Breaking A Butterfly Irom Sharmilas Stri

Breaking a Butterfly — Irom Sharmilaʼs Hunger-Strike for Justice in India | Sikh24.
com 4/22/19, 1(06 PM
Breaking a Butter!y — Irom Sharmila’s

Strike for Justice in India
By Pieter Friedrich - June 6, 2016
Irom Chanu Sharmila: World’s Longest Hunger-s
Sharmila’s story is one of horror mixed with hope, unspe

with unaccountable compassion, secret killings, tortur
innocents by those sworn to protect them, confessions
murder, and, amidst a land staggering under the stench
enduring love stretching across continents.
“They’re breaking a butterfly on a wheel,” says Desmond Coutinho, fiancé of Irom Sharmila Chan
acquittal in a Delhi court on a 2006 charge of attempting to commit suicide by staging a 15-year
Speaking from his home in southern Ireland on the day of the verdict, Desmond remarks, “Peopl
great victory, the Facebook world will click ‘like’ and not think about what’s going on. They’re try
the March 30, 2016 verdict marks the beginning of the end for the longest hunger-strike in histo
even while his hopes are fading.
In response to a Nov. 2, 2000 massacre by the Assam Rifles (an Indian paramilitary group) of 10
Malom, a village in India’s State of Manipur, the 28-year-old Sharmila immediately vowed not to
look in a mirror until repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which prevents pro
forces for any action committed on duty.
On Nov. 5, 2000, three days after beginning her strike, she was arrested in Malom, charged with
and subsequently fed by authorities through a nasal tube. Ever since, Sharmila has been stuck in
re-arrest under Indian Penal Code (IPC) section 309, which declares a person who “attempts to
punished with simple imprisonment for a term which may extend to one year.” [1]
Most recently, she was acquitted of the charge by a Manipuri court on Feb. 29, 2016, then re-arr
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March 2 despite the fact that, according to NDTV, they are still “seeking a relevant law to justify
Discovering Love Amidst Misery
By Indian standards, the 2000 Malom Massacre was small-scale, barely a blip on the radar compa
crimes in the past few decades. In sheer body count, for instance, it is surpassed in northwester
1984, in the national capital of Delhi in November 1984, in various regions of central India in 19
state of Gujarat in 2002, and in the eastern state of Odisha in 2008. Yet while the quantity of tho
comparison to many other atrocities, the quality of the attack — the innocence of the victims, th
and the impunity with which the guilty parties were rewarded — matches the pattern of larger m
In every case of a large-scale slaughter in India since 1984, those responsible are members of th
elected officials serving in a local, state, or national capacity, officers in a local police force (or el
soldiers from one of India’s several military branches — and the Malom Massacre was no differen
Victims of the 2000 Malom Massacre ranged from 18-year-old boys to 62-year-old women, none
militant or criminal activities. [3] Although no one has ever been held accountable for the massa
ordered in 2014 a payment of 500,000 rupees to each of the victims’ families. NDTV reported: “W
claim they were exchanging fire with extremists after its convoy came under attack, the High Co
evidence of any encounter.” [4]
“If you’re giving compensation, you’re admitting guilt,” notes Desmond, a retired social worker. H
Zanzibar to a family from Goa, India; his father was a British civil servant and his uncle was a Za
first learned about Sharmila in 2009 when, while studying in northeastern India, he read Deepti
Bright: Irom Sharmila and Her Struggle for Peace in Manipur.
Mehotra nicknamed Sharmila “The Iron Lady of Manipur,” — Desmond found her description of th
compelling as she wrote: “I think of Sharmila’s sensitive eyes, questioning look, and a delighted
her sorrow is pervasive, deep. With wisdom beyond her years, she has decided to act — an origi
against all odds, the course of history.” [5]
“After a while, I started flirting with her in my letters,” Desmond says. Leaning forward and smili
audacity as he jokingly remarks, “No one told me you’re not supposed to flirt with a hunger-strik
she had misunderstood and if I would clarify my intentions.”
She had not misunderstood him, and in Feb. 2011 he traveled to Manipur’s capital city, Imphal, w
of the past 15 years held in virtual isolation in the secure wing of the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute
(JNIMS). In Imphal, when Sharmila was in court on March 9, Desmond finally managed to meet
who had captured his heart and soon began advocating on her behalf.
“Yes, he loves me a lot and cares for me,” said Sharmila in 2011. According to India Today: “Sha
Coutinho-a wooden statue of Krishna and Radha, Santa Claus cap and bells, a calendar, a diary a
home in Ireland is similarly decorated with keepsakes from his beloved.
Aside from Sharmila’s imprisonment, and her commitment not to marry until her
hunger-strike achieves repeal of AFSPA, her romance with Desmond faced another and
even stranger barrier. Upon learning that she was in love with a foreigner, Sharmila’s
elder brother, Singhajit, threatened to murder her.
In October 2012, she wrote: “In this society, a woman is assumed to live for the
benefit of her family and is treated as property which can be acquired and disposed off
