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In English …
In broad terms, one can distinguish between two major types of inversion in English that
involve verbs: subject–auxiliary inversion and subject–verb inversion.[1] The difference
between these two types resides with the nature of the verb involved: whether it is an
auxiliary verb or a full verb.
Subject–auxiliary inversion
…
The most frequently occurring type of inversion in English is subject–auxiliary inversion. The
subject and auxiliary verb invert (switch positions):
a. Fred stayed.
b. *Stayed Fred? - Inversion impossible here because the verb is NOT an auxiliary verb
(The star * is the symbol used in linguistics to indicate that the example is grammatically
unacceptable.)
Subject–verb inversion
…
In languages like Italian, Spanish, Finnish, etc. subject-verb inversion is commonly seen with a
wide range of verbs and does not require an element at the beginning of the sentence. See
the following Italian example:
è arrivato Giovanni.
is arrived Giovanni
'Giovanni arrived'
In English, on the other hand, subject-verb inversion generally takes the form of a Locative
inversion. A familiar example of subject-verb inversion from English is the presentational
there construction.
There's a shark.
English (especially written English) also has an inversion construction involving a locative
expression other than there ("in a little white house" in the following example):
Since this type of inversion generally places the focus on the subject, the subject is likely to
be a full noun or noun phrase rather than a pronoun. Third-person personal pronouns are
especially unlikely to be found as the subject in this construction:
In other languages …
Certain other languages, like other Germanic languages and Romance languages, use
inversion in ways broadly similar to English, such as in question formation. The restriction of
inversion to auxiliary verbs does not generally apply in those languages; subjects can be
inverted with any type of verb, but particular languages have their own rules and restrictions.
For example, in French, tu aimes le chocolat is a declarative sentence meaning "you like the
chocolate". When the order of the subject tu ("you") and the verb aimes ("like") is switched, a
question is produced: aimes-tu le chocolat? ("do you like the chocolate?"). In German,
similarly, du magst means "you like", whereas magst du can mean "do you like?".
In languages with V2 word order, such as German, inversion can occur as a consequence of
the requirement that the verb appear as the second constituent in a declarative sentence.
Thus, if another element (such as an adverbial phrase or clause) introduces the sentence, the
verb must come next and be followed by the subject: Ein Jahr nach dem Autounfall sieht er
wirklich gut aus, literally "A year after the car accident, looks he really good". The same occurs
in some other West Germanic languages, like Dutch, in which this is Een jaar na het auto-
ongeval ziet hij er werkelijk goed uit. (In such languages, inversion can function as a test for
syntactic constituency since only one constituent may surface preverbally.)
In languages with free word order, inversion of subject and verb or of other elements of a
clause can occur more freely, often for pragmatic reasons rather than as part of a specific
grammatical construction.
Locative inversion
…
Locative inversion is a common linguistic phenomenon that has been studied by linguists of
various theoretical backgrounds.
In multiple Bantu languages, such as Chichewa,[3] the locative and subject arguments of
certain verbs can be inverted without changing the semantic roles of those arguments,
similar to the English subject-verb inversion examples above. Below are examples from
Zulu,[4] where the numbers indicate Noun classes, SBJ = subject agreement prefix, APPL =
applicative suffix, FV = final vowel in Bantu verbal morphology, and LOC is the locative
circumfix for adjuncts.
3. ≈ "The children study at the school." (Literally "The school studies the children.")
In the locative inversion example, isikole, "school" acts as the subject of the sentence while
semantically remaining a locative argument rather than a subject/agent one. Moreover, we
can see that it is able to trigger subject-verb agreement as well, further indicating that it is the
syntactic subject of the sentence.
This is in contrast to examples of locative inversion in English, where the semantic subject of
the sentence controls subject-verb agreement, implying that it is a dislocated syntactic
subject as well:
Locative inversion
Ménkǒu zhàn-zhe gǎngshào.
