Final Paper Exploring Food Insecurity Amongst College Students Within Californias Agricultural Abundance

EXPLORING FOOD INSECURITY 1
Exploring Food Insecurity Amongst College Students within California's Agricultural
Abundance
Whitney Ballard, Erin E. Connor, Denise Her, and Jamaal R. Washington
California State University, Fresno
HEAL 224: Foundations of Inquiry and Applied Research in Higher Education
Dr. J. Pryor
May 12, 2021

Abstract
Despite being one of the wealthiest nations in the world, experts project that the poverty rate in
the United States will grow in 2021. Food insecurity is one of the major by-products of poverty.
Marginalized populations are at increased risks of experiencing food insecurity, including Black,
Latino, and single mother households. Higher education scholarship reveals that college students
experience food insecurity at higher rates than the general population. Despite the growing
research on college student food insecurity, there are wide gaps in scholarship, including lack of
qualitative research and research focused on rural campuses. This research proposal intends to
explore the experiences of undergraduate students encountering food insecurity through a critical
constructivist lens. The research question guiding our study is “what are the experiences and
stories of undergraduate students experiencing food insecurity at public colleges and universities
in the San Joaquin Valley?” Sub-questions include documenting university initiatives such as
campus food pantries and how they meet the needs of students. Through a qualitative collective
case study where we conduct semi-structured interviews on one California Community College
campus, one California State University campus, and one University of California campus within
the San Joaquin Valley, we seek to understand food insecurity within a wider context and offer
recommendations for transformative action on colleges and universities.
Keywords: food security, food insecurity, poverty, critical theory, marginalized
communities, power, oppression, San Joaquin Valley, college students

Exploring Food Insecurity Amongst College Students within California's Agricultural
Abundance
Despite being one of the wealthiest nations in the world, the U.S. Census Bureau reported
that 34 million (10.5%) Americans lived in poverty in 2019 (Semega et al., 2020). Unfortunately,
the COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in more American families falling into poverty, with 12%
of Americans reporting that they faced food insecurity in December 2020 (Giannarelli et al.,
2021). Even taking into consideration pandemic relief and stimulus checks, Giannarelli et al.
(2021) project that the poverty rate in 2021 will increase to 13.7%, which means that
approximately one in seven Americans could live in households that earn less than the federal
poverty guideline thresholds. The 2021 federal poverty guideline for a family of four is $26,500
(U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, n.d.).
Food insecurity is one of the major by-products of poverty. The U.S. Department of
Agriculture [USDA] (2020a) defines food insecurity as a person who reports either a subpar
quality of diet (“low food security”) or reduced food intake (“very low food security”) due to low
economic means. In 2019, the USDA (2020b) reported that 10.5% U.S. households experienced
food insecurity, with Black, Latino, and single mother households at most risk. Because of the
racial gaps in food security, McDonough et al. (2020) states that food security is one of the
United States’ most pressing public health and policy concerns. Growing literature in higher
education demonstrates that college students are at elevated risks for food insecurity when
compared to the general population (Cady, 2014; Crutchfield & Maguire, 2018; Kozak et al.,
2019; Silva et al., 2017; Wood & Harris, 2018; Willis, 2019). While rates of food insecurity
among college students vary widely, the overall rate of college students experiencing food
insecurity is well above the national average, with 67% students facing food insecurity during
their college careers (Wood & Harris, 2018).
Food insecurity results from a multitude of factors, and college students experiencing
food insecurity can come from both food secure and insecure homes. Some populations are more
vulnerable and at risk of experiencing food insecurity, such as students of color, first generation
students, sexual minority students, former foster youth, students with children or dependents,
students older than 25, and students living off campus (Crutchfield & Maguire, 2018; Gaines et
al., 2014; Knol et al., 2019; Wood & Harris, 2018). In their California State University (CSU)
system wide study, Crutchfield & Maguire (2018) state that 41.6% of all CSU students reported
food insecurity; non-Hispanic Black, first generation CSU students are most at risk, with rates of
food insecurity at 65.9%. Students facing food insecurity have often remained an invisible
population due to embarrassment and the stigma associated with poverty; however, its negative
effects are very real and demonstrated through lower academic performance, student behavior,
student engagement, and lower retention and graduation rates (Cady, 2014; Wood & Harris,
2018). While there are limited studies on the health outcomes of students facing food insecurity,
those conducted have shown higher risks of chronic disease, disordered eating, and mental health
conditions (Bruening et al., 2016; Gaines et al., 2014; Knol et al, 2019; National Research
Council, 2006; Seligman et al., 2010).
Higher education institutions have begun responding to student food insecurity through
food security initiatives, often in the form of on campus food pantries (Crutchfield & Maguire,
2018; Kozak, 2019; Silva et al., 2017; Wood & Harris, 2018). We propose a collective case study
to examine and explore students experiencing food insecurity at three different types of public
institutions within the California Master Plan: one California Community College (CCC)
campus, one California State University (CSU) campus, and one University of California (UC)
campus. We have chosen the San Joaquin Valley as our central location due to its rich
agricultural abundance and high rates of poverty in addition to the fact that we all live, work, and
attend graduate school here. The purpose of our collective case study is to further explore and
understand food insecurity among students utilizing campus food pantries at one CCC campus,
one CSU campus, and one UC Campus within the San Joaquin Valley. At this stage of our
inquiry, food security is defined as having consistent access to “enough food for an active,
healthy lifestyle” (National Research Council, 2006, p. 4), while food insecurity is defined to be
“when the availability of nutritionally adequate and safe foods or the ability to acquire acceptable
foods in socially acceptable ways is limited or uncertain” (p. 4). The USDA (2020a) describes
the term “low food security” as reduced quality of diet due to economic restraints without
reduced food intake, while “very low food security” is reduced eating and low diet quality; both
terms fall under the umbrella of food insecurity. The research question guiding this study is
“what are the experiences and stories of undergraduate students experiencing food insecurity at
public colleges and universities in the San Joaquin Valley?” Sub-questions include documenting
university initiatives such as campus food pantries and how they meet the needs of students.
Food Insecurity Background
Due to a multitude of factors related to race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity,
and socioeconomic status, college students experience high rates of food insecurity (Cady, 2014;
Crutchfield & Maguire, 2018; Kozak et al., 2019; Silva et al., 2019; Willis, 2018; Wood &
Harris, 2018). The USDA (2020a) makes distinctions between the phenomenon of food
insecurity and the condition of hunger, stating