at the will of a man. My own elder brother Singhajit, who has been supporting my
protest from the very beginning, is also keen to project this outlook to the public.”
Bluntly describing Singhajit’s reaction to her relationship, she said, “My brother sent
me a letter castigating me and swearing he was ready to go to Gaol without bringing
up his children for the sake of honor killing.” [7]
Commenting on the threat, Desmond says, “So, for Sharmila, you’ve got this wonderful brother
killing. It’s not a big deal in India. When it first came out, they said, ‘Oh, you’re lying and makin
said, ‘Ok, maybe he was joking,’ then they pressed and said, ‘Ok, he’s serious, but it’s a private
find one Indian feminist to say anything about it.”
Sharmila suggests disregard for women’s rights is a core issue behind not only the response to h
of the state to recognize her demand for AFSPA’s repeal, writing, “I can’t help feeling that if I we
succeeded ten years before now in my movement of fast unto death.”
Her family and supporters, she claims, have helped state security forces to isolate her from the w
be an alien person who is free from human desires and woes, who cannot experience the pleasu
Thus, instead of people sitting with me and conversing with me, I have been placed apart and ke
a result, people have been prevented from taking up my ideal.” [8]
Speaking of her supporters in desolate terms during a November 2013 interview with NDTV, she
the Taliban. They don’t understand that my love has nothing to do with religion or politics. I have
threats.” [9]
Over the ensuing years, despite the impediments, Desmond continued traveling back and forth to
whenever possible.
On Dec. 24, 2014, however, Desmond’s time in the state came to a conclusion when Manipur po
booking him under a public nuisance ordinance after he protested being denied access to visit Sh
on the next day on false charges,” she says. His arrest, as Sharmila recounts, “kept him in jail fo
mental harassment.” [10]
After the Irish government interceded for his release, Desmond was let go in Feb. 2015. Although
faced a thoroughly hostile environment in Manipur and returned to his home in Ireland. From the
letters with Sharmila, sends her books, and treasures in frames on his living room wall the self-po
birthday greetings she sends him.
Both Sharmila and Desmond look forward to marriage with an optimism measured by reality. “If
am getting married to my fiancé, Desmond, I will never stop [being] committed to social works,”
[11] Perhaps realism outweighs optimism in Desmond’s case, however, as he remarks after her r
I want for her is to try and stay alive this year. I can’t see a way forward.”
The only barrier preventing the couple from a joyful union is AFSPA, a 58-year-old colonial-style
when it cannot even be toppled by the Iron Lady of Manipur’s 15-year hunger-strike. Yet she wil
Alamo,” says Desmond. Sharmila, meanwhile, said after her acquittal in Delhi: “My struggle will
repealed. It does not matter whether I am released from the jail or not.” [12]
AFSPA: A Draconian Law
“I have been demanding that AFSPA be repealed or lifted from Manipur as the same has caused
common man of Manipur,” declared Sharmila in October 2015. “Thousands of innocent people ha
rapes have taken place on Manipur’s women. No action has been taken under the garb of AFSPA
The law is a direct replica of one imposed on India to stifle dissent during the British Empire’s occu
1958, the Indian Parliament imposed on the northeast’s Seven Sister States, including Manipur,
British in 1942 to attack the free India movement,” explains Desmond. In short, the Armed Force
Indian security forces nearly unlimited powers, including the right to:
– Shoot to kill any person “reasonably suspected” of breaking the law
– Arrest suspicious persons without a warrant
– Search and seize property without a warrant
– Destroy any structure suspected of use by insurgent groups
– Avoid prosecution for any actions committed under the Act
In “Burning Bright,” Mehotra summarized the result of AFSPA’s imposition by security forces: “Th
misusing these special powers. Newspapers report innumerable incidents of false encounters. Hu
documented hundreds of cases of killing, arrest, rape, and torture of innocent people.”
Innocent civilians are “caught in the crossfire,” Mehotra warned, writing: “People throughout Man
the one hand they fear insurgents, on the other hand security forces…. Ordinary people have lost
When her book was published in 2009, Manipur was a full-scale war-zone with 60,000 military a
throughout the state. [14]
“Basically,” says Desmond, “AFSPA is a draconian law allowing Indian paramilitaries to rape and k
wants the basic democratic guarantee that, if a crime occurs at the hands of an Indian soldier, th
if there’s sufficient evidence, a prosecution. That’s all she’s asking for.”
Around the globe, AFSPA has faced harsh criticism from the most distinguished human rights wa
bodies, including the United Nations and Human Rights Watch.
To mark the law’s 50th anniversary in 2008, HRW published a comprehensive report describing A
abuse, oppression, and discrimination” which “protects military personnel responsible for serious
creating a pervasive culture of impunity.” Noting that nearly identical laws were imposed on Punj
former was repealed in 1997; the latter remains in effect), HRW cited the draconian legislation a
