Philippine history is in and of itself very

interesting. Philippine history is a unique

History, Its Importance and narrative of colonialism, reaction, and
revolution. It is also a culturally diverse
Sources country from precolonial times. There’s an
What is History?
It is a continues process and written in a We could
chronological order of events and it is determine and
We could understand History can be used
important to our society. It's from the understand the
the task in the present to examine and
Greek word "HISTORIA" which means contribution of
and future if we study forecast the things
to search or  look into. As the time past our ancestor in
the history. The in the environment
by there are some changes into its the  foundation of
events in the past has and society. We've
meaning. History is a brief summary or our humanity,
relation to our present learned to
result based on factual research and it origin, and
and future. It gives appreciate culture,
also deals with the sequence inherent
meaning in different love, and respect
of important events. It deals with culture. History
things and events in other people in
science that describe and examine past gives picture to
our society. the world.
event in the specific group of people. our humanity and
" History is who we are and why we are to our society.
the way we are "(David McCullough) History can give
us deeper
Why study History? understanding of
If you are intrigued by our past and different
want to learn how it will shape our problems and History is an eye
future, you should consider studying offer solutions  in opener to understand History develops
history. our present and our culture, language our
History is a multifaceted discipline that future. In the and knowledge about
will increase your cultural awareness study of the past society. History  may different race of
and moral understanding of the world events, we arouse patriotic, people, culture,
we live in. discover new humanitarian nature place, and time.
By studying history you’ll gain a range ways in studying in people.
of transferable skills, from informed in solving
citizenship and critical thinking, to problems in the
research and general awareness. What’s present and
more, the knowledge acquired through future.
the study of history is relevant in a wide
range of disciplines and can lead to In studying history It is important to
diverse employment opportunities. we've learned study history in
History as a discipline allows us to see The stories of
different ways of order to understand
beyond textbooks and see the past past about people
studying and how our society
through new lenses.  The study of and things in the
researching in  the and its people have
history allows us to see beyond the world we
social sciences. It developed into
standard textbook and to the primary live provide
helps us to learn what they are today
source itself, interpreted into new and valuable lessons
different ways of and how they have
alternative viewpoints. to us.
discovering had an impact in
new knowledge. the country.
emerging trend to study the social history of
the country (i.e. more on the day-to-day
experience of the Filipinos during certain
periods) and uncover more stories beyond
the usual stories taught in schools across the
country. The country’s experience of
colonialism, the rise of nationalistic feelings,
and the people’s subsequent reaction may
allow us to gain more perspectives on
nationalism and revolutions.
Studying history is really important
especially in the Philippine setting. These
are the reasons why we need to study it:
Important Sources of History (Primary and
Secondary Sources)
    Primary sources are
usually defined as first- Public Reports:
  Contemporary
hand information or data Confidential Reports: The public reports are
that is generated by Records:
  The confidential meant for the general
witnesses or participants in These types of
  reports are not public and less
past events. Those sources primary sources are in
  intended for a general reliable. There are
produced at same time as the form of the
audience and are less three types of public
the event, period, or subject instruction documents,
reliable than the reports and each
being studied. These stenographic and
contemporary sources. possesses a different
materials are often located phonographic records.
These types of reports degree of reliability,
in the Special Collections The instruction
are generally in the such as— Newspaper
of a library, rather than in documents may be in
forms of military and reports and dispatches;
the general collection. Are the form of an
diplomatic dispatches, Memoirs and
characterized not by their appointment
Journals, diaries or autobiographies; and
format but rather by the notification, and
memoirs, and personal the official histories of
information they convey direction from a
letters. the activities of
and their relationship to the foreign office to the
  government or
research question. They ambassador.
business house
include letters, diaries,
journals, newspapers, Government
photographs, and other Documents:
Public Opinion:
immediate accounts. The Numerous government
The public opinion as Folklore and Proverbs:
interpretation and documents are
expressed in editorials, The folklore which
evaluation of these sources compiled which are
speeches, pamphlets, reveal the stories of
becomes the basis for also a source of vita!
letter to the editor is legendary heroes are
research. importance to
another important also an important
historians such as
source available to the source of history. They
statistics about the
historian, But the tell us about the
fiscal, census and vital
authenticity of this aspirations,
matters which can be
must be corroborated superstitions, and
made use of by the
Primary Sources: They can be by other evidence customs of the people
historians. All these
classified into the following because public opinion among whom- the
reports have first-hand
categories: may not be always stories developed.
importance but require
reliable.
proper evaluation
before the use.
     Secondary sources are those sources, which were produced by an author who used
primary sources to produce the material. In other words, secondary sources are historical
sources, which studied a certain historical subject. The secondary source is the evidence
of someone who was not present at the time of occurrence of the event e.g., books written
by historians. The secondary source is also of great historical importance to historians.
Although the secondary source is itself dependent on primary sources.
Example:
      The subject of Philippine Revolution of 1896, students can read Teodoro Agoncillo’s
Revolt of Masses: The Story of Bonifacio and the Katipunan published originally in 1956.