food security [is] the condition assessed in the food security survey and represented in
USDA food security reports—is a household-level economic and social condition of
limited or uncertain access to adequate food. Hunger is an individual-level physiological
condition that may result from food insecurity. (para. 6)
With the financial burdens and stress that college students experience, not having enough food
appears to be a widespread problem. Students are having to balance their classes and work full
time positions. This causes students to not have access to proper nutrition their bodies need.
There are several factors involved that hinder students' ability to have a well-balanced meal.
Some of these factors may include having inadequate time to prepare food, little to no knowledge
in meal planning, budgeting, and preparation, and not having enough money to spend on
groceries (Gaines et al, 2014). With these factors, students fall within the two levels of food
insecurity outlined by the USDA, food insecurity and hunger. To ensure all students have access
to high quality, nutritional food and meals, our research study explores the concerns within the
umbrella of food insecurity.
Student’s access to food are quick and easy prepackaged meals. While convenient, these
types of food have high levels of calories but are not nutritionally dense. College campuses
provide students with cheap, unhealthy fast food meals for students to quickly grab on their way
to their next class. Students that live on campus have access to the dining halls, but for students
with food intolerance and dietary restrictions, their options and food consumption is limited. In
addition to low food insecurity, students also experience very low food insecurity by the reduced
intake of food due to economic circumstances. With the limited amount of time students have to
get to their classes, students rarely have time to prepare and eat nutritious meals. If students have
early classes and commute to campus, they may choose to skip breakfast because they simply do
not have enough time. Sometimes, dinner may be the only meal students consume throughout the
day. College students are constantly on the go that they do not have adequate time to sit down
and eat a meal, which leads to reduced food intake.
For students experiencing food insecurity, Cady and Cutler (2018) asks this question:
does this phenomenon start in college or have students experienced food insecurity in their
childhood? Cady and Cutler (2018) explore “the food insecurity experiences of college students
as a continuum from elementary and secondary education, noting that students in the earlier part
of the educational pipeline who were hungry experienced significant academic challenges” (p.
74). Students who experienced food insecurity in their childhood are at higher risk to experience
it again in college. These students already had their families making decisions on whether they
have enough food to last them. They came from families who were trying to make ends meet.
Cady and Cutler (2018) indicate that “food insecure students are often forced to make impossible
choices— groceries or graduation, textbooks or food, to eat or not to eat” (p. 74). Students
transition into college having to decide on whether they should eat or not eat for the day. With
the rising cost of tuition, textbooks, and housing, these are decisions they will continue to make.
College is not the endpoint for food insecurity for most students, so what are college campuses
doing to create a buffer for students?
In 2012, colleges began initiating campus food pantries on their campuses with the
support of the College and University Food Bank Alliance (CUFBA) and their director, Clare
Cady. CUFBA (n.d.) is “a professional organization of campus-based programs focused on
alleviating food insecurity, hunger, and poverty among college and university students in the
United States” (para. 1). While college campuses began to form their food pantries
independently, CUFBA helped guide them in creating best practices, with their vision “to
alleviate the barriers and challenges associated with food insecurity and hunger so that college
and university students can remain in school, and ultimately, earn their degrees” (para. 6).
CUFBA acts as the middleman between food pantries and college campuses to help provide
colleges with the necessary resources and tools to benefit student success.
Our federal government is aware of college student food insecurity, so federal benefits
were put in place to alleviate the problem. Freudenberg (2019) states that the Supplemental
Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) is known “as the nation’s first—and most important—line
of defense against hunger” (p. 1653). SNAP is meant to help combat food insecurity that
students face. However, a significant portion of students experiencing food insecurity are not
enrolled in this program. The problem may lie within the federal program regulations, as
Freudenberg writes,
Congress declared that full-time students, defined as students attending classes at least
half-time, were ineligible for food stamps unless they were working 20 hours a week or
more or qualified for 1 of several possible exemptions. (p. 1653)
This federal program regulation renders that students who work fewer than 20 hours are
ineligible for SNAP, despite that their academic workload might prevent this type of
employment. Potentially, students who are ineligible for federal food assistance programs could
be students who need food assistance benefits the most. Therefore, federal food assistance
programs, like SNAP and CalFresh, which is California's version of the federal program SNAP,
have consequential limitations that bar a significant number of students from food assistance
benefits.
Institutional Data Review
Students are bringing their lived experiences with them to college, coming from homes
where their basic needs were met, partially met, or not met at all. Undergraduate students must
quickly adapt to understand how to balance between getting good grades and being financially
stable. These students also must make sure they are providing themselves with nutritious meals.
Since students are unable to adequately meet their own basic needs, institutions have decided to
step in. Although there are numerous types of institutions throughout the United States, many
have responded to food insecurity in similar ways, including creating campus food pantries.
We wanted to investigate three different types of public institutions in California,
selecting Fresno City College (CCC campus), Fresno State (CSU campus), and UC Merced (UC
campus) to learn more about their food pantries. We sought to gain more insight about their
policies, examining their data to learn key similarities and differences. The Fresno State (n.d.)
Food Security Project was created in August 2014, officially launching in November 2014. This
project is known as “a multi-initiative program to support students who may be experiencing
food insecurity or other challenges that might inhibit their academic success at Fresno State”
(Fresno State, n.d., para. 1). The initiatives were created to reach out to students in varying levels
of food insecurity, as well as provide students with resources available on-campus and off-
campus (Fresno State, n.d.). As a multi-initiative program, there are several programs, including
the Student Cupboard, CalFresh Outreach, How to Adult, Catered Cupboard, and Swipe Out
Hunger, which aim to combat food insecurity issues (Fresno State, n.d.). With the opening of the
student cupboard in November of 2014, the Fresno State Food Security Project was able to serve
around 200 students in less than a month (J. Medina, personal communication, April 9, 2021).
With the cupboard open 30 hours and five days a week, students can visit the cupboard everyday
if they want or need to. The cupboard is fully based on donor funding, recently receiving a 1.5
million dollar endowment that will continue to support their efforts (J. Medina, personal
communication, April 9, 2021). Currently the student cupboard has student assistants and one
professional staff member, Jessica Medina. Data about Fresno State’s pantry is publicly limited
due to privacy concerns, as opposed to Fresno City College’s campus pantry, the Ram Pantry.
The Ram Pantry was created in August 2015, almost a year after the Fresno State Food
Security Project was created. A co-op work group composed of students, faculty, staff, and
administrators came together to create the Ram Pantry to support students experiencing all levels
of food insecurity (Fresno City College, n.d.). The pantry includes a food drive to help support
Fresno City College students experiencing food insecurity or academic/personal challenges. The
Ram Pantry web page provides information about their own program as well as insights into
food insecurity in Fresno and its surrounding area. Fresno is the fifth most food insecure
metropolitan city in the U.S. (Fresno City College, n.d.). The Ram Pantry is open on Tuesdays,
Wednesdays, and Thursdays, with limited hours each day, impacting FCC students from going
whenever they have availability. A year and a half after the opening of the Ram Pantry,
approximately 3,400 students (unduplicated headcount) had received food assistance (Fresno
City College, 2020).
UC Merced’s Bobcat Pantry is a new program that opened in August 2018; there was no
publicly available statistical data on this pantry (University of California, Merced [UC Merced],
n.d.-c). On their website, the Bobcat Pantry provides students with recipes for healthy food
options (UC Merced, n.d.-c). They also have a range of food recovery programs such as No
Food Left Behind, which is a texting service that informs students, faculty, and staff about
leftover food from campus events (UC Merced, n.d.-b). Another program includes the Bobcat
Eats Food Waste Awareness and Prevention Program, which strives to help feed the community
by reducing food waste at food banks, grocery stores, cafes, and flea markets. Lastly, UC Merced
(n.d.-b) has a program called Food Connect, whose “goal is to decrease food insecurity, reduce
food waste, help farmers sell and promote food justice” (para. 3).
With the available data collected from these institutions, we aim to highlight the specific
needs and student responses to food security programming on college campuses in the San
Joaquin Valley. No matter the size of the student population, there is a demonstrated need for
food pantries based on the data we reviewed. These pantries tend to operate on very limited (or
in some cases none) state allocated funds, with sustainability primarily reliant on private funding
and donations and students, faculty, and staff volunteers. Table 1 includes publicly available data
from Fresno State (2021) and Fresno City College (2020), with data reflecting from the date of
food pantries opening until present day.
Table 1
Student Usage of Food Security Programs at 2 San Joaquin Valley Higher Education Institutions
Institution Total Total Number of Average Average Average
Number of Unduplicated Number of Number of Number
Visits Students Students Students of Visits
per Day per Month per
Student
Fresno State 246,678 17,895 173.8 n/a n/a
Fresno City 163,312 15,438 332.6 3,629 10.58

