s

C-asbekh• Bhat

ne Reform Movement among the

Waddars of Karnatat•

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ARE .an essential part.of societies. While in some

socie~es they are more pronounced and apparent, in others they are
latent. . The study of social mo~ements is primarily a study of the
.social 'or cultural change of a social order as well as of values and
norms (Evans, 1973: 11 ). Herbert Blumer refers to social niOYe-
ments as •••• collective enterpri~s to establish a new social order
oflifet-1 In brief, a social movement may be considered to be an
orpnized attempt on the part of a section ·of society to bring about
either partial or total change in society through ·collective mobiliza-
tion based_on an 'ideology.• . '
For many sociologists the structural basis of social movements
lie in 'd~scontent• arising out of •relative deprivation' and th~
movements may take any form-from a ~low and gradu~l t~form
movement to a radical and revolutionary one. Rao• ·111uests tlie
possibility of classifying movements on the basis Qf their ·cons_e-·
quences. A further distinction is made on the basis of the nature of
change and the ideology of the movement: movements can be a~metl
~t. re!orin in one or another aspect of social life, ~r orieo~ at
nngang about changes in superordinate and subordinate _relatiOn•

----
Marc.;.Tbr.:bi:-1a:-pa_pe_r_i•-bue--d-on
&eldwork carried-out between Scptem~r/'!:,;~
Deihl ~9'71. It lonm pan of my Ph.D. thesis submitted to the • ~:.Or.or
M,S,A 1977. The research work waa carried out uad,r the 111idance o
, l10. - . ,
 CHAN DRASHEJc.lf
170 . l1t4l
. red to as tra nsform:itave movements)
ships (these be•~• r~e~owards bringing about revolutionary h111 d,
finally, those or•e~\-~ and in basic values. Emphasizing : 111&e
in every sphere : • e8 n&e oriented movements, reform niov n the
means adopted Y movements that utilize legitimate etit,ntg
0
are described as ~~anges are sought to be brought about:~~•·
In th_ese movement' of a society and the means adopted are con~•n
.
the given
.
framewoi • 1 norms and valu~s o
f tha t society.
. Radicaln11s.
tent with the socaa . db h . . or
. movements are charactenze Y t e reJect1on of ,~=-t
revolut10nary d u· f ha I\II •
. le "timate means and by ~he a op .on o . means t t are consi.
mgred per by the establishment 1n their attempt to acbiev
de impro . d" b . 1· Th' e
change in all spheres of life,_ 1nclu 1ng as1c va ucs. 1s Piper
. account · of the reform movement among the Waddara of
:.:atak, wlao form part of the scheduled castes. ·

The Socio-political Background

_The social movement ihicb took place among the Waddars m .ai;be
treated as a part of the broader process of the Backw•rd Classes
movement in Karnatak which began during the later days of _British
colonial administration. . The origin of_Backward Classes ~ov~ment
in Karnatak coincided with the beginning of the non-Brahmin -move-
ment (around 1918), . which a1so marked the dectin_e of ,Brahmin
power in the erstwhile princely state of Mysore with the fCSignation
of Sir M•. V_isveshwarayya from the Diwanship. In the ~m~;yea~, .
a deputation of non-Brahmin leaders met His Highness the MaharaJa

:~=
14>_prot.~t against the discrimination practised against 1:1on~J1rahdli~5-
Hipness appointe~. a committee headed by Sir L~slit:,~lier to
~ 1 pro~le~s of the non-Brahmins. The repo11.w,~:-Present·
Governmentd11CUssion in the Jlepresentative Assembly it1 1919,, The
c . pasaed an order on the, recommendation · , · ~,n1er
,::u:ttee Qf the If' .
-~epe,rt for . equitable communal rep~esentatiOD ;,~ the
encoun.!~:•cetha_ ~ettne. 1974). ·This had ·the· effect, ot 'further
--.-. e non-Brah111in mo ..
The non-Brahmin , !~m~nt~ . . .. -: . . d i,y

th'
the. VokkaligaJ and rovemcnt in Kamatak ~as spearbeade this
region. la fact, the Vo~naarats, two .domJDa.nt . ca~tes, ~~uted
a DU'8ber or distinct · ~• 1118 ., \ye~I •• the Lingayats tonstlr iccl
1
them as •inale castes ; 11~e l)efore J900~ :- But.th~ ·1901:-Cens0
. out subdivisions. While t.he diffeJOII' c.
•~•~u-
flll PfOUI MOVBIIENT AIIONG THI WADDAU
171
vatiOI castes forming th~ Vokkaliga category had 1. 1.
. di the social context, the Linpyats had a co ittl~ ? common
,,,. f v· . . H mmon rehgaous back
.round
r o 1rasa1v1sm. B h •owever• this categonza • t·ion provided. th •
teaders. of theb·1·
·non-. ra nun A . movement
. . with
. a 8I•g n1.8cant base fore
coUect1ve mo 1 1zat1on. n 1n~resting development that followed
the emergence
tr. •
of these
b·t· categones
. was the starting of ryas te associa-
. .
tions for ~11ect1ve mo 1 •~t1on. Thus, the Lingayats established the
Mysore L1~gayat Educat10n Fund Association in 1905, and, in 1906,
the Vokkahgas formed the Vokkaligara Sangha. The non-Brahmin
connection provided them with a common platform and held these
groups together as long as there was Brabmin dominance.
The non-Brahmin movement finally . merged with .the Congress
movement in the state in 1938 when the latter was emerging as a
national force. During the 1930s and forties, the non-Brahmin
groups began to loose their ~hesion and each caste category began
to demand separate representation for itself both in the Representa-
tive Assembly and in government service. · The non-Brahmin move-
ment took the shape of a Backward Classes m,ovement from·. the
1940s onwards. The two dominant · groups of, castes,,-namely the
Vokkaligas and the Lingayats, began to fight between themselves for
a share of political p0wer in the newly ·emerging . representative
political system. The new constitution of India caqie, .into .-force: in
1950, following India's Independence, in 1947. , Besides; the stat"!·
tory safeguards, the Constitution also provided: the, Backward
Classes with certain be'nefits su~h as reservation of sea ts ..in the .fields
of education, employment and politics, and ·in w~lfa~e-schemes. · Both
the Vokkaligas and the Lingayats enjoyed const1tut1onah ~enefits ~s
Backward Classes and thus began ·to develop· a yested mte~t-·in
their 'backwardness'. These - benefits . have. · in ,turp, · facdatat~
stst
reforms in their rituals and enabled· them to gain a better us ID
IOciety. . .
The scheduled castes form one of the important•, 5ections a~ong
th e Backward Classes . In fact . ·when tho communal issue gamed
· • • · t there was
1111Pl>rtance and generated the non•Brahmin ~~vemen ' ~u..
no reference to scheduled castes. It took some-·time for tbe s~h
Id · J't'.-•I prommence.
1re. po••~
e
W'th castes to organize themselves
-· and acqu
· d with the reserva-
1 the coming of parliamentary dernocracy -an ·. . . acbiner
lion of seats for thein at dilferent levels ,of tbe. pobtJ1:al bloc i~
scheduled castes emerged as .a significant ,., ~11~rtheir new•
afferent political parties (Misra, 1976)~ , They omp oye ·
 CHANDRAIHEKlfAl ·
1114,
172 . obtain a. better deal in terms of .
. . . pawer to
"'und t,argatn•DI d ·upliftment.
we sha11 now discussSOc10-
10 -
aorni~ dcve1op111ent an the Waddars, a sc hed uled caste 8 •thc
eco ·" nt a111on1 b ,._ . ' Piaut
reform JDove~e Jitical context. However' ea ore we discuss th
this wider soc•0 ·Po vement, we shall note who the Waddars c
. •n of the reform 111° arc,
or1g1 ·