which its apologists say it is necessary to combat:
Enacted on August 18, 1958 as a short-term measure to allow deployment of the army against a
India’s northeastern Naga Hills, the AFSPA has been invoked for five decades. It has since been
particularly in Assam, Nagaland, Tripura and Manipur. A variant of the law was also used in Punja
in the 1980s and 90s, and has been in force in Jammu and Kashmir since 1990. Indian officials h
the law by citing the need for the armed forces to have extraordinary powers to combat armed i
said that abuses facilitated by the AFSPA, especially extrajudicial killings, torture, rape and “disa
anger and disillusionment with the Indian state. This has permitted militant groups to flourish in
Kashmir.
The AFSPA has not only led to human rights violations, but it has allowed members of the armed
with impunity. They have been shielded by clauses in the AFSPA that prohibit prosecutions from
permission from the central government. Such permission is rarely granted.
“Violations under the AFSPA have served as a recruiting agent for militant groups,” said Ganguly
northeast, we have heard over and over again that abuses by troops, who are never punished fo
the space for those supporting peaceful change.” [15]
In 2012, the United Nations also denounced AFSPA. “I have heard extensive evidence of action ta
resulted in innocent lives being lost,” said UN Special Rapporteur Christof Heyns after touring regi
AFSPA in effect allows the state to override rights in the disturbed areas in a much more intrusiv
under a state of emergency, since the right to life is in effect suspended…. The repeal of this law
more in line with international standards, but also send out a powerful message that instead of a
government is committed to respect for the right to life of all people of the country.”
Heyns additionally expressed concern over human rights violations such as “excessive use of for
encounters, custodial deaths and traditional practices affecting women such as honour killings.” [
“People are being murdered all the time and nothing happens,” comments Desmond. “We’ve got
they being killed?’ They’re called encounters. Each one, the security forces say they’re insurgents,
people generally. No trial. Nothing. So the Human Rights Alert decides to take these to the Supre
The issue of encounter killings of innocent Manipuri civilians by security forces over the past sev
a crescendo of misery in the state that the national government can no longer ignore it. In Jan 2
prompted by the initiative of Manipur-based Human Rights Alert to appoint the Santosh Hegde C
began investigating claims that “1,528 innocents, including 31 women and 98 children, [were] e
security forces during 1979-2012.” [17]
“There’s no evidence of these people having anything to do with insurgency,” notes Desmond. “No
weapons or were doing anything at all. They were just shot.”
As described in an Indian Express article, one shocking but tragically typical incident was the mu
The Santosh Hegde Commission, set up by the Supreme Court to probe “fake encounters,” tried
encounters and found each and every one of them to be “not an encounter’’ and not carried out
defence.
One of these cases was the death of Azad Khan, a 12-year-old boy who was shot by a joint grou
Manipur commandos.
According to the family’s version, on March 4, 2009, months before Meitei was killed, Azad was si
Anand Singh on the family verandah when 30 security personnel arrived at his home and dragge
parents and a cousin were at home at the time. The officers allegedly locked Azad’s family membe
From a window in the room, which overlooked the field, Azad’s parents watched him fall to the gr
shoot him and then throw a pistol near his body. [18]
Rape, gang-rape, and the murder of rape victims also number among the horrifying atrocities co
shielded behind AFSPA. One incident in 2014 brought the law’s shelter for rapists to internationa
On July 10, 2014, 34-year-old Thangjam Manorama was arrested from her home by soldiers from
six times, and dumped dead in a field, where her body was discovered the next morning. [19] Fi
and murder famously inspired several dozen Manipuri women to strip naked and stage a protest
headquarters in Imphal, shouting: “Indian Army, rape us, kill us! We are all Manorama’s mothers.
[20] Inadvertently admitting guilt but still refusing to prosecute anyone involved, the Manipuri go
rupees to Manorama’s family. [21] Yet, protected by AFSPA, no one faced prosecution.
With outrage in his voice, Desmond asks: “If a soldier is accused of raping someone, should he n
seems reasonable enough. But it’s impossible under the martial law of AFSPA.”
Passed in 1958, AFSPA gave governors of a state the power to declare areas “disturbed” — in 19
Manipur was first declared a “disturbed zone,” there were only four major insurgent groups. Yet,
Hegde Commission’s findings, the Supreme Court reached similar conclusions as HRW — namely
in Manipur. When a Manipuri legal representative admitted the number of insurgent groups has si
at present, the Supreme Court asked: “You mean to say that in 35 years of Army presence in th
improved to remove the disturbed area tag from the state? Has nothing changed on the law and
decades?” [22]
Ultimately, wrote American Consul General (Kolkata) Henry Jardine in a leaked 2006 cable, “AFS
oppression and only serves to radicalize the ethnic groups.” Its colonial origins do not escape the