College
Note. Table 1 includes data collected from Fresno City College, (2020) and Fresno State, (2021).
Conceptual Frameworks
In beginning our collaborative research inquiry into this phenomenon of food insecurity
amongst undergraduate college students in the San Joaquin Valley, we searched for the most
applicable and well-aligned theoretical model to justify the theory-to-practice framework for
investment, as sustainability is critical for higher education programs and students. We also
researched closely into theoretical models that best informed our understanding of the student
development needs connected to food security. We organized the scope of our focus on the
following three theories:
● Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs
● Gaines et al.’s (2014) Food Security and Resource Adequacy Model, which is an
adaptation of Alaimo’s (2005) Model of Food Insecurity
● Schlossberg’s (2011) Transition Model
We found these theories the most useful for investigating the food insecurity phenomena within
college environments from the vantage point of students and higher education practitioners.
These three frameworks help us understand why addressing college student food security is
essential, and more importantly inform us on how we as scholar-practitioners can facilitate more
significant impact in this increasingly prevalent student need. We highly recommend
implementing, building, and strengthening internal/external institutional supports guided by
theory-to-practice approaches.
Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs establishes a fundamental framework for how we
understand the basics of human needs through a 5-tier model, with one of the most essential
basic human needs being access to food. Maslow (1943) captures the importance of access to
food as a basic human need by stating, “all (human) capacities are put into the service of hunger
satisfaction, and the organization of these capacities is almost entirely determined by the one
purpose of satisfying hunger” (p. 373). Many institutions of higher education have student
services initiatives and programs, including food security programs, in position to address these
foundational levels of basic human need with foundational grounding in Maslow’s (1943) article,
“A Theory of Human Motivation.” This is important to note as we consider the evaluative nature
of higher education’s relationship with understanding students basic needs. Maslow (1943)
suggests that “anyone who attempts to make an emergency picture into a typical one and will
measure all of one’s goals and desires by their behavior during extreme physiological deprivation
is certainly being blind to many things” (p. 375).
Alamo’s (2005) Food Insecurity Risk Model provides a great starting point in measuring
causes, risk factors, experiences, and coping mechanisms of food insecurity among students.
Building on Alaimo’s model, we realized the importance of expanding the overall understanding
and data collection of food insecurity among current approach and practice in higher education.
Gaines et al. (2014) Food Security and Resource Adequacy Model expands into measuring self-
reliant measures as a means of improving food security, such as independent financial
management, cooking self-efficacy, food management resources and skills. This model serves as
one of the few currently available points of higher education research to specifically address how
higher education practitioners may further evaluate the phenomena of food insecurity among
college students and their ascending levels of independence; moving beyond sole reliance on
prescriptive assessments designed by the USDA to determine food security within the American
household.
Our preceding theoretical frameworks provide the perfect segue to Schlossberg’s
Transition Model. Schlossberg (2011) articulates transition as:
the process of leaving one set of roles, relationships, routines, and assumptions and
establishing new ones takes time. For some, the process happens easily and quickly;
however, there are many people floundering, looking for the right niche, even after years.
(p. 160)
This theoretical model applies to adults as they encounter various stages of transition throughout
their adult lives and careers. Whether students are entering higher education directly from K-12
systems that provided access to income based nutritious meal programs or another setting,
Schlossberg’s model requires clarification of the transition by identifying the following: the type
of transition (anticipated unanticipated, or nonevent), the degree to which one’s life has been
altered, where one is in the transition process, and the resources available to reach success
(Schlossberg, 2011). She further offers the 4S System (Situation, Self, Supports, and Strategies)
to structure domains of developmental coping support during transition (Schlossberg, 2011). This
provides higher education practitioners with a theoretical framework for working with college
students to support increasing food security in the college environment, while also highlighting
needs for more mixed methods assessment considering the substantial void of qualitative food
security data. Practitioners must identify where students are in the college and food insecurity
experience, and design targeted coping support to increase food security amongst students.
Literature Review
To best understand the gaps in scholarship and what further research is needed, we
conducted a thorough literature review. Through our theoretical lens of Maslow’s hierarchy of
needs, Schlossberg’s transition model, and Gaines et al.’s food security and resource adequacy
model, we found three major themes in our review: (1) populations at increased risk for food
insecurity, (2) financial stress and burdens, and (3) adverse effects associated with food
insecurity, including negative health and academic outcomes. We then identified what questions
we still had about students experiencing food insecurity to inform our research question,
purpose, and methodology.