The Waddars
. category of castes cngage<l in occupations lik
The Waddars areone-breaking
8 .
in different parts o f India.
. They arec
d St
eartbwor
· ,._ k and ·n the states of Andhra Pra des h, Tam,·1 nadu, -Maha
large1y aoun 1 · . ·
rashtra and Karnatak. ·They are scattered ~oth an rural and urban
areas and a large number of Waddars arc nugrant labourers. · Early
accounts of the :Wadda~s -mention that they were a ·wandering and
unsettled or nomadic tribe.' In· .some areas of Madras, Andhra
Pradesh and·Karnatak they are even today classified as a wandering
tribe or wandering and criminal tribe. 6 In the ·state of Maharashtra
they are classified under depressed classes. They are ·also- listed
under scheduled castes as per the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tnl>es Modification Order, )956, throughout Karnatak except Coorg,
Belgaum, Bijapur, Dharwar, North Kanara, South Kanara, Oul-
b~~'- Raichur ,and 'Bidar _districts and Kollega I Taluk of Mysore
district. , In other words, -the Waddars were placed in the list of
scheduled castes in the erstwhile princely state of Mysore. TodaY,
!he Waddars are found at varying stages of nomadic and settled life,
..-,.ive Or whether they are classified under scheduled· castes -or .
arresn....t'
depressed _classes or denotified tribes. According to a recent esti-
mate• ' the1r·nn
· J'l"'pu J8 1·ion m
· Karn3tak state is 4 S8 560.
Theon)Waddars
which . · I ·
c aim that they had a number' , of sub-casteS 0 f
breakers) Y::e are known today. They are Kallu Waddars (stone•
traders), 'aan/: Waddars (earthworkers), Uppu Waddars (sail
makers) Ra· 1 Waddars (cart users), Girini Waddars (grind5taDC
' Ja addars (e I • •• Aralu
Waddars (lac-sellers) T mp oycd by royal famdaes),
(lown-dw~llers). Ali ::ugu Waddars (thieves) and Oni Wad~
after their trad·u 1 se sub-castes appear to have been nalll
namely, Kallu onal occupations. The first three su~stes--
Waddar popul~tio=:~aod \Jppu Waddars-form the &ulk al (be
The Kallu Wadd arnatak state
· . ar sub-c1ste has •the largest populatioll aJIIOoS
flllof()Jlll .MOVEIIENT AMONG THE WADDARS 173
tbeWaddars of Kamatak. The nam:e of this sub-caste . d . ed
· d·t· l • · ,_ 1s erav
'tolll
. 11.
their tra 11ona
d . occupation .of worKing on stone . They are
,niinlY emp1oye 1n stone quarries, building constructio 5 d
•d · t· •d n , roa -
e11Uing an Jn cu ting grin stones. Though the Kallu Waddars
111
are spread all over the stat~ they are more numerous in the districts
of Bangalore, Bellary, <?h1tradurg, Kolar and Shimoga. The next
group in terms of numencat strength is the Mannu Waddars. They
are largely found in the districts of Mandya, Mysore, Gulbarga and
to some extent, in Chitradurg · and Shimoga. They are known fo;
working with earth-such as ~n sinking wells, constructing railway
tracks, irrigation canals, tanks, dams and bridges, and in repairing
all these types of constructio~s. The Uppu Waddars are numeri-
cally the third prominent sub-caste among the Waddars. They are
so called due to their traditional occupation of trade in salt and tama- .
rind. ney pu~ed their traditional occupa'tion till the beginning of
this century and.·Jater gave it up since trade in salt and tamarind
could no longer ellrn them a livelihood. They migrated to cities in
,scarch of wo1..c wh,re they were forced to take up menial jobs like
sweeping and scavenging. The Uppu Waddars arc found in ·uanga-
lore, Kolar, Tumkur and Chitradurg districts.
The Waddars believe that they originally formed a single endo-
gamous group but that the differences in oc~upaHons led in due course
to the emergence-of a number of separate endogamous groups. The
segmentation of the caste into smaller 'tndogamous units, which may
be termed sub-castes; seems to have occurred during the early or
mid•nineteenth century. The rules of endogamy were flexible till
almost the end of nineteenth century which is evident from the
Writings of Nanjundayya and Ananthakrishna Iyer. Referring to the
endogamous nature of the Wadder caste, Nanjundayya and Iyer
(1931,:661) wrote c••• by changing the line of their work into that of
1

stone, earth -(Mannu) Voddas may· be allowed to marry a girl of

. ~1111 Vodda section' •. Today these endog~mo~s ~roups are hierar•
cbically ranked and each sub-caste claims superaonty over the other.
~owever, the Kallu Waddars enjoy a high. status"and "claim supe~o-
0
nty over .the other sub-castes on the batis of their occupat•~ •
. Among the occupations pursued by the different sub-cas'te5, working
on st0ne is considered to be the most respectable. The. Man~u
Waddara. stand next to the Katlu Waddan because wo~king th witb
Clrth ia .considered to be tower than stone work but hi~ber an
the other occupations~ The U ppu . Waddars are considered to
174
"'nnn&1AA->lll!Jtlf4t