Recalling his “many interactions, even with some government officials,” Jardine reported:
A reoccurring comment was that Manipur was less a state and more a colony of India. The gener
the Manipuris did not have the same rights of other Indian citizens and restrictions on travel to th
isolation and separation from the rest of India “proper.” The overwhelming presence of military, pa
contributed to the impression that Imphal was under military occupation. Several Manipuris argu
under the British Raj than under the present federation. [23]
Since then, a coalition of over 60 prominent Indian social activists publicly condemned AFSPA for
2015, the coalition, including Aruna Roy, Prashant Bhushan, Nikhil Dey, Teesta Setalvad (describe
as India’s “most hounded activist” for her role in exposing state complicity in the 2002 Gujarat G
The law exposes people to wanton and reckless use of force by security forces as it grants them
use force. Over the years, a consensus has emerged on the AFSPA being a security measure of co
distinctively regressive tool, which sets up a military ecosystem where security forces act with im
environment of fear and terror in the hearts and minds of people living in these places. [25]
Reporting on the situation for Manipuris as of February 2016, Kadayam Subramanian, a former D
in northeast India, says, “Enforced disappearances, arbitrary executions, torture, rape, housebre
became everyday features of life in Manipur. And yet, few perpetrators of these gross violations
prosecuted. Thus, the armed forces enjoy complete immunity.” [26]
Complete immunity is typical policy for occupying military forces in a colonial state. Whether indi
occupation, African Congolese under Belgian occupation, or Native Americans under U.S occupati
routinely treated as subhuman. Entire philosophies are spun by the occupiers to justify their suppo
complete immunity.
India holds true to that pattern as its ruling elite cling to any and every excuse under the sun as
the powerless as inferior people with no natural right to the most basic civil liberties. Whether atta
the Golden Temple in Punjab in 1984 or the Babri Mosque in Uttar Pradesh in 1992, or orchestra
like the Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 or the Christians in Odisha in 2008, the state agents behind
justification for massacring innocent civilians. When protests against atrocities are too loud to ign
investigating, selecting low-level scapegoats, and absolving themselves of all guilt — often while
atrocity at the same time they pay millions in compensation to the families of victims.
It is increasingly clear that the ruling elite are subject to a different law than the rest of society.
those who bribe them are free to pillage, rape, and murder with complete immunity while those
denied the legal right to do anything but silently suffer. The situation is eerily reminiscent of the
“Manusmriti,” the ancient Hindu law-book which teaches people are born into division, falling into
humanity ranked from superior to inferior, with Brahmans at the top as the philosophers and gui
society and Shudras at the bottom as the slaves of all those above them.
Is AFSPA a symbol of Brahmanocracy reigning over the oppressed masses of India?
The Failed State of Manipur
In 2012, Sharmila provided the aptest summary of Manipur’s situation, writing: “It seems that th
position and power by hook or by crook is most valued as the way of governance in Manipur.” [2
cable harmonized with that grim evaluation. Prefacing his conclusions with an overview of the sta
Manipur is situated in the remote corner of Northeast India, sharing a 358 kilometer border with
million people is predominantly tribal. The Meiteis are the major ethnic group and are primarily i
Nagas occupy much of the hill districts. Numerous other ethnic groups, including the Kukis and P
each community has its own socio-economic-political aspirations. Manipur is economically backw
politically unstable. Violence, kidnappings, extortion and killings by militant groups are common
Describing the background of Manipur’s ongoing conflict, Indian activist Bhavana Mahajan wrote
acceded to India in 1949. However, many groups within Manipur viewed this merger as being aga
interests.”
Dissent against Manipur’s assimilation into India (also a cause of conflict in Punjab, Jammu and K
country) initially sparked the ongoing insurgency. Unlike in other conflict zones, however, Manipu
divided and totally disunited. “There are over 30 different ethnic and tribal groups in Manipur,” e
wanting a separate state under the Indian Constitution, some seeking sovereignty in alliance with
countries, and others demanding protection of their customary laws.” [29]
Jardine recognized the lack of cohesion or even political purpose behind the insurgency, writing:
active insurgency groups claiming to represent various ethnic and community interests but mostl
extortion rackets.” Desmond agrees that, whatever they may have been in the past, today’s insu
than criminal enterprises. “Not a single Manipuri I’ve spoken with believes there is any real insur
all just family or money connections.” He suggests the various insurgent movements are closely
and have become self-perpetuating.
“Complicating effort to control the rising violence is the rampant corruption,” reported Jardine. T
unbelievably blurry line dividing the state from those it claims to be fighting. After speaking with