Door stand- sentry
'At the entrance stands a/the sentry' [5]
In canonical word order, the subject (gǎngshào 'sentry') appears before the verb and the
locative expression (ménkǒu 'door') after the verb. In Locative inversion, the two expressions
switch the order of appearance: it is the locative that appears before the verb while the
subject occurs in postverbal position. In Chinese, as in many other languages, the inverted
word order carry a presentational function, that is, it is used to introduce new entities into
discourse.[6]
Theoretical analyses …
Syntactic inversion has played an important role in the history of linguistic theory because of
the way it interacts with question formation and topic and focus constructions. The particular
analysis of inversion can vary greatly depending on the theory of syntax that one pursues.
One prominent type of analysis is in terms of movement in transformational phrase structure
grammars.[7] Since those grammars tend to assume layered structures that acknowledge a
finite verb phrase (VP) constituent, they need movement to overcome what would otherwise
be a discontinuity. In dependency grammars, by contrast, sentence structure is less layered
(in part because a finite VP constituent is absent), which means that simple cases of
inversion do not involve a discontinuity;[8] the dependent simply appears on the other side of
its head. The two competing analyses are illustrated with the following trees:
The two trees on the left illustrate the movement analysis of subject-auxiliary inversion in a
constituency-based theory; a BPS-style (bare phrase structure) representational format is
employed, where the words themselves are used as labels for the nodes in the tree. The finite
verb will is seen moving out of its base position into a derived position at the front of the
clause. The trees on the right show the contrasting dependency-based analysis. The flatter
structure, which lacks a finite VP constituent, does not require an analysis in terms of
movement but the dependent Fred simply appears on the other side of its head Will.
Pragmatic analyses of inversion generally emphasize the information status of the two
noncanonically-positioned phrases – that is, the degree to which the switched phrases
constitute given or familiar information vs. new or informative information. Birner (1996), for
example, draws on a corpus study of naturally-occurring inversions to show that the initial
preposed constituent must be at least as familiar within the discourse (in the sense of Prince
1992) as the final postposed constituent – which in turn suggests that inversion serves to
help the speaker maintain a given-before-new ordering of information within the sentence. In
later work, Birner (2018) argues that passivization and inversion are variants, or alloforms, of
a single argument-reversing construction that, in turn, serves in a given instance as either a
variant of a more general preposing construction or a more general postposing construction.
The constituent yí lǎotóur "an old man" is introduced for the first time into discourse in post-
verbal position. Once it is introduced by the presentational inverted structure, it can be coded
by the proximal demonstrative pronoun zhè 'this' and then by the personal pronoun tā –
denoting an accessible referent: a referent that is already present in speakers'
consciousness.
See also …
Constituent (linguistics)
Dependency grammar
Finite verb
Head (linguistics)
Verb phrase
Notes …
1. The use of terminology here, subject-auxiliary inversion and subject–verb inversion, follows
Greenbaum and Quirk (1990:410).
2. Birner, Betty Jean (1994). "Information status and word order: an analysis of English inversion".
Language. 2 (70): 233–259.
3. Bresnan, Joan (1994). "Locative Inversion and Architecture of Universal Grammar". Language. 70 (1):
72–131. doi:10.2307/416741 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F416741) .
4. Buell, Leston Chandler (2005). "Issues in Zulu Morphosyntax". PhD Dissertation, UCLA.
6. Lena, L. 2020. Chinese presentational sentences: the information structure of Path verbs in spoken
discourse". In: Explorations of Chinese Theoretical and Applied Linguistics. Newcastle upon Tyne:
Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
8. Concerning the dependency grammar analysis of inversion, see Groß and Osborne (2009: 64-66).
9. Lambrecht, K., 2000. When subjects behave like objects: An analysis of the merging of S and O in
sentence-focus constructions across languages. Studies in Language, 24(3), pp.611-682.
References …
Birner, B. 2018. On constructions as a pragmatic category. Language 94.2:e158-e179.
Greenbaum, S. and R. Quirk. 1990. A student's grammar of the English language. Harlow,
Essex, England: Longman.
Lena, L. 2020. Chinese presentational sentences: the information structure of Path verbs in
spoken discourse". In: Explorations of Chinese Theoretical and Applied Linguistics.
Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
Shen, J. 1987. Subject function and double subject construction in mandarin Chinese. In
Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale, 16-2. pp. 195-211.
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