. archy of the Waddar. sub-castes. . .

t in the status h_1e~ ns concerning the position Of
-~'t
0
be the •;;:.e diJl'eren_t 3::-~aste hierarchy. Some of the tar~
The community 10 cribe them (or at least some of th .Y
Waddar f the Waddars des For instance, the Gazetteer of Bon,~
accounts o chables. d ' 1· . . .,..,
es) as untou . h t the Wad ars were ••• 1v1ng lll a"'..l
sub-cast nt1ons t a ,., th bo d -... J
•,I nc" (1884) me
Pres-1ue ., ttiDJ an d thatched roo,s on, e r er of to,-,. ..
·•111
huts of bam!'°o ma n 1909:422) wrote t~at • ·• • num~ers of Odde
and villists. Jbursto r~anently settled in the outskirts of large
(Voddas) ·are now pe find employment as sweepers, etc in
. both sexes , I .,
towns, where ., ,·on and conservancy • n a recent study
connection· · with. sana.161 a 1 _ ) observed
• that th e W add ar ' s ' •• •DlJlra. · '
962 62
Scarlett Epstein (lf · k has led them to performing tasks which
· · search o wor h" · ·
taon m t uchables'. Their efforts to ac aeve.a h1gher-
degradcd them to hu:v~ .met with considerable success iil .Kamatak .
status, however, . . h h . . d. h
where they now Occupy a position higher. t an t e .one enJoye mt e
past. ·It I·s through a gradual and persistent •
s~c1al
•
movement that
the Waddars realized their present status 10 society.

Sedentarization and the Contesta~I Base

The social movement which . took place ~mong the Waddal'$ has cer-
tain unique featurcs which distinguish it from the social movements
launched by other castes in Karnatak. The Waddars were largely
l~ding a 11o~dic existence till recently and, hence, the sedentariza·
t~n ~r the Waddars formed the first step in providing a contextual
srtua
tio~ f~r any social movement to occur. The establishment of
;hen etbfinnacl ~entity (Barth, 1969) in the new contextual situation and
tion r. a bancorporafion into · ,community life provided the s1·tua•
•Or. t e 'fflovem t · · the
Wac1c1ar1 remaj d en. in a new social system. As nomads,
mentioned ne · peripheral lo.: the social system and the above•
and ilacor~':'ses-ic~entarization, establish~ent of etbnic.identitY
to initiate a mo:-provided them with a base in the system 50· •;
the IOciat moveme:e~. t •~ a wa Y, these processes too Conn part 0
:,ac1 no contextuar sit u . Walboui which the -movement wo~ld JiaV0
ec~~ - · ,, uation or base and would have also Jacked anY
Proee1s·or sed . .. .
eacouraaed by ra:C,':.rizatio.n, among the W~ddars was laJ'IC~!
' A,.Barth (1965:110) observed, nom•
fJIB JlEfODI MOVEMENT AMONG THE ,WADDARS 175
rally acquire land when they accumulate wc:alth and are motiva-
gedn~n that direction (since wealth alone is not a sutficient criterion
te •uch a process). The motivation . . to settle down when sufficient .
:~tb is ac~u!11u~ated co~es from_ t~e possi~I~ •~vantages in terms
f opportuniues in education, po~1tical partic1pat1on, stable life and
0
h other benefits of sedentary hfc. Second, sedentarization may
t
5
0
be motivated by external factors such as government schemes,
~ial reformers and well-wishers. Both the internal and external
factors were _at work amongst the Waddars who began to settle in
different parts of Karnatak,
The process of sedentarization does not end with merely settlirig
down in a locality. The newly settled population interacts with the
community around it and attempts to\cstablish close social, economic
and political tics. The success of sedentary life depends upon the
degree to which the new settlers are incorporated into community lif~.
The establishment of an identity is another dimension of the process
of sedentarization. The new group, hitherto unk1¥>wn in the local
or regional social system, has to establish its identity and carve out
a place for itself in the system. First of all, the new group has t~
identify itself as a unit, similar to other units in the society, and
locate its position in the system. In the case of the Waddars, they
had to identify themselves as a caste and establish a position in the
system of castes of the locality or region in which they settled.
The migration of Waddars into Karnatak, at different points of
time and to different areas, rarely led, if at all, to competition with
1~1 groups in terms of occupational pursuits and other interests.
: 1th regard to their ecological adaptation and adjustment, the
c a~d~rs' traditional occupations bad, , _~ pie scope in Mysore. They
bapatahzed on a_ different 'niche'_of,nature than the ones exploite~
/ local occ~pauonal groups or ca,t~s. Thus, there was no oppos1-
1::n when the Waddars began to .settle down in Karnatak. Though
e Waddars consist of different occupational f.nd endogamous
1t~oupS, they possess certain features in common-all Waddars speak
rit~~mc lang~a~e (Telugu), they believe in common myths, and t~eir
iinl't 5 8 " d rchg19us beliefs, political institution·s and so on are fairly
hav~ ar_. In addition to a common name, .these common features
Patio &•~en all Waddars a single ethnic identity, cutting across occu-
~ther~ ~nd end~gamou~ boundarie~ and distioguishin~ the!° from
ldentit nother important feature encouraging .a~ ethnic µnaty and ,
Y among the Waddars is that they are 1ideJt~i6ed a,• a single_
 CHANDLUBEXRAt 8114?
a..