Jardine says they are “clearly frustrated with their inability to stem the growing violence and ana
efforts to effectively control the insurgencies was hamstrung by local politicians either in league
corruption, helping to finance the insurgents.”
A member of the state’s Legislative Assembly, speaking to Jardine, characterized Manipuri Chief
office since 2002) as “Mr. Ten Percent,” a nickname earned “for the amount of money that he tak
government projects.” Several other sources “agreed that many key government officers and po
skim-off money from government funds.” Bribes equivalent to thousands of U.S. dollars are a ba
Manipuri government job; Jardine’s cable, released by Wikileaks, said the bribes are paid out to
“The corruption results in a nexus between politicians and the insurgent groups,” wrote Jardine.
including the state’s Chief Secretary, the state’s Youth Congress leader, and the Indian Army’s Ch
that not only did they claim strong links between politicians and insurgents, but that the Army C
Minister Singh of directly contributing 15 million rupees to militant groups. [30]
Meanwhile, in January 2016, a Hindustan Times columnist noted: “Manipur is a failed state. No o
Insurgency and the killings will not end. In fact, they can’t. There are too many vested interests
political careers, and, most importantly, insurgency is a money-spinner and everyone, just about
hand in the till. It’s Manipur’s one and only functioning industry.” [31]
A Grim Future for Manipuris
In her struggle against AFSPA, Sharmila has achieved some small measure of victory, as the Act
municipal limits of Imphal in August 2004 after intense public outcry against the rape and murde
Minister Singh brags about his part in the withdrawal, noting that Imphal “comprises seven Asse
neglecting to mention that Manipur’s 53 other constituencies remain under shadow of the Act. [3
While he thinks Sharmila should be credited for the partial repeal, Desmond sees it as a meaningl
arranged without her participation. “Sharmila’s brother, who is completely owned by the police, di
Minister in 2004 to remove AFSPA from Imphal, at least,” he says. “So, the Chief Minister used S
brother to get AFSPA removed just from Imphal, where 65% of the population live, including all
removal of AFSPA was never that simple, because she’s trying to get rid of the immunity and lack
never credit her with that change, anyway. It’s gone from 65% of the population, but it’s played
purely to give the Chief Minister power and help him make his fortune.”
“There’s no real complaint in Imphal about AFSPA anymore,” continues Desmond. “It’s gone from
there for the Army to play war-games among low-caste or outcaste hill tribals. Their problem is
Army, with whom they have some —not much, but some — redress with the Manipuri police who
murder.”
In the early 1980s, shortly after Manipur was declared a “disturbed” area subject to AFSPA, the
militarized police wing known as the Manipur Police Commandos. As The Indian Express reports,
used only to fight insurgents, not for day-to-day law and order enforcement of the police.” [33] U
Imphal, commandos became the primary anti-insurgency force, with the result that, “as their pr
have, to a large extent, replaced the military in Manipur as the face of power and terror.” Accordi
Subramanian:
The sense of immunity from prosecution available to central armed forces under AFSPA has perco
forces as well. Hence, Manipur Police Commandos have freely killed people on their own without
Instituted for the purpose of containing insurgency in the state, the Manipur Police Commandos
original purpose to embark on a path of fulfilling personal agendas of getting police medals and
advancement. [34]
A case filed against the police by the mother of one victim, 22-year-old Chungkham Sanjit Meite
exposure of their modus operandi fails to make a dent in the system’s cycle of oppression. The m
unarmed when police dragged him into a shop in Imphal on July 23, 2009 and executed him in co
standing on the street outside was also killed in the same incident by a stray police bullet. India’
(CBI) is still investigating the charges against nine police officers (none of whom are under arrest)
confessed in Jan. 2016 to pulling the trigger on orders from his superiors.
Speaking to The Indian Express, police commando Thounaojam Herojit Singh said, “Yes, I shot h
was not armed. I felt no remorse, no sympathy after I killed Sanjit. I felt nothing. It was an orde
out.” Herojit says he was directly ordered to “finish him off” by Additional Superintendent of Police
who was subsequently promoted to Superintendent of Police (SP). Furthermore, the commando
authorized from the top, with orders passed down from Chief Minister Ibobi Singh to DGP Yumna
officers on the streets. [35]
This was not Herojit’s first time as an executioner. Terming him “Manipur police’s main ‘hitman’,”
“Associates close to Herojit in Manipur’s police force say that this may have been the most high pr
which got most media attention) that the encounter cop was involved in but he is alleged to hav
too.” [36]
In total, according to Asia Times, Herojit has reportedly killed 133 people in similar encounters.
gallantry award. His example is typical, as officers commit encounter killings to “please their pol
and promotions,” or even for “economic benefits.” [37
Despite the most blatant confession imaginable, the sy