Populations at Increased Risk
As higher education becomes more accessible, students from traditionally underserved
backgrounds are attending institutions at higher rates, including students of color and students of
low socioeconomic status (SES) who have previously experienced food insecurity (Wood &
Harris, 2018). At colleges and universities, marginalized students are at a higher risk for food
insecurity, with students’ lack of food security deriving from systematic oppression related to
race, class, gender, and sexuality (Willis, 2019). Marginalized students affected by food
insecurity include Black, Latinx, Native American, disabled, LGBTQ+, and single mother
students (Cady, 2014; Shipley & Christopher, 2018). Research has shown that identity played a
significant role on how marginalized students lack resources and support for food security. In
addition to that, the historical social injustice that marginalized students experience also plays a
significant role in their experience of food insecurity (Shipley & Christopher, 2018).
Marginalized students’ experiences of food insecurity are affected by their historical
social injustice. Willis (2018) states that marginalized students’ history of oppression and
exploitation creates burdens and obstacles in their access to food security resources. According to
Willis, marginalized students are still “excluded from the material and psychosocial resources”
(p. 169) of food security. Furthermore, with high rates of housing insecurity and homelessness
among marginalized students, necessary equipment and resources of food security continues to
not be disbursed to marginalized students (Goldrick et al., 2016). The insufficient resources
given to marginalized students demonstrate how oppression and exploitation continues to exist in
marginalized students’ experience with food insecurity.
Due to insufficient resources, marginalized students "lack the confidence, knowledge,
skills, and personal resources" (Knol et al., 2019, p. 357) to be food secure. Willis (2018)
suggests examining the food accessibility and food security resources higher education
institutions fail to provide to students. Research also suggests looking into the effect food
insecurity has on college students' health and academic performance (Martinez et al., 2020). To
understand undergraduate students' experience of food insecurity, undergraduate students'
history, background, and current circumstances need to be considered to define the roots of food
insecurity.
Financial Stress and Burdens
In California, college students who experience food insecurity often experience
significant financial burdens. According to Martinez et al. (2020), the cost of attendance at a
higher education institution in California has increased significantly over the years. Kozak et al.
(2019) writes, “the rise of low-income student populations paired with high tuition costs allows
for little income to be dedicated to costs of living, such as rent or food” (p. 32). Grants and other
types of financial support go towards rising tuition and housing costs, increasing risks of food
insecurity among lower income students and families. Due to the increase in the cost of
attendance, college students have relied on other forms of finance for food security. The forms of
finance college students mostly utilize for food security are student loans and credit cards
(Gaines et al., 2014).
With student loans and credit cards, food security among college students is stabilized,
but with several disadvantages. Student loans and credit cards “provide access to much needed
funds […] and thus may assist in the purchase of necessity items such as food” (Gaines et al.,
2014, p. 375). However, college students’ dependency on student loans and credit cards for food
security is limited. According to Gaines et al. (2014), student loans and credit cards are debts that
college students struggle to repay in a timely manner. Based on the cost of attendance and lack of
funds from the higher education institution, college students do not have sufficient funds to repay
debts. Therefore, college students’ inability to repay loans creates a significant financial burden.
Without any form of finance or funds, college students struggle with food security, increasing
their chance of being food insecure.
Crutchfield and Maguire (2018) write that many students find federal work study
opportunities on and near campus to best suit their employment needs in terms of flexibility and
interest. Several students expressed how work study provided them badly needed income to pay
their basic needs, including purchasing meals and food. Despite the proven benefits of work
study, only 7% of students surveyed indicated that they were awarded work study funds and were
able to find employment, often resulting in students seeking additional employment, which in
turn cuts into their academic and co-curricular activities (Crutchfield & Macguire, 2018). Food
insecurity is not the result of students being unwilling to work but is often related to family and
student SES combined with rising costs of education and living expenses. In fact, approximately
70-80% of undergraduate students report that they work while enrolled in their programs, with
low income students more likely to work at least twenty hours a week (King, 2006; Cady, 2014).
Adverse Effects of Food Insecurity
Food insecurity is associated with several negative outcomes that can impact students’
academic careers (Bruening et al, 2016; Crutchfield & Macguire, 2018; Knol et al., 2019;
National Research Council, 2006). Bruening et al. (2016) indicates that while there are limited
studies on causation, food insecurity is associated with long term health effects, including
chronic disease, eating disorders, anxiety, and mood disorders. Students experiencing poverty
face increased risks of suicidal ideation (Cady, 2014). Knol et al (2019) writes that food
insecurity is often associated with fair to poor physical and mental health, often resulting in
lower persistence levels and graduate rates. There is also clinical evidence that food insecurity
can contribute to cardiovascular disease, such as type 2 diabetes and hypertension (Seligman et
al., 2010).
There is also a reported link between food insecurity and increased academic struggles
and lower grade point averages (Crutchfield & Macguire, 2018). Students have reported food
insecurity makes attending classes more difficult, as they lack focus and concentration along
with increased levels of fatigue, anxiety, and stress related to lack of food (Knol et al.). Students
from low SES are more likely to face food insecurity despite working more 20 hours a week;
while students working 10-15 hours per week is associated positively with grades and academic
engagement, students who work more than 20 hours per week tend to earn lower grades and
participate less in co-curricular activities (Cady, 2014). Food insecurity can result in lower
retention and graduation rates as well as increased time to degree (Knol et al., 2019). It is
obvious that while students are concerned about meeting their basic needs for survival, they
cannot adequately concentrate on their academic studies.
Gaps in Scholarship
In the process of our collaborative research we discovered several gaps that existed in the
current scholarship focused on the study of food insecurity amongst college students. While
many campuses are developing interventions for food security, including food pantries and
CalFresh outreach, Silva et al., (2017) wondered whether these interventions are helping. Early
literature reviews allowed us to quickly realize that much of what was collected focused on large,
urban campus locations which presented gaps in understanding how this phenomenon uniquely
affects students at institutions located outside of a one-dimensional geographical focus of the
existing research. This guided our collective focus on rural campuses, and, more specifically,
among those within rural locations such as the San Joaquin Valley that are rich in agriculture.
Given the positionality of our research team being at Fresno State, which is situated in a rural,
agriculture rich campus environment within the San Joaquin Valley of California, we wondered
about the unique nuances of food insecurity within an environment where an abundance of fresh
produce, meats and other food items are produced just a short walk from the campus food pantry.
The most notable gap in scholarship was the absence of qualitative data. This was
indicative that deeper exploration of the collegiate student journey, experiences, identities, and
coping strategies for food insecurity had yet to be fully understood. As higher education
practitioners, we must not lose sight of the fact that college students show up to campus
environments having been shaped by the experiences and realities of social worlds and social
forces within social constructs of race, gender, ability, and sexual identities which hold
generational legacies of influence on the access to financial wealth, capital, and economic
privilege. When thinking about students who identify within racially minoritized communities,
we must not obscure the influence of racism in examining additional factors pertinent to this
issue, such as familial cycles in generational poverty, on-campus student employment
demographics, auditing non-athlete demographics of need-based and merit-based
scholarship/grant recipients, as educators often do not name the role of racism in the lives of
students of color (Harper, 2012, as cited in Abes, et al., 2019).
We also wonder if the phenomena we are trying to understand is primarily and solely
food security. If not, does higher education need to consider multidimensional poverty support
models for demographics of current and incoming students? Given the fact that the United States
has endured multiple financial recessions and witnessed many major companies and
organizations go out of business within the past decade, we posit that all of these questions are
gaps in the current literature where we can better understand our incoming and current students’
pre-college experiences to better understand how to serve them when they arrive on campus.
Research Methodology
Based on our personal interest in understanding how students feel and make meaning
about their experiences as well as the noticeable gaps in scholarship, our strategy of inquiry will
be qualitative in nature (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). While theories inform our understanding, we
are not testing any theory and our research will be inductive and comparative (Creswell &
Creswell, 2018; Jones et al., 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). As researchers, we will serve as
the research instrument, exploring food insecurity (our phenomenon) through a critical
constructivist lens. We recognize that our phenomenon is socially constructed and reflects an
injustice system of power and privilege (Jones et al., 2014).
After careful consideration and review of scholarship, we have selected collective case
study, also known as qualitative case study, comparative case study, multicase study, or multisite
study, as our methodological approach (Jones et al., 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Merriam
and Tisdell (2016) describe case study as occurring when the “unit of analysis is a bounded
system - a case, such as a person, a program, or an event” (p. 24). Because food insecurity is a
complex issue that can vary between institutions and location, we will engage in a collective case
study, which Jones et al. (2014) describe as research that “focuses on several instrumental cases
in order to draw some conclusions or theorize about a general condition or phenomenon” (p. 96).
By concentrating on multiple bounded systems, we can learn about food insecurity experiences
and add unique transferable knowledge to scholarship. Our bounded systems include three
college and university campuses within the San Joaquin Valley that have campus food pantries:
one CCC campus (Institution A), one CSU campus (Institution B), and one UC campus
(Institution C). Within these three different bounded systems, we seek to understand food
insecurity within a wider context, including within the San Joaquin Valley, rural campuses, and
college campuses as a whole (Jones et al., 2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Research Participants
This collective case study will take place at Institution A, Institutional B, and Institution
C. Institutions A and B are not yet identified, but Institution C will be UC Merced, as it is the
only UC campus located within the San Joaquin Valley. We plan on drawing research participants
from undergraduate students who have utilized the on campus food pantry within the last two
years. Participants must be at least 18 years of age and enrolled in at least 1 unit in a degree-
seeking undergraduate program. Recruit efforts include posting fliers in campus food pantries as
well as targeted emails to students who have utilized these services. All recruitment will detail
the purpose of the study, the participant qualifications, and information about volunteering. All
participants will be required to complete an informed consent form that outlines possible risks
and benefits of the study, as well as their right to withdraw from the study with no penalty.
While it is difficult to determine our intended sample size as we will focus on reaching
saturation or redundancy (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), Creswell and Creswell (2016) states that
there are typically four to five within a single case study. We expect to interview at least five
research participants at each case site, understanding that we might interview more students if we
have not reached a level of redundancy. We also hope to interview at least one institutional agent,
such as professional staff in the campus food pantry, at each institution to better understand the
campus’s food security measures.