116 •
Vl ddan--&D impo rtant ••
r-. cto ·
r in an un~
ethnk: group by the ::· :ere
incorporaied in th~ sys~ of 'Poly:
standml of the way Y resent a group possessing certain identifl.
ethnic' gro~ps. They ~:wn for their hard-work on the positive aide
able critena; they a~ ughness • in their behavioural aspect on the

and a posauon
t;:
and an 'i'?oran~ an hr:e been able to establish an ethnic identity
negative 5•1~e. .
10
s :tem of castes foil owing their sedentarization.
• dya position J·ust above the line of untouchabiiity
•t· n they
I ni ~• Y• . . •
occup1e .
place in the Jocal C(ISte hierarchy Jt. also provid-•
Bes1des fac1'th 1atatang a · ·n .t .es for part1c1pat1on
pportu . . • JD • th e econonuc, · politi-
..
11
ed -~em w1.gious o life of the region. Above all, t hey were absorbed
an d r
cal the
in
elJ .• I
community life of their locaht1es.. ncorpora 10n JD com-
f ·
munity life forms a hig~lly significant stage in th~ course of _the up-
ward -mobility of a once nomadic group. It provides the social base
for further mobility in the existing system of castes.
The process of sedentarization of the Waddars in rural and
urban locales had different social consequences in the context of the
Waddars' social movement. '{he Waddars settled in urban areas·
have greater opportunities· in terms of education, employment,
political participation and life styles than those living in rural areas.
A~ a result, there is a greater social awakening and collective
mobilization among the Waddars in urban areas which provide the
requisite leadership and organiza.tional structure oriented ·towards a
change in social status.
Sedentari~atio~, establishment of identity and incurporation into
the commu~ity hfe ?Y carving out a place for themselves in the
local or reg,o~al s0~1al syst_etn form only ·the first phase of their
efforts at ~p~ard social mobility. Efforts to achieve a status higher
than they m1t1ally eriJ'oyed
consti . ' th roug h both ritual
. and secblar means,
locatetcu!ertaa1.pancrhtaof tthe. r~form IJlOVement Herein it is possible to
rac er1st1cs comm t . .
general such as coll .. •· on ° social reform mov~mcnts 10
, cc1ive action or 11 . .. .
orientation and ideology. · co ect1ve mob11Jzat1on, change
.

Reformers and the1•r R ~.orms

The reform movement amon th
stances and gained popular g . e Wa dd a.rs begon with indh·idual in·
tiaear
· sedentarization those support
W d i..··, t a muc-h Inter
· su1ge. Following
' a dars ·NIlo could afford it· ~availed ·
_.. aBfO&II MOVEMENT AIIONG TRI WADDQS
TIP' 177
:i!.t11sctvcs of the .opportunity of education. n.-. reat· · d tba .
IP"- • • • • t d 1 · .. ,_, aze t their
ldfl pc,sitaon m SOCIC y an re at1ve deprivation were th .
~.in distinctive practices of their castes. This·tealizatio~ resfult ~f
li5
1- • • 1d •h n o their
aesraded position coup e wit the optimism of the educated
\Vaddars who felt that ~ey could do something to raise their status,
·biitiated the second or ~e later phase of their movement. The oriain
ot this moveme~t m~y be traced ~o the 1930s when• few educated.
\Vaddars orgamzed informal meetings of the caste elders to discuss
the changes that ought to be brought about in certain aspects of their ·
life. Kolar and Cbitradurg were the centers of this awareness
· wherefrom the movement emanated and spread to other parts of
Karnatak.
The Waddars believed that their low social status was due to
their dietary habits and age-old customs and ritual practices. Their
first attempt to improve their image in the eyes of the non-Waddars
•
·began with reforms in their eating habits. A step in this direction
was their self-imposed ban on the eating of rats which, they believ-
ed, was one of the reasons for their low status. The next ·important
change they ,ought was to initiate their women to wear bangles and
blouses. Traditionally, Waddar women wore only one brass bangle
on the left wrist and no blouse or brassi~res. The institution of
marriage was also subjected to certain reforms. Not snerely ·did
they differ in their marriage rituals from the rest of the population
but even the very timing of iheir marriage rites distinguished them
from other Hindu castes. First, they sought to change the time of
·marriage from midnight hours to an auspicious hour of the day, in
consultation with a Brahmin astrologer. Next they tried· to acquire
the ritual services of a barber a washerman and a Brahmin priest.
Thus, reform activities were not merely confined to bringing abo~t
cha~ges in their dietary habits and dress but, more than these, an
their traditional customs and practices. . . ·.
Among the few educated Waddars who set out with a mis 5t0nary
nd
Z~I to change Waddar society were Smt. Yellamma of Kolar a
Sra Manjari Hanumanthappa of Chitradurg district. Yellamma w:s
lhe lirs! lady to be educated up to lower ~~dary, foJ~owed 1~
. ~cher straining. In this process· she came •~to cont~ct with peof1~
uc:lonoi . · • fl ed 1,y their ways o · ue.
Sb .,.ng to higher castes and was m _uenc . .. ,1 itual •ractices
e was not only eager to acquire kn~wle.dge of th eir • . .P sh·
. but also went through some of the religious texts on ~•~du1sm. k e
Started her : ., . :.h . ·n ·1932 and in add1t1on, too "P
· career as a teac er 1 ' ·
 CHANDJlAsll
178 !k11~- 1
. social service for the amelioration of the conditions O li4l
acUVbe mmunity. She undertook a tour of all villag r llleni""'--
of er co 9 d · · d es or ..,
. ·~ towards the end of I 93 , an V1s1te other part
s or k .
~Jar
diltn"" d . ,.,. d . I
tab ia 1940 where Wad ars . were 1oun 1n ar1 e numbers
. . aim was to approach women who had hardly k00 · · lier
pnmary ikatano (civilized ways of 1·,.,.) 1ae . Alon1 with · instl'ucti" 0 lily
and
nt11ite•ria1 dietary aspects of life, she also convinced tb OJla 011
ma
the need to cban1e their · outd ated n·tua I practices.. She propa•bo11t
8
sanstritized version of their religious affiliations, caste ·st llted
·· f h.1p,. modes o f ntual
· ructure
(bltu and 101,os), de1taes o ,.,.wors . d fi . I
·observ .
ancea
during the rites of passa1e, 1&1rs an est1va s and their cul.tural
heritage (Yellamma, 1948).
Another important member of the Waddar community who
tried to bring about changes in their material and social life was
Manjari Haoumanthappa. While Yellamma stressed the need for
brinpg about changes in the religious life, Hanumanthappa worked
for ~eir upliftment mainly t~rough education. He began his
career as a primary school teacher and his proficiency in music
made even some Brahmins invite him to teach music to their
children-which was unimaginable -in the 1930s. He was exposed
to the :.styles of life of the higher castes which made him realize
how ignorant .a nd illiterate his kith and kin were. He arranged a
few meetings of the promineni members of his caste . at Chitradurg
during the later part of the 1930s. In 1940 he started a hostel for
Waddar boys by raising contributions from members of th e cont·
munity and by obtaining a government grant. Spurred on by
lhe success of the first community hostel he directed his efforts
•ard1 establishing more hostels both- for boys and girls. Thus , 4°2
tbe first · '
tune, a hostel for girls- was opened in Chitradur,g I f theJ1l
·n I9 ·
1io start with th ·
, ere were fifteen girls. . Even thoug h man yo how
Ief t the hostel · .
w1th1n a short period Hanumanthappa soJ1le..,ber
lllallaged t · ' fl U•••
of W dd o avoid closing it down. From 1946 onward~, a J946, at
Tu-Lua _ar hoste.Js. were established-at Shimosa, JD fj\lC
uaa. r ID l947 d · 1948 ·
~ore hostels _an at Challakere a~d Bangalore in J{oJaJkere,
Jagaloor and ~re started in 1950 at Hiriyur, HosdurJ, 15 for boys
05t
and two ho t ~ur.. Today there a~e in all sixteen h e •.
s 1s ,or 11rls. . ,1,J11·
The success of th d 0 n their 1·tb
ty to mobiliz e early social reformers depende . i,esatJ '1 5
11
their reform e ~e~be,rs of their caste. . Thi Amobi1~!•~ e,s. It .,,
activities and was confined, only to certain ar .
fJl8 aSfOllll IIOVEIIENT AMONQ Tin! WADDAIS