“Even the head constable is not in custody,” mourns D
‘Yes, I murdered this man, I was given an award for th
promotion, and he got his permission from the Chief M
him. From the head down, the police commandos wer
Imphal to just murder people at will. The politicians ba
in law for what they’re doing. There is no AFSPA for th
bad law to repeal.”
One can understand the lack of action, despite the cle

context of how widespread encounter killings are throughout the rest of India. Awards are hande
and promotions are linked to filling body count quotas, reports Human Rights Watch: “The gover
and promotions to police who ‘scored’ dozens of encounter deaths, crediting the deaths, rather th
organized crime’s stronghold on Mumbai and Delhi, and reducing gang violence in Bangalore.” [3
Manipur, however, the victims are not only killed in cold blood, and while unarmed, but often are
unaffiliated with any criminal endeavor. Of course, regardless of their guilt or innocence, no dem
order through secret, extra-judicial lynchings of suspects.
There have been glimmers of light in recent days as small cracks appear in the system of impun
Indian police officers were convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment for murdering 11 Sikh m
July 12, 1991, the cops had stopped a bus, arrested the men in sight of other passengers, detain
local police stations, and then killed them that night.
Yet, while a minor victory, the conviction hardly represents a systemic change. After all, it took 2
judgement despite clear evidence of guilt; 57 were originally charged, but ten died during the co
level officers were charged even though, as reported by The Indian Express, “police officers who
must be behind the incident, but the CBI kept them away from the investigation.” [39]
At issue, then, especially considering the routine failure of the judicial system to prosecute comm
prosecutes anyone at all) is not only the corruption, the totalitarian legal system, or even the atr
security forces, but the unapologetic and unflinching willingness of the individuals involved to ca
most unjust orders with unquestioning obedience.
As Herojit says, he has no remorse or sympathy for murdering a man in cold blood. “He presents
professional, doing his duty as best as he could within the confines of the job profile he is given,
Pradip Phanjoubam. “The picture is as chilling as one of the Grim Ripper himself. It is still more f
Herojit is the only executioner in the Manipur Police, or for that matter any other armed law enfo
state.”
“The entire episode,” Phanjoubam further wrote, “almost evokes the debate in the Bhagavad Gita
a reluctant Arjuna to pick up his weapons to kill his enemies as a soldier should, without once wo
Herojit too had come to believe the insurgents – actual or suspected – were his enemy, and killin
robotic compliance, he followed orders to perform actions which were, for the law abiding and hu
Therein lies the real horror for Manipuris. The central government in Delhi passed a law permittin
atrocities with impunity. The state government in Imphal created a police force that operates as
system of state terrorism is laid bare, even by the unvarnished confession of the executioners in
does nothing to stop it. Meanwhile, the only person who has ever consistently stood in the midst
Sharmila, remains locked away from the world as punishment for her dissent.
The Iron Lady Soldiers on in Isolation
“Irom Sharmila is not fasting unto death,” wrote Deepti Mehotra. “Rather, she is fasting unto life
allows the murder of innocent people.” [41]
Sharmila, however, thinks many people are missing the point. “The world seems to be think of m
right to death, so they are just campaigning for my release without condition,” she said in Nov. 2
touch on my cause, my real hopes, which is to repeal AFSPA.” [42]
Yet her ability to speak her mind freely is deeply restricted by an almost complete isolation. Desm
to Manipur to visit her since being freed from detainment. She is estranged from her family and
her like property, try to control her actions, and have even threatened her with death over her e
Moreover, the national Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) in July 2015 passed new guidelines for visi
intended “to regulate the entry of NGOs and filmmakers into the prison for making documentarie
visitors deposit one million rupees before entering a prison — or, in Sharmila’s case, a secured h
stringency of the new guidelines, Sharmila said, “The MHAs terms and conditions to deposit Rs o
me is nothing but to shatter the freedom of speech of political prisoners in the country.” [43]
“There are three things no one is talking about regarding Sharmila,” says Desmond. “First, how H
police have impunity to murder just like the army. Second, how she’s being kept in total isolation
how the repeal of AFSPA is her only demand, which groups like Amnesty International miss by in
unconditional release. If she’s released, she will continue her hunger-strike without the feeding tu
anyone who supports her should be demanding is the end of AFSPA.”
The struggle remains in deadlock, however. The Iron Lady of Manipur shows no signs of giving u
or state governments relented. “I know that violence will never solve any problems,” said Sharm
kindness everything can be solved.” [44] Yet where are those willing to show love and kindness to
by joining her demand for justice?
Determined as she remains, she knows what the future holds, remarking: “The absence of mass
face death due to starvation without fulfilling my demands.” Speaking in a mournful voice in a No
people to take up her cause. “I just want to gain success — which is so rightful — with the interv
in need of their joining hands.” [45]