Data Collections Method
In terms of collecting our data we plan on conducting one on one interviews with the
students, as this allows us to build trust with the students. The students may feel more
comfortable disclosing information to one individual. Since the students will be sharing their
experiences with food insecurity, this could be difficult to engage in conversation with multiple
interviewers. We decided for our interviews to be semi-structured which will allow for open
dialogue between the interviewer and the interviewee. We want to make sure we are hearing the
student’s perspective and gaining insight from them. All questions will be open-ended to allow
clarification if need be. There will be a total of twelve questions and our proposed interview
protocol is included in appendix A.
Before the interview, we will give students a pre-interview survey where we are able to
collect demographic data. The pre-interview survey, included in appendix B, will consist of six
questions that will help us gain some insight on the students before interviewing them. The
information can help us understand how close a student lives to campus or whether they
commute. Through geographic data analysis, we can also gain information about what type of
grocery stores are in their area or even what fast food chains are close by. This will allow us to
see into the students' eating habits through a critical lens.
In order for us to maintain confidentiality we will obtain written informed consent from
our students before the process is started. When sharing the stories of our interviewees we will
make sure to use pseudonym names and not reveal any type of identifying information that could
indicate identity. The interviews will be recorded and later transcribed so we are able to look
back at the data we collected. We will have a total of three different case sites, and we plan on
conducting 5+ interviews at each institution, with a minimum of 15+ students in total.