sub-caste oriented in the initial sta 179

altosocial reformen
· betonged tended to l"-the
,t su"' --
u-qste to which
h 1 much Dior .
te Th t bt·
her sub-castes. e es a ishment of host I . I e •nvolvect than
ot • b- · e •
1,etv,een the vanous su castes, since these hostels·ed to cl
~ser contaejs
frolll alt Waddar sub-castes. Another sipifi
t:
adm1ttec;1 students
uve mo~ilization among the Waddars was 0 ; •s~ or coll,c.
_,ciitions. 0 lll'lation or caste

Caste Associations and Collective Mohlllzatloa

The reform movement among the Wadda!' gained momentum durina
the early 1940s and led to the formation of caste associations at
Chitradurg and Kolar in the tint instance. The first caste association
was started at Chitradurg in 1940 with fifteen members and is known
as the Chitradurg District Waddara Sangha. For the first 'iime, im-
portant members of different Waddar sub-castes were brought ·toge-
ther in one forum. It tontinues to operate ·as a district association.
The Waddars of Kolar district followed ·the Wadd!lrs of Chitra-
durg by establishing the Kolar District WaddaraSangha in 1942. The
Kolar and Chitradurg Waddar a~sociaiions jointly organized the first
ever conference ofthe Waddar community inl942at Mudu Madugu,
situated in Srinivasa pura taluk of Kolar district. They invited not
only the Waddars of Karnatak but also tho,e of Andhra Pradesh and
Tamilnadu. The main purpose of the conference was to bring all
the Waddars together so as to formulate plans for the upliftinent -of
their community. The conference also felt that there was 8 need for
changing the caste name. ·, · •. i . ·• the hi·s ·
· another conference-the b1·~ ·· ·t, ever
They organized an
Cbanains the•
tory of Waddar conferences-in 1944 at Davanagere. . ,.. rence
caste . . d. ssed at this conae ·
1\ narne was one of the major issues iscu t changing their
e Waddars were aware of many instances'of ca_sdes d Cheluvadi
llanie• ti • • : · t k Adldrav1 a an.
hid · or instance, the Ad1kama a a, d "tbs to Visw•karmas
'lid changed their names of Harijans, Gol smi rd Waddar bad be-
la111banis
111 to Banjaras. They felt thst :e ;:ars were usin1 it 15
, 111~ ~h-a degrading usage that the non~ ~addaf·Sub-castc) _ bad
• .. L Usive term. Some Waddars (the Uppu . ·deted to be· un-
lCl,en tO · . ·also con 51 ••
tollc sweeping and hence 1hey. ~~re · . ult to · rent . h~~ses., in
to"'1ibabies. As a l'e$ult they found. it d1fli~t thafth_ e !"ly way out
a and cities. The Waddar Jead~r~ thoug . . ·;t··:· ,
 CHANDllASHEKR

. to change the caste name. With regard

of this situatio~ wa~e there were three suggestions: some s to the
choice ofa ne~: cailed •Wadeyarajp' and a few others ,:l&tsted
that they sho:nl •Raju'. These names were suggested bcca~
it should be . ydicate that the Waddars had a royal heritag they
would at ~nceth•:y ·should be considered tp be Kshatriyas . .
that. there,ore
hlets they have even c1a1me
. d K s h atnya
•.
In:
status by catt·
111d

ne of
their pantp ,wadeyaraju., The con tierence, h owever, thought t.h1ng
themseIves d. d d 'ded . at
these names were too high :;oun _mg an ec1 m favour of the
name 'Bhovi?, which wa=» already 1n vogue as a _surname for their tra.
•d't'onal
I1
caste panchayat leaders. They beheved • ,
that this term
would •enable them to acquire a better status 1n society since it is re-
ferred to in the Mahab/,arata. The Mahabharata mentions that there
were people called Boyas or Bhovis who had the privilege of carrying
the King's palanquin. Thus, the Conference passed a resolution re-
questing the .central and state governments to change the name ,of
their caste. Both the state and the central governments conceded
7
their request and approved the new caste name. ,
The Conference also offered them an opportunity for es~ablishing
closer ties between the various sub-castes. The two caste associa:
tions organized further meetings-at ·Havcri in 1945 and at Sbahabad
in 19S4. The main purpose of these meetings was to plan the vari•
ous measures to be taken for the amelioration of their conditions. .
The Waddars of Bhakshi G~rden in Bangalore started a separate
association exclusively for the Uppu Waddars in 1946 and called it
the Bangalore City Raja Boyila Sangha. Later in the same _year they
~cnam~d it the Akhila Mysore Raja Boyila Sangha fot the purpose of
_includmg_all the 'Raja Boyis' of Karnatak. The Uppu Wad4a~s
~te~ to be known by this name. But this Sangha had no c:onne<:·
tr":-~•
dcr:0~ th the Waddar associations of Kolar and Chitradurg. 1heJf
1 panchayat, the dhorma sabha was asked to c:o11duct,U•
l rdabons Jnder the auspices of the Sangha In 1959, thClf
cba nae
5a....1... the na f h . • • •
• • me O t e assocaat10.n again to Akhila Mysore "': d
nnyj •
....-, om1tt1ng the woro• 'R&Ja . . re ,ne ..
. •. But all these assoc1at1ons 1118
local in Datu
IOCiation at ~e 88d tbe Waddars had no single and effective
the ViahaJa level for a long time. It was only in l~S d ;n
ca:
0 85
~,t