External and Internal Criticism

   Internal Criticism, sometimes called as “higher

criticism”, examines the honesty of the proof, it
      External Criticisms, sometimes called as
takes a gander at the substance of the source and
“lower criticism”, is the practice of verifying the
analyzes the condition of its generation. It takes a
authenticity of evidence by examining its physical
gander at the honesty and factuality of the
characteristics; consistency with the historical
confirmation by taking a gander at the creator of
characteristics of the time when it was produced;
the source, its unique situation, the motivation
and materials used for evidence.
behind its creation, the information which educated
it, and its planned reason among others.

recorded communication. This

Content and Context Analysis of
Primary Sources
 
CONTENT ANALYSIS
Content analysis is a tool of qualitative
research used to determine the
presence and meaning of concepts,
terms, or words in one or more pieces of
systematic and replicable technique
allows for compressing many words of
text into fewer content categories based
on explicit rules of coding in order to
allow researchers to make inferences
about the author (individuals, groups,
organizations, or institutions), the
audience, and their culture and time.
(Stan)
Content analysis is the study of
documents and communication artifacts,
which might be texts of various formats,
pictures, audio or video. Social scientists
use content analysis to examine
patterns in communication in a
replicable and systematic manner.
Practices and philosophies of content
analysis vary between academic
disciplines. They all involve systematic
reading or observation of texts or
artifacts which are assigned labels
(sometimes called codes) to indicate the
presence of interesting, meaningful
pieces of content.
By systematically labeling the content of
a set of texts, researchers can analyze
patterns of content quantitatively using
statistical methods, or use qualitative
methods to analyze meanings of content
within texts.
Historical researchers, whose subjects
and contexts may no longer be directly
accessible for qualitative study, may still
simulate such contact through content
analysis, a means of
obtaining information by indirect
methods. The methodology is useful in
historical studies since it allows the
researcher to infer events from texts that
are located in their appropriate historical
contexts
When working with content analysis,
explicit and implicit content will play a
role. Explicit data is transparent and
easy to identify, while implicit data is that
which requires some form
of interpretation and is often of a
subjective nature.
 
Types of Content Analysis
Conceptual analysis focuses on the
number of times a concept occurs in a
set of data and is generally focused on
explicit data.
Relational content analysis has a
different focus than conceptual content
analysis. Instead of looking at the
numbers, it assesses the relationships
between different concepts, as well as
howthey are connected, and the context
in which they appear.
 