“She will neither compromise, nor give up the fight halfway,” wrote Deepti Mehotra. “In staking a
due to all people, she has become a symbol, an icon and an inspiration. The symbolism is power
down-to-earth and matter-of-fact, yet her act of daring is, literally, unthinkable for the rest of us.
Yet as much as of a symbol as Sharmila has become, she asks: “Why should our people remain
symbol of resistance?” She insists she wants to “resume my past normal life,” and reiterating he
AFSPA is ever repealed and she can give up her hunger-strike, “I want to commit to him, my life
peace birds to give message of hope to the world.” [47]
For the foreseeable future, however, Sharmila remains isolated in JNIMS in Imphal with a feeding
Desmond remains in Ireland, his heart and mind still devoted to Sharmila, periodically appealing
out for the hunger-striker as he spends his time walking his dog, Carruthers, writing letters and
telling everyone he meets about the Iron Lady of Manipur.
“Her hunger-strike is an attempt to shame the government into recognizing its wrongs,” says De
wrote in ‘The King’s Threshold.’” Written by Irish poet William Butler Yeats, the play about a bard’
justice from the king is, as Desmond notes, a mirror of Sharmila’s struggle —
Seanchan went out, and from that hour to this,
Although there is good food and drink beside him,
Has eaten nothing. If a man is wronged,
Or thinks that he is wronged, and will lie down
Upon another’s threshold until he dies,
The common people for all time to come
Will raise a heavy cry against that threshold,
Even though it is the King’s. He lies there now
Perishing; he is calling against my majesty.
Will the governments of India and of Manipur listen to Irom Chanu Sharmila as she lies down upo
perishing as she is calling out against their majesty? As this poor, perishing woman remains cage
of the most important lessons she offers the world is that even the most feeble creatures can str
the most powerful by refusing to let them forget the wrongs they’ve committed. Forbid the though
common people for all time must raise a heavy cry against the tyrants who failed to heed the ge
truth, justice, and peace.
Citations
1. Central Government Act, Section 309 in The Indian Penal Code.
2. “Irom Sharmila Arrested Yet Again After Resuming Her Hunger Strike.” NDTV. March 2, 2016.
3. Thokchom, Khelen. “Relief for Malom victims’ kin.” The Telegraph. December 6, 2014.
4. Pandey, Alok and B. Sunzu. “Manipur’s Malom Massacre: High Court Orders Rs. 5 Lakh Compe
NDTV. December 7, 2014.
5. Mehotra, Deepti Priya. Burning Bright: Irom Sharmila and Her Struggle for Peace in Manipur. L
Preface.
6. Deka, Kaushik. “Irom in Love.” India Today. September 17, 2011.
7. Coutinho, Desmond. “Sharmila in her own words.” SaddaHaq 2.0. March 25, 2015.
8. Ibid.
9. Pandey, Alok. “Faced ‘honour killing’ threats for relationship with foreigner, says activist Irom
2013.
10. “15 Year Hunger-Striker Irom Sharmila: ‘Repeal India’s AFSPA or I Die of Starvation’.” Sikh24
11. Ibid.
12. “Irom Sharmila Acquitted In 2006 Case Of Attempt To Suicide.” NDTV. March 30, 2016.
13. “Irom Sharmila breaks down in Delhi court, reiterates demand for AFSPA repeal.” The Hindu.
14. Mehotra. Burning Bright.
15. “India: Repeal Armed Forces Special Powers Act.” Human Rights Watch. August 18, 2008.
16. Dhar, Aarti. “U.N. asks India to repeal AFSPA.” The Hindu. March 31, 2012.
17. Subramanian, Kadayam. “India must repeal law that gives military sweeping powers in Mani
2016.
18. Roy, Esha. “A ‘confession’ brings Manipur and its shadowy encounters back in focus.” The Indi
19. “‘These Fellows Must Be Eliminated’: Relentless Violence and Impunity in Manipur.” Human R
20. Bhonsle, Anubha. “Indian Army, Rape Us.” Outlook. February 10, 2016.
21. Nitesh, Ravi. “‘Right to Justice’ Deprived by State: Case of ‘Manorama Vs AFSPA’ from Manipu
Hub. January 7, 2015.
22. Mahapatra, Dhananjay. “SC: Is AFSPA in Manipur eternal?” The Times of India. January 15, 2
23. Jardine, Henry. “NORTHEAST INDIAN STATE OF MANIPUR EXPERIENCES ESCALATING VIOLE
of US Diplomacy. September 1, 2006.
24. Biswas, Soutik. “Is Teesta Setalvad India’s most hounded activist?” BBC news. September 2,
25. “Eminent citizens oppose HC order on AFSPA.” The Hindu. November 27, 2015.
26. Subramanian, K.S. State, Policy and Conflicts in Northeast India. Abingdon: Routledge, 2016
27. Coutinho. SaddaHaq 2.0. March 2015.
28. Jardine. Wikileaks. September 2006.
29. Mahajan, Bhavana. “A woman challenging state-sanctioned violence in Northeast India.” ope
30. Jardine.
31. Dasgupta, KumKum. “Insurgency: Manipur’s one and only functioning industry.” The Hindusta
32. Sunil, Oinam. “Can’t remove AFSPA from Manipur yet: Okram Ibobi Singh.” The Times of Indi
33. Roy. The Indian Express. February 2016.
34. Subramanian. Asia Times. February 2016.
35. Roy, Esha. “Imphal encounter: 6 years later, the admission — ‘Yes, I shot him dead, he was
The Indian Express. January 27, 2016.
36. Roy, Esha. “Why Manipur head constable Herojit Singh became an encounter cop.” The India
37. Ramachandran, Sudha. “Most ‘encounter’ killings by Indian police to please officials, get prom
11, 2016.
38. Human Rights Watch. “Broken System: Dysfunction, Abuse and Impunity in the Indian Police
39. Sahu, Manish. “1991 Pilibhit fake encounter: CBI court awards life sentence to 47 cops.” The
40. Phanjoubam, Pradip. “Killer Cop Confessions and the Banality of Evil in Manipur.” The Wire. J
42. Sikh24.com. November 19, 2015.
43. “Irom Sharmila opposes MHA guidelines to meet prisoners.” The Economic Times. Nov. 9, 20
44. Singh, Sanjeev. “AFSPA Responsible for Attack on Armymen in Manipur, Says Irom Sharmila.
Pieter Friedrich can be reached at pieter@singhofjudah.com