Our data collection will include data mining (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016), which will
include reviewing institutional documents such as dashboard reports of the institutions’ food
pantries. This will help us understand how frequently students are visiting food pantries. We also
plan on looking over their websites and seeing what information they are providing to students.
Some information could include access to cooking recipes or cooking classes. We will also be
looking through university social media, reviewing how they connect with students and what
information and resources are shared. We believe that data mining institutional documents,
brochures, websites, and social media will enrich our understanding of each case study.
Data Analysis Method
Jones et al. (2014) states,
in a multiple case study, data must be analyzed by looking at each case individually
(often referred to as within-case analysis) and across cases (e.g., comparative case
analysis or cross-case analysis) to provide a holistic picture and understanding of the case
when multiple sites or cases are considered. (p. 97).
In our research study, we will be analyzing our data by using a cross-case analysis to collect data
from our bounded systems. Data will be collected and analyzed after each interview to determine
themes and patterns discovered in each interview (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Jones et al., 2014;
Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). We will look at each case study by writing memos to reflect on the
food insecurity among undergraduate students in our bounded systems. In the process of writing
memos, we will connect themes and patterns to literature from previous researchers to inform
our understanding of food insecurity among undergraduate students.
To determine themes and patterns, data will be aggregated by data code analysis software.
The data code analysis software will assist our research with coding, organizing, and sorting our
data information (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Therefore, after each interview, we will input our
interview information into the data code analysis software. From the data code analysis software,
we will transcribe our data and identify themes and patterns between each case study. After we
identify themes and patterns, we will code each theme and pattern that describes the general
experiences of food insecurity among undergraduate students in our bounded systems. The
coding we will use in our research is open coding and axial coding.
Coding themes and patterns in our research will define the meanings of food insecurity
among undergraduate students in our bounded systems (Creswell & Creswell, 2018; Jones et al.,
2014; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Coding will categorize the meanings from the identified themes
and patterns. The first type of coding we will use is open coding. During open coding, we will
look for repetitive words and phrases from each interview of our bounded systems. This allows
us to be open to the possible outcomes of food insecurity among undergraduate students in our
bounded systems. It also allows us to see and hear undergraduate students’ experience with food
insecurity as we make sense of the meaning of food insecurity. With open coding, we can explore
how food insecurity influences undergraduate students' experiences in our bounded systems.
From open coding, we will use axial coding next (Charmaz, 2014; Corbin & Strauss,
2015; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Axial coding will help narrow our open codes by grouping our
open codes into one category. Since open coding provides various themes and patterns from
repetitive words and phrases, we will need to group each open code to understand the meaning of
each open code. By connecting each open code into one meaning, we can identify the meanings
of food insecurity among undergraduate students in our bounded systems. This will guide us in
examining the experiences and stories of undergraduate students’ experiences with food
insecurity and future implications for food security in our bounded systems.
Joint Positionality Statement
Each author in this collaborative effort brings diverse identities, experiences and
worldviews into our professional work, spaces, and research. It is important to acknowledge how
these aspects impact how we perceive, contextualize, and experience the world, and they cannot
stand isolated from having presence and influence in our work as scholar-practitioners. We
entered this process of investigating the phenomena of food insecurity amongst undergraduate
college students at public institutions in California’s San Joaquin Valley with collective goals of
(1) understanding the current campus programs that are addressing food insecurity, (2) creating a
qualitative approach that builds on gaps in existing research amongst students within the San
Joaquin Valley while also centering their voices, and (3) making connections to applicable
student development theory and models to identify implications for engaging in more effective
practice. We fully understand how this collaborative work can serve to influence campus
decision-making, policy, practice, and, most importantly, the livelihood of students. We affirm
the integrity and validity of this collaborative research as it is representative of our ethical
practice, professional scholarship, while also acknowledging the presence of our authentic
selves.
Author 1 (Whitney) identifies as a Black, heterosexual, cisgender woman and graduate
student with an invisible disability (scoliosis). She has experienced acute accounts of food
insecurity, including not having enough food to last, having to stretch meals out, and not eating
three meals a day. Author 2 (Erin) identifies as a middle class, White, heterosexual, cisgender
woman who has never experienced food insecurity, but has chronic disease related to nutrition
and food sensitivities. She identifies with the disability community due to several chronic health
conditions, including autoimmune and psychiatric disorders. She is a critical constructivist who
holds a worldview focused on power dynamics. Author 3 (Denise) identifies as a Hmong
American, heterosexual, cisgender woman who was born in a food insecure household. She is a
first-generation student whose parents emigrated from an indigenous group from the mountain
regions of Laos and Thailand and suffered through poverty and hunger. With 11 children in her
family, Author 3 has a history of a scarcity of food supply. Throughout her life, Author 3 has had
to learn how to portion her meals and know what food is affordable. Invisible through lack of
recognition as an indigenous person, Author 3 experiences food insecurity and is negatively
affected by the Asian American model minority myth. From a critical lens, Author 3 comes from
a transformative worldview to be the voice that tells the stories of the Hmong people. Author 4
(Jamaal) identifies as a Black, heterosexual, cisgender man who acquired an invisible disability
(type 2 diabetes) later in adulthood. He has childhood and college experiences of food insecurity
ranging from not having enough food to last, stretching meals and food supplies, and skipping
meals because of financial hardship. He brings a critical theoretical lens with interests in fully
examining connections to the historical and social aspects of this phenomena, especially those
that have yet to consider the impact and generational legacies of systemic racial and social
oppression. Author 4 believes invisible power dynamics still function within legacy structures
while disproportionately influencing the realities of currently oppressed communities.
Validity and Trustworthiness
The collaborative work of our research represents ethical scholarly analysis and
methodology that may reveal some of the inevitable influence of our diverse identities,
worldviews, and experiential lenses held independently and as a collective. While our goal is to
gather information about the phenomenon of food insecurity and the types of programs serving
students within San Joaquin Valley’s institutions of higher education, we hold ourselves
accountable to protect research participants, promote the integrity of research, and guard against
misconduct and impropriety (Israel & Hays, 2006 as cited in Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Regarding the interpretation of our quantitative data, we will implement triangulation in the
collection process and debrief collaboratively amongst our research team to ensure accuracy,
validity, and ethically produced conclusions and findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Given the
identities, experiences, and worldviews of our research team, we will ensure a system of member
checking that protects the integrity of our work from suppressing, falsifying, or inventing
findings (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). In addition, to protect research participants during the
collection of qualitative data, we will utilize thick and rich descriptions throughout the interview
process to ensure participants’ understanding and fidelity of responses (Creswell & Creswell,
2018; Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). This process includes consideration for language diversity and
readily producing quantitative and qualitative research approaches/instruments that engage
participants in their preferred language. In examining the qualitative data we collect, we will
implement qualitative reliability by collaboratively cross-checking codes, participant responses,
and code meanings to avoid presumptions of responses that can produce misleading findings
and/or invalidate the integrity of this research entirely (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Conclusion and Recommendations
Since earning a college degree is considered an economic equalizer and the best path
towards the middle class within American society, colleges and universities must take
institutional responsibility in providing for our most vulnerable student populations with basic
needs, which include access to healthy, high quality food. While higher education continues to
open its doors to an increasingly diverse student population, the college experience remains
unequal, as marginalized student populations continue to experience the effects of systemic