Waddars, meS:
HubJL Its twin Y~rc Waddara (Bhovi) Sangha was establ/she
t'f"- were to undeJ14)tc social reforDI aDl ~~tc-
reats of the co c a~e of their sub-castes and to safeguard ihe.; · -
0
. we

mmunaty. • : .. ·,
 OltM MOVEMENT AMONG THE W ADDARS 181
fJfE 1Ef
fhe efforts of indi~id_ual soc~al reformers and of the caste ~ssocia-
. have succeeded 1n 1mprovmg the Waddars· status to a consider-
uons .,tent. The adoption of caste Hindu rituals and their belief in
able e,. . an d po 11 ution
otion of ritual purity . has given the Waddars the
thep0rtunity
n . • .
to c1aim a superior status m the hierarchy of castes.
f
0 ·n by accepting to serve the Waddars, the barbers and washer-

rn!8: have apparently conceded their claim to a higher . status. But

either the barbers nor W3shermen consider the Waddars in any way
:uperior to them, whether in ritual ranking or otherwist. They do
not accept any food from the Waddars. The· Waddars, on the other
hand, have now begun to claim superiority over barbers and w~sher-
mcn. They support this claim on the basis of ru~n-acceptance of
cooked food from the latter. However, non-acceptance of food al-
ways leaves room for ambiguity with regard to the relative position
of a caste in the caste hierarchy. The Waddars were generally club-
bed Jtong with the Korachas, Koramas and · Lambanis who form a
cluster of castes occupying a position just above the untouchable cas-
tes. But the Waddars have moved upwards to equal or surpass the
castes of washermen and barbers· as a result of their efforts to rise in
the hierarchy. Indeed, the fact that Brahmin priests are prepared to
conduct Waddar rituals along sans_kritic lines is a clear indication
that the Waddars do enjoy a higher status than before.
The Waddars have tried to raise their ritual status in the hierar-
chy of castes through reforms in their rituals and ritual interactions.
1~ these ritual interactions the higher castes-such as, the Vokka-
bgas, lin~ayats and Brahmins-are- taken as the positive reference
&roup. These castes may be regarded as the normative reference
ioup t~, since they provided the Waddars with' norms or standards
of behaviour as a frame of reference. On ~he other ha~d, the c~stes
Koracha, Korama Lambani Jadamah and Mad1ga constitute
then egative . reference ' group in the , course of the Waddars' ,upward
lll0bility· on the ritual plane, the Wadda~s compared t~e_mseIves
\\ith
th menibers of these castes while claiming a higher ritual rank
Illean be the I8t ter. But the Waddars faced certain · oppos1t1on
· · firom
lat: ars _o f the castes of wash~rmen and barbers. Though t'1e
inr.c '• &reed to serve the former they· consider the Waddars to_be
a1 rior t ' .
and bar O them in status. Therefore-, members of the wa~herman
Wadd her castes do not accept any cooked food from the
•nd ri a~s. They are paid either in cash or in kind (grains, coconuts
ru1ts) for the ritual sen>ices they perform for"the: Waddars.
 CHANDkASHaac
182 ¾ ll1t4
Ideology aad Ethnic Identity ,.

·v·ar10
~. myths and 1eaends shared by all the Waddars pro 'd
. .d . . h v1 c th
115
with both ideol~IY and I entity:-essent1a1 c aractcristics of tin
. movement. Thurston (1909.425-27) has recorded at any
SOC..1 th • d t d • C\V 1Jlw1.
and les~nds which trace cir escen an gave legitimacy to"~,s
various occupations th!Y ~ursue. O~e ~uch mrth connects the
Waddars to Shiva and has wife, Parvath1. According to this I the
Shiva and Parv•thi came to Bhuloka (the earth) on a summe;a:d,
Thanks to the intense heat they began. . and feel th'1rstyy.
to . perspire
.
Shiva transformed the .d rops o f h is persp1rat1on into .a man with ·
pickaxe and crowbar, while those trickling from Parvatbi's bod a
were transformed .into a wom~n carrying basket. T~e man an:
the woman were ordered to s10k a well tdl they obta1Dcd wate;,
This they did and-Shiva and Parvathi bestowed various gifts on the
man and the woman as a reward. However, . the man and the
woman expressed their unhappiness 01/er the gifts saying that they
were too small a recompense for their labour. This so infuriated.
Shiva that he cursed ,them, saying that they and their descendants
would live by the sweat of their brow. Besides suggesting divine
origin, this myth also sanctifies one of the main Waddar occupa-
tions.
Another legend connects the Waddars to Bhagiratha, a Ksbatriya
ruler_ . When there was a severe drought, so runs the legend,
Bbagiratha's brothers began digging in their quest for water. In -th,e
process they reached Patbala, the seventh world below th·e ea~
according to Hindu mythology, where they found a munl (ascetic)
meditating. The latter's meditation was disturbed by Bbagiratba}
brothers. The enraged muni burnt them to ashes and cursed their
descendants to be earth-diggers. Bhagiradia, finding bis bro~e~ th
missing, trekked his way to Pathala anr,, to his dismay, found ~•~
ashes. When he approached the muni for the lives of bis brotbcrl,

