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To cite this article: Kathryn Lawler (2010) A Review of “Toward the Healthy City: People, Places, and the Politics of Urban Planning”, Journal
of the American Planning Association, 76:4, 520-521, DOI: 10.1080/01944363.2010.508401
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RJPA_A_508379_BookReviews.qxp 9/7/10 11:51 AM Page 520
520 Reviews
Journal of the American Planning Association, Autumn 2010, Vol. 76, No. 4
perspectives provide a lively exposition of the tension implicit in the Health, Education, and Social Services
two modes of intervention.
A chapter on settlement patterns celebrates Ebenezer Howard’s
enduring vision, but offers disappointingly scant specific reference to
climate change. Another chapter in Part 1 provides a useful discus- Toward the Healthy City: People, Places, and
sion of transport policy with more explicit relevance to climate the Politics of Urban Planning
change and good citation of U.S. sources. Later chapters deal with Jason Corburn. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 2009. 288 pages.
the transition from oil; the high climate vulnerability of developing $48, $24 (paperback).
countries (and of the United States and Australia among developed
countries) based on number of people affected; and the extreme
vulnerability of small islands.
Part 2 features a diverse set of topics, including land use, green
building, offshore wind, and flood risk management as seen through
Europe as a transnational region, California, and the programs of
Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands. Part
T
he challenge of building places that not only protect health
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Reviews 521
Journal of the American Planning Association, Autumn 2010, Vol. 76, No. 4
only remedy that planners must pursue, but that a more relational new industry formation in the city’s inner districts in a more system-
analysis should simultaneously examine the environment and the atic fashion than has been the case hitherto” (p. 9). It “builds on
people who live and move through it. The desire for and energy to streams of new industry scholarship; intersects urban and economic
create healthy communities can come from many people and profes- geography at the frontiers of redefining change; and contributes to
sions. This is extremely difficult work, and the solutions are neither the development of new theory for this contemporary period of
easy nor obvious. By broadening the base through the inclusion of complex urban change” (pp. 10–11).
governments, nonprofits, private enterprises, and going to the source, This book will appeal both to urban scholars and planners.
the very residents whose health is to be improved feature prominently Academic scholars in the areas of economic geography, planning,
in the author’s recommendations and case studies. and urban studies will appreciate the first three chapters, which
The book concludes with several in-depth case studies from San review the relevant literature across disciplines and provide the
Francisco. Although these stories are interesting and very detailed, theoretical framework for addressing the primary research questions.
there are two problems. First, these stories demonstrate how much of Planners, however, are more likely to enjoy the case studies
the real work was conducted primarily by the Department of Public described in the next five chapters, in which the author compares
Health. Planners played a small role and, in several incidences, and contrasts the urban experiences of four global cities: London,
created significant obstacles. The other issue is that these stories are Singapore, San Francisco, and Vancouver. The analysis relies on
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just that, stories. They tell the tales of heroic individuals and organi- extensive fieldwork and multiple site visits during the 1990s and
zations fighting against all odds to buck the system. Although these 2000s. Every narrative is well documented by detailed maps,
individuals are victorious in the end, the months and months of near photographs, and interviews, and is used to illustrate in what ways
impossible work results in a brighter future for just one small com- new industry formation, along with social, cultural, spatial, and
munity. Real and profound change will never come if we rely only on policy factors, contributes to the shaping of the urban landscape in
heroes. Toward the Healthy City highlights individuals but does not the new inner city. The last chapter offers an essay in theoretical
answer the question: What should the profession do? synthesis and calls for further research, particularly on new industry
Olmstead made a bold proclamation with his own answer to sites in the Asia–Pacific region.
that question 100 years ago, forever changing planning and planners. London, the archetypal global city, deserves its two chapters.
He didn’t have extensive years of empirical evidence or evaluation to First, the author takes us on London’s amazing journey from
support his point of view. To create healthy cities, someone is going industrial manufacturing center to industrial collapse (London lost
to have to step up and answer the question again. Although Corburn 800,000 manufacturing jobs from the 1960s to the 1980s) to the
describes some guideposts, he concludes that the symphony is only spectacular rise of its banking and financial sector to become a first-
half finished. It’s time for someone to claim a new direction, regard- order global city. Of special relevance is the turnaround since 1992
less of whether all of the research is in. After all, lives are at stake. as London emerges as the prototype of a postindustrial city, shaped
by globalization as well as by its unique national primacy status,
Kathryn Lawler poised to host the 2012 Olympics. While chapter 4 describes the
Lawler, MPP, is the director of external affairs at the Atlanta structural forces that shape the unique mix of production regimes
Regional Commission, the planning and community services agency (i.e., pre-Fordist, Fordist, and post-Fordist) that characterize
for the 10-county region. Creating communities for people of all London, chapter 5 presents narratives of new industry formation at
ages and abilities has been the focus of her work and research. a more localized level. It takes us on walking tours of three inner city
districts: Hoxton 9, the 1990s New Economy epicenter; Bermondsey
Street, a tribute to heritage-built environment and conservation
policies; and Clerkenwell, an example of the complexity of industrial
Economic Development organization in the metropolitan core.
Next stop is Singapore, the smallest global city in Pacific Asia.
The focus is on Telok Ayer, a subdistrict of Singapore’s Chinatown,
adjacent to the central business district. Telok Ayer has evolved into
The New Economy of the Inner City: Restructuring, a zone of cultural production and creative industry formation as a
Regeneration and Dislocation in the Twenty-First- result of both spontaneous and induced bursts of economic activity
Century Metropolis against a rich cultural heritage background, with minimal social
Thomas A. Hutton. Routledge, New York, 2008. 332 pages. costs. In contrast, industrial change and transformation in San
$156, $39.99 (paperback). Francisco’s South of Market Area (SOMA) came with massive
dislocation costs. Launched four decades ago with an urban renewal
project that culminated with the construction of the Yerba Buena
Center and the emergence of South Park as a new industrial district,
the redevelopment in SOMA is of special interest to planners
working in contexts of rapid change and restructuring. Finally,
T
he New Economy of the Inner City is essentially a mono- Vancouver’s experience highlights the importance of a comprehen-
graph about new industry formation in the inner city, sive plan, such as the city’s Central Area Plan of 1991, as well as
defined as the metropolitan core. According to Hutton, international immigration and multiculturalism as dynamic forces of
“the principal purpose of this study is to examine the implications of urban growth and redevelopment of the inner city.