racism and poverty. Willis (2018) writes that “access to higher education is not enough to fully
manifest its promise of equal opportunity” (p. 167). Despite the growing concerns about food
insecurity among college students and its negative outcomes, there is very little qualitative
research about student experiences and understanding of food insecurity.
It is our hope that our research proposal for a multicase study of three different system
types of public California institutions within the agriculturally rich yet impoverished San Joaquin
Valley using a critical constructivist lens can fill in some of the gaps in scholarship. Our data
analysis and conclusions will result in transferable knowledge, including recommendations for
holistic interventions and initiatives that can help empower marginalized students and improve
their academic performance, college experience, and degree attainment. We strongly believe that
our proposed study could have a significant impact on the growing literature surrounding basic
needs for students, resulting in transformative action on colleges and universities across the
United States.
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Appendix A
Interview Protocol
1) Describe what the terms “food security” and “food insecurity” mean to you.
2) Take us through your typical day - describe your food choices and meal sizes.
3) What do the terms “nutrition” and “healthy diet” mean to you?
4) How does your access to fresh and healthy foods affect your curricular and co-curricular
activities?
5) How would you describe your overall physical and mental health well-being? How does
your current diet impact you?
6) Describe your transitional experience in becoming a college student, including learning to
budget your finances, meal planning, grocery shopping, and/or preparing meals.
7) Question dependent on living arrangement:
a) On Campus/Dorms
i) Describe your current on campus meal plan. How does it meet your
dietary needs?
ii) How far is campus from your home? How often do you visit and does
your family provide you with food?
b) Off Campus/With Parents
i) Describe your experiences in meal planning and prepping for your
commute to campus.
ii) How far/long is your commute and how do you travel to campus?
8) What challenges do you experience that have led to lack of regular food or meals?
9) You have visited the food pantry at least once. Describe your overall experience and what
led you to use the pantry.
10) How does the campus food pantry meet your basic needs?
11) How can the university better support your nutritional needs and access to healthy food
options? What gaps are not being met?