co:e
the latter asked him to bring down the heavenly river Gans•~
Patbala i~ ord~r .to revive his brothers. Though Bbagiratba011
succeed an revavang bis brothers back to life, the curse des·
daccndant1 continued. The Waddars claim that they arc tbc dJe
.ccndants or Bhagiratha'1 brothers and hence bad to pursue
occupation or diggina due to the llllllll'.s curse. o·
. The sociological significance of ·• uch myUi• and legends, •• :;0 s
taoned above, ii that they pve leaitimacY to t'hci:r 1PAnual c,ccuP8
 yptBNT AMONG THE W ADD AU l
ai:fO,.a ,ao • . 83
fJIS Us and working with earth. They give the Wadd
di,siOS we element of self-esteem that they are followin tbars,
of awbole ' an a result of a d"1vme I ese
. curse. Th ese myths and i~--..a-
. as •ons as . . K . -o"-uua
ocC~~u supp0rt tbeJr claim to a . shatnya status, thereby also
illlPl~•.tlY an ideological locus for their movement. They also serve
ro"1d1n~ common to all sub-castes, thus emphasizing a singl
P hentase . "d . • fi e
as a. 'd . tity. Their ethmc I entity 1s urtber strengthened by
I en · · and a rea1·izat1on
· ' that the sub-castes
ethn. 1cbelief in a common ong1n
the1r e into being merely as a result of -varying occupations
:~~:velope~ over ti~e.. This and t~e ~•~lier myths ~lar a very
. rtant role m estabh~hmg and mamta1mng an ethnic -identity,
il!lpO
which is a crucial e1ement .m coII ectlve
. mo b"I' .
I izat1on. _

Political Emaacipatioa aad Collective Action

While the myths and legends current among the Waddars formed
the basis of their unity, the objective socio-political conditions
promoted it. The fact that they were listed as a scheduled caste, as
mentioned earlier, in the erstwhile princel~tate of ,Mysore/ br~ught'
them closer together for collective action· so as ·10-reap ·the fruits ·o f
constitutional. benefits and safeguards. In other words, the Waddan
formed a·_single group ~•is-a-vis the other scheduled castes. The
, Waddar caste associations, which had earlier aimed only at social
~orms, extended their activities to avail them~elves ·of the opportu-

:~b
~es ,and benefits afforded them . by the ,,new Constitution. Along
_instructing the masses on nav~~nachara (new practices for
w,ng about social reform) Jhese associations · educated the
lllent~s on the various facilities they could obtain fro~ the gov~m-
Clllplo rough the s~cial schemes that-it had .launched 1ft educatiOn,
lehed:cnt, financial assistance and so on •for the welfare. of the
1'h ed castes. -
~Ysor: ;;:'ctly formed state level association, namely, the ~isbal~
!ICII co ~ra (Bhovi) Sangha, gradually acquired a certam poli-
111 1 00
~ch11ion P ~ soon after its inception. It took up the isauo of tbe
IQ the list rth e Waddars of the newly integrated parts of Karnatak_
0

llld ~tr; scheduled castes. The Sangha decided to th• ' tate
eoll&ider .th governments to remove the territorial restr1ct1ons and to
stbtc1111Cd e · addara of the reorganized state~of ~rn•!-k ·••.•
caste.· thereby -.t o extond the benefit• .•DJ0 Jedi. -~y Ila•
 CHANDllASHEJt1t
184 "'~,
t bile princely state of Mysore to those Ii .11
\Vadc!JtS of the e~ • states Reorganization in 1956). In 1 ,v' U1
JWll&W' c_ro::• ,:en Chief Minister of Mysore, Sri S. NijaUnS6,
11 !be
San&M _P.SVledt b. e to recommend their case to the centre. Whe Prtt.
an d •_...uest
..,
foUD~ tllat :
1
re::
1111 •
nse was fortbcommg, th ey organized
.
1
ll th~

in 1958 under the chairmanship of Sri ~er

~ ~ :1tbenpCentral Minister for Home Affairs and Back~~
-,

Da ' H assured them that necessary arrangements would be.

Classes- e area restr1ct1ons
made to remove • · ·r h t . ...a
I t e cen re receive .., an appropri.
ate recommendation from_the s_tate gover~men~. _In 19S8, the Sangha
al sent deplltatiOJIS to meet the then Chief Man1ster of Mysore. Sr'
~. Jatti. the Minister for Soci~l Wel~are, Sri~- Racbaiah, th~
8
Deputy Ministe, for Home Affairs, Sri Basavahngappa. and the
Minister for Education. Sri Anna Rao Gnnamukhi. The Vishala
Mysore Wadclara (Bbovi) Sangha also pressed this issue at its subse-
quent meeting at Bangalore in 1959. In 1962 they invited Mrs.
Yashodra Dasappa, the then sta~e Minister for Social Welfare, to
preside over their caste conference and sought her help for the inclu-
sion of the Waddars of the newly integrated parts of Karnatak in the
list of scheduled castes. However, they met with no succ~ss and their
consistent failure in this regard detered them from holding any caste
association meeting for a long time. Except for meeting on a toutine
basis for the election of office bearers, the Sangha remained almost
inactive for the next few years.
While the Waddars singularly failed to remove area restrictions,
they did succeed in securing a few of the Assembly seats reserved
for scheduled castes during the elections of 1962 and 1967, by defea•
ting some prominent Harijan leaders. The Waddars have an edge
?Yer Harijans as they ar~ not untouchables. Hence a Waddar would th
ID all probability, be preferred to a Harijan by members of all e
th
clean cast.a.. nis led to tensions between the Harijans a nd e
Waddan,.as the latter posed a potential threat to the Harijans. The~
!boupt_ that if they were clubbed together with the Waddars-it coul
Jeopardize their political future ·
Daring
· Ha the 1962 e ectaons to the legislative Assembly, well-5
I • • 8

Deput riia
kDOWD
a :~ Ieader, who belonged to the Congress Party an d W8_
wu def!t1:;•:er in the Stat~ Ministry-Sri B. Basavalins&"'ic,rc
Soalh Coarlit.!.a Waddar, Sri D. Munichinnappa, in the 118~':PI"
11
fil~ case «:' nserved for scheduled castes. Jasav• ~• 1111,
8 •Pilllt Munichinnappa in the Election Tr1bU
:{JJJ~
,:• ·