Breaking A Butterfly Irom Sharmilas Stri

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Breaking a Butterfly — Irom Sharmilaʼs Hunger-Strike for Justice in India | Sikh24.

com 4/22/19, 1(06 PM

Breaking a Butter!y — Irom Sharmila’s

Irom Chanu Sharmila: World’s Longest Hunger-s

Sharmila’s story is one of horror mixed with hope, unspe

Discovering Love Amidst Misery

succeeded ten years before now in my movement of fast unto death.”

AFSPA: A Draconian Law

– Shoot to kill any person “reasonably suspected” of breaking the law

– Arrest suspicious persons without a warrant

– Search and seize property without a warrant

– Destroy any structure suspected of use by insurgent groups

– Avoid prosecution for any actions committed under the Act

prosecuted. Thus, the armed forces enjoy complete immunity.” [26]

Is AFSPA a symbol of Brahmanocracy reigning over the oppressed masses of India?

The Failed State of Manipur

A Grim Future for Manipuris

and promotions,” or even for “economic benefits.” [37

Despite the most blatant confession imaginable, the sy

One can understand the lack of action, despite the cle

The Iron Lady Soldiers on in Isolation

Seanchan went out, and from that hour to this,

Although there is good food and drink beside him,

Has eaten nothing. If a man is wronged,

Or thinks that he is wronged, and will lie down

Upon another’s threshold until he dies,

The common people for all time to come

Will raise a heavy cry against that threshold,

Even though it is the King’s. He lies there now

Perishing; he is calling against my majesty.

Pieter Friedrich can be reached at pieter@singhofjudah.com

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