Appendix B
Pre-Interview Demographic Survey
1) Race/Ethnicity
a) African American/Black
b) American Indian
c) Asian/Pacific Islander
d) Hispanic
e) Two or More Races
f) White
2) Gender Identity
a) Male
b) Female
c) Non-binary/Transgender
d) Prefer not to say
3) Sexual Orientation
a) Heterosexual or Straight
b) Gay or Lesbian
c) Bisexual/Pansexual
d) Queer
4) Grade Level
a) First Year
b) Sophomore
c) Junior
d) Senior
5) Housing Plans
a) On Campus/Dorms
b) With Parent/Family
c) Off Campus
d) I am currently experiencing homelessness
6) Are you a Pell Grant or Cal Grant recipient?
a) Yes
b) No
c) Unsure

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EXPLORING FOOD INSECURITY 1

Exploring Food Insecurity Amongst College Students within California's Agricultural

Whitney Ballard, Erin E. Connor, Denise Her, and Jamaal R. Washington

California State University, Fresno

HEAL 224: Foundations of Inquiry and Applied Research in Higher Education

May 12, 2021

recommendations for transformative action on colleges and universities.

Keywords: food security, food insecurity, poverty, critical theory, marginalized

communities, power, oppression, San Joaquin Valley, college students

Exploring Food Insecurity Amongst College Students within California's Agricultural

(U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, n.d.).

their college careers (Wood & Harris, 2018).

Council, 2006; Seligman et al., 2010).

Food Insecurity Background

insecurity and the condition of hunger, stating

USDA food security reports—is a household-level economic and social condition of

limited or uncertain access to adequate food. Hunger is an individual-level physiological

condition that may result from food insecurity. (para. 6)

umbrella of food insecurity.

and eat a meal, which leads to reduced food intake.

doing to create a buffer for students?

Cady. CUFBA (n.d.) is “a professional organization of campus-based programs focused on

more or qualified for 1 of several possible exemptions. (p. 1653)

Institutional Data Review

We wanted to investigate three different types of public institutions in California,

project is known as “a multi-initiative program to support students who may be experiencing

City College, 2020).

food pantries opening until present day.

Fresno State 246,678 17,895 173.8 n/a n/a

Fresno City 163,312 15,438 332.6 3,629 10.58

following three theories:

● Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs

adaptation of Alaimo’s (2005) Model of Food Insecurity

● Schlossberg’s (2011) Transition Model

significant impact in this increasingly prevalent student need. We highly recommend

implementing, building, and strengthening internal/external institutional supports guided by

Maslow’s (1943) Hierarchy of Needs establishes a fundamental framework for how we

is certainly being blind to many things” (p. 375).

reliant measures as a means of improving food security, such as independent financial

Our preceding theoretical frameworks provide the perfect segue to Schlossberg’s

Transition Model. Schlossberg (2011) articulates transition as:

purpose, and methodology.

Populations at Increased Risk

As higher education becomes more accessible, students from traditionally underserved

Marginalized students’ experiences of food insecurity are affected by their historical

marginalized students’ experience with food insecurity.

Due to insufficient resources, marginalized students "lack the confidence, knowledge,

understand undergraduate students' experience of food insecurity, undergraduate students'

Financial Stress and Burdens

In California, college students who experience food insecurity often experience

(Gaines et al., 2014).

their chance of being food insecure.

Adverse Effects of Food Insecurity

cannot adequately concentrate on their academic studies.

affects students at institutions located outside of a one-dimensional geographical focus of the

issue, such as familial cycles in generational poverty, on-campus student employment

demographics, auditing non-athlete demographics of need-based and merit-based

students of color (Harper, 2012, as cited in Abes, et al., 2019).

injustice system of power and privilege (Jones et al., 2014).

campus’s food security measures.

Data Collections Method

protocol is included in appendix A.

see into the students' eating habits through a critical lens.