...naM ,tOVEMENT AMONG THE WADDAR.S

ffll! lla;rv..
12 - 18 5
sans• tore, that the d latter. didd not
. belong to any SC hed uled caste
.. , ·cbinnappa ha ment1one his caste as 'Bhovi (W dd , . .·
IY•uru r. h 1 . a ar) m his
noJD ·nation form
. 1or t e e ect1on.. The petitioner
. m-:.i·nt
.. ame . d t hat the
.."a !
,, ddars as- a whole
. were
b not ·included m the list of sched u1·ed castes
but onlY the ~~ova su -caste of the Waddus. Munichinnappa argu-
d that Bhov1 as not a sub-caste but the new caste name adopt d b
:be Waddars which bas been duly accepted by both the stat: an~
central governments. Though he lost the case in the Election Tri-
bunal, Munichinnappa's election was upheld by the Mysore High
court. This incident served to intensify the antagonism between the
Harijans and the Waddars. The Harijans took the issue to the
national level and demanded that the Bhovis or Waddars be deleted
from the list of scheduled castes during the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes Amendment Order Bill introduced in Parliament
in 1967, on the plea that the latter are not untouchables. This deve~
lopment not only rejuvenated the Vishala Mysoie Waddara (Bhovi)
Sangha but also gave birth to another state level association-the
Vishala Mysore Bhovi (Waddara) Junanga Sangha ·(set up in 1966
with Bangalore as its headquarters). These associations had to prove
that the Waddars were down-trodden people who bore .the stig-
ma of untouchability if the caste was to be retained in the list of
scheduled castes. They formed committees to approach all the con-
cerned authorities to recommend the continuation of the Waddars in
the list of scheduled castes. They met the then Chief Minister of
Mysore, Sri Nijalingappa, in April 1966 and persuaded him to ad-
vise the Government of India to retain the Waddars of integrated
Karnatak in the list of scheduled castes. They obtained certificates
from Town Municipal Councillors, -Municipal Presidents, Block
D~velopment Officers and the Commissioner of Bangalore Corpora-
tion, to the effect that the Waddars are employed ·as sweepers and
scavengers and suffer from the social disability of untouchability.
They also published pamphlets giving details of their pitiable soci~-
~conomic conditions and provided statistics showing how the Hart·
:n•s st
enjoyed the lion's share of b~nefits among the scheduJed c~ es
nd to prove that they are more backward-educationally, soc1ally,
ccono~ically and politically-than the Harijan~.
oth Bes,~•• the above-mentioned efforts, the Waddars af~o contacted
t
Pl •.rm,nority communities among the scheduled caS es ID Kamatak,
I rticut~rly the Banjara (Lambani), Koracha and Kora~, who were
p Iced in a similar s.,cial situation, The outcome of this was a Cotl·
 CHANDJlASHEkll
186 . ~l lllf.\'l'
. M sore State Bhov1 (Waddar), Banjar~ (la
th
ference of e ayand other Scheduled Castes, which Was :balli),
Koracha, ~ora:e 1966. T~is Conference resolved to requ,'1d at
1
Bangalore_in. ta ·n the Bhovis, Banjaras, Korachas, Korarna st the
govern~ent to rJ~t •of scheduled castes in the integrated stas and
0 thers m the . 1s • . . tc of
· · g the area restr1ct1ons. ·
Karnatak by removm_ d d . h . b" . . .
W 8 d dars partially succee e mt e1r o ~ect1ve. The Sch d
The , "b O d (A men d ment) B"di 19. e uJ.
ed Castes an d Sc heduled · Tn es r er • 67 Was
.mtroduced in ·•Parliament. on 12 .August 1967 and the Bhovi c
B h . om.
•t was
mun• y . . . , continued m -the 11st. ut t ey did
. . not succeed .
in
persuading the government to remove area restnctaons.

Conclusion
The foregomg acc·o unt of Waddar caste associations and their acti-
vities throws light on the nature and extent of their caste movement.
The Waddar ca~te n:iovement is highly significant in terms of ethnic
identity, opportunity structure, and politicization. The esta~lishment
of Waddar caste,associations in different parts of Karnatak brought
many of the sub-castes in the respective regions together. : Subse- .
quentJy, the state level·associations, one at Hubli and the other. at
Bangalore, ,led .,to the further unification of different sub-castes all
over the.state-for political and economic purposes. , Such. unificatio~
not only gave rise to closer communication between the Waddars but
also fostered a comtnon identity, cutting across sub-caste and regional
differences. As part of the reform movement, the caste associations
played an ; important role ia bringing the Waddars of diverse ~~u-
pations .and sub-castes together and giving them an ethnic identity.
They made t~e Waddars aware of the various opportunities, open ,t~
th
em for their. all-round development. · These associations are prt·
marily responsible for obtaining multiple opportunities in the fields
of em_ployment, education and politics by having accomplished .the
retentaon of the caste in the list of scheduled castes. Further, the
movement- aho facilitated the . politicization of' the Waddars. Jt .
afforded op t · • • · at
h , P?r umtaes to "the Waddars to participate in paJJtJC 5
t local, ~eg1onal and state levels.
A socaal IJlove . tions of
conflict and men! emerges into prominence .in s1tu_a tes
.. confrontat1on,
th 1s contention Th and the Waddars' case amply mustra s
. " rji•O
· • e tcnsi9n between the Waddars and the na . w- ·
 HE REFORM MOVEMENT AMONG THE -WADDARS
r 187
has provided the Waddars with a definite locus for . .
mobilization. It tended to merge all sub-caste ide f~he1r collective
a single ethnic identity. Thus,h
one of the maior con i es and foster
'J nsequences of the
teform movement among t e Waddars is the formatio f . .
group with a ~~fined ideology. · n ° an ethnic
.In the.. pol1t1cal context, the Waddars compared the mse1ves ·with .
the HanJans to ~how that they are more backward than the latter
in all walks of l1fe. But the purpose of taking the Hariians as
" • 'J a
comparative re1er~?ce gr?up 1s not to emulate them but to compete
with them for poltt1cal gains and for benefits in the fields of educa-
tion, employment and financial assistance which have been earmark-
~d for the scheduled castes. However, the Harijans opposed the
Waddars' move on the grounds that the latter were not untouchables.
In this context, the Harijans formed the opposition reference group
for the Waddar_s in their effort to bring abo_ut change along the
secular axis.
The Waddars' political n1obilization, through the caste associa-
tions and their activities, is closely related to their social relorm
n10vemert. By political mobiliiadon ;t.he Waddars could avail them-
selves of the secular benefits which are channellized towards achiev-
ing social mobility. The movement a~ong the Waddars may be
best described as a social reforn1 movement, which brought about
social mobility and change in the existing socia1 and cultural system.