII and World War II, states that the
second Vatican Radio report, made in English by an American Jesuit, was ordered by Pius XII
and “intended for American broadcast”. At any rate, the New York Times picked it up. Another
broadcast a few days later (January 26) got attention from the world press and provoked a protest
from Germany.
Vatican Radio served as a kind of technological papal “legate” in dealing with both sides
of the war. Subject to jamming from Nazis and Soviets, it was still free from their control. It
countered German propaganda claims in Spain, for example, by increasing Spanish broadcasts
on four short-wave bands, answering German claims by narrating Nazi atrocities. (Rychlak notes
that “researchers discovered that Pius XII personally authored many of the intensely anti-German
statements beamed around the world…. [as well as] directives…regarding the content of the
broadcasts”.)
Throughout the war, Pius XII actively used Jesuit-run Vatican Radio as a worldwide
pulpit, even though the Vatican had specified, as the war broke out, “that Vatican Radio would
be an independent, autonomous entity and not an organ of the Holy See”. Vatican Radio was also
a key player in locating prisoners of war and missing persons as the war dragged to a close:
about a quarter of a million short-wave messages were sent out by the Vatican Information
Bureau.
Until 1957, no papal document dealt specifically with radio: Vatican Radio itself was the
exposition of the Pope’s understanding of the use and power of these medium. Pius XII’s
Miranda Prorsus would touch on radio, but by then Vatican Radio was in decline from a
programming standpoint, even if its technological reach was being improved. A significant point
Pius XII makes in the encyclical (which for the most part dealt with motion pictures) concerns
the need for radio listeners to respond to programming: without such listener feedback, radio is
writers, actors, producers and audience, and so were of vital concern to Church leaders, including
Popes. Grass-roots action on the part of civic and religious groups led the way to the creation of
the Legion of Decency by the U.S. Catholic bishops. Held up by Pope Pius XI as an ideal form
of pastoral action, the Legion reflected ideals of white middle class respectability in its ratings of
movies. However, these seem to have been in line with the approach any other civic-minded
group of the time would have taken. Only toward the 1950s when some serious and truly artistic
films were condemned on the basis of the Legion’s non-contextual “checklist” approach to virtue
and vice did some reviewers and thoughtful Catholics take a step back to question the usefulness
of the system. But by then the Legion was beginning to lose influence with the Catholic audience
itself. For better or for worse, the Legion of Decency had had a profound impact on the shaping
Catholic involvement in radio took varied form, particularly in the United States where
several priests became national radio personalities. The role of Vatican Radio during World War
II was exceptional for its presence as the “voice of the Pope” responding to the issues of the day.
The service rendered to displaced persons after the war also testifies to the social role the Church
raised in matters of content, along with the use of these technologies for Nazi and Communist
propaganda, provided the impetus for Papal intervention in the form of numerous audiences and
allocutions directed to media professionals and of two encyclicals specifically dealing with
media technology.
Concerns that come through especially strongly in the two encyclicals include: the
influence of media products on human thinking and values (especially the moral dimension, but
also the doctrinal); the potential of these technologies for education and evangelization; the
potentially negative influence of media messages on the young; a concern to organize ecclesial
groups on the national and international levels to facilitate exchange of information and harmony
of approach. But any profound reading of these encyclicals must begin from an awareness of the
media world from which they were issued, including the very active part played by Catholics in
Eilers, SVD, Franz-Josef, ed. Church and Social Communication: Basic Documents. Manila:
Logos, 1993.
Matelski, Marilyn. Vatican Radio: Propagation by the Airwaves, Media and Society Series.
Westport, CT: Praeger, 1995.
Rychlak, Ronald. Hitler, the War and the Pope. Huntington, IN: Our Sunday Visitor, 2000.
Skinner, James. The Cross and the Cinema: The Legion of Decency and the National Cathlic
Office for Motion Pictures, 1933-1970. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993.
Soukup, SJ, Paul. Jesuit Response to the Comunications Revolution, Studies in the Spirituality of
Jesuits, 21. St. Louis: Seminar on Jesuit Spiritality, 1989.