Use of Content Analysis
Content analysis is typically used in
studies where the aim is to better
understand factors such as behaviors,
attitudes, values, emotions, and
opinions.
Content analysis is possible whenever
there is a physical record of
communication. This record of
communication can be
(a) created independently of the
research process and internally by the
individual or organization under study
(as, e.g., newspaper articles, or archived
documents detailing household
consumption),
(b) internally generated and externally
directed (e.g., the verbatim transcripts
of legislative hearings or committee
debates generated by a number of
parliaments around
the world, which may reflect or obscure
the political decision-making process),
or
(c) produced by the researchers
themselves in view of the analysis that
needs to be conducted (as, e.g.,
videotapes of television news programs
or commercials, or of debates carried
out in the legislature and/or town
council).
Klaus Krippendorf listed six questions
that need to be addressed in every
content analysis.
These questions are:
(1) Which data are analyzed?
(2) How are they defined?
(3) What is the population from which
they are drawn?
(4) What is the context relative to which
the data are analyzed?
(5) What are the boundaries of the
analysis?
(6) What is the target of the inferences?
To allow for replication, data examined
through content analysis must be
durable in nature. Several problems can
occur when written documents or other
types of recorded communication are
assembled for content analysis. When a
significant number of documents from
the population are missing or
unavailable, the content analysis must
be abandoned. When some documents
match the requirements for analysis but
they cannot be coded because they
are incomplete or contain ambiguous
content, these documents must be
abandoned.
CONTEXT ANALYSIS
A contextual analysis helps us to assess
text within the context of its historical
and cultural setting, and its textuality
(the qualities that characterize the text
as a text.) It combines features of formal
analysis with features of “cultural
archaeology, ” ( the systematic study of
social, political, economic, philosophical,
religious, and aesthetic conditions that
were in place at the time and place
when the text was created.) This means
“situating” the text within the milieu of its
times and assessing the roles of author,
readers and “commentators” on the text.
Importance of Context in Analysis and
Interpretation
By Grace Fleming, edited by Stacy
Jagodowski
January 28, 2018
Historical context is an important part of
life and literature, and without it,
memories, stories, and characters have
less meaning. Historical context deals
with the details that surround an
occurrence. In more technical terms,
historical context refers to the social,
religious, economic, and political
conditions that existed during a certain
time and place. Basically, it's all the
details of the time and place in which a
situation occurs, and those details are
what enable us to interpret and analyze
works or events of the past, or even the
future, rather than merely judge them by
contemporary standards. Put another
way, context is what gives meaning to
the details. It's important, however, that
you don't confuse context with cause.
“Cause” is the action that creates an
outcome; context is the environment in
which that action and outcome occur.
A strong understanding of the historical
context behind a work's creation can
give us a better understanding of and
appreciation for the narrative. In
analyzing historical events, context can
help us understand what motivates
people to behave as they did. Put
another way, context is what gives
meaning to the details. It's important,
however, that you don't confuse context
with cause. Cause is the action that
creates an outcome; context is the
environment in which that action and
outcome occur. Scholars and educators
rely on historical context to analyze and
interpret works of art, literature, music,
dance, and poetry. Architects and 3. What seems to have been the author’s
builders rely on it when designing new intention? Why did the author write this
structures and restoring existing text? And why did the author write this
buildings. Judges may use it to interpret text in this particular way, as opposed to
the law, historians to understand the other ways in which the
past. Any time critical analysis is text might have been written?
required, you may need to consider ▪ Remember that any text is the result of
historical context as well. Without deliberate decisions by the author. The
historical context, we are only seeing a author has chosen to write (or paint, or
piece of the scene and not fully whatever) with these particular words
understanding the influence of the time and has therefore chosen not to use
and place in which a situation occurred. other words that she or he might have
used. So we need to consider:
- what the author said (the words that
Using Contextual Analysis to evaluate have been selected);
texts - what the author did not say (the words
that were not selected); and
A contextual analysis can proceed along - how the author said it (as opposed to
many lines, depending upon how other ways it might or could have been
complex one wishes to make the said).
analysis. But it generally includes 4. What is the occasion for this text? That
several key questions: is, is it written in response to:
▪ some particular, specific contemporary
incident or event?
1. What does the text reveal about itself as ▪ some more “general” observation by
a text? the author about human affairs and/or
▪ Describe (or characterize) the experiences?
language ( the words, or vocabulary) ▪ some definable set of cultural
and the rhetoric circumstances?
(how the words are arranged in order to 5. Is the text intended as some sort of call
achieve some purpose). These are the to – or for – action?
primary components of style. ▪ If so, by whom? And why?
2. What does the text tell us about its ▪ And also if so, what action(s) does the
apparent intended audience(s)? author want the reader(s) to take?
▪ What sort of reader does the author 6. Is the text intended rather as some sort
seem to have envisioned, as of call to – or for – reflection or
demonstrated by the text’s language consideration rather than direct action?
and rhetoric? ▪ If so, what does the author seem to
▪ What sort of qualifications does the wish the reader to think about and to
text appear to require of its intended conclude or decide?
reader(s)? How can we tell? ▪ Why does the author wish the readers
▪ What sort of readers appear to be to do this? What is to be gained, and by
excluded from the text’s intended whom?
audiences? How can we tell? 7. Can we identify any non-textual
▪ Is there, perhaps, more than one circumstances that affected the creation
intended audience? and reception of the text?
▪ Such circumstances include historical
or political events, economic factors,
cultural practices, and intellectual or
aesthetic issues, as well as the
particular circumstances of the author's
own life.
Placencia's Code on the
Ancient Customs of the
Tagalogs (1589)
"This people always had chiefs, called
by them datu, who governed them and
were captains in their wars, and whom
they obeyed and reverenced. The
subject who committed any offense
against them, or spoke but a word to
their wives and children, was severely
punished.
These chiefs ruled over but few people;
sometimes as many as a hundred
houses, sometimes even less than
thirty. This tribal gathering is called in
Tagalog a barangay. It was inferred that
the reason for giving themselves this
name arose from the fact (as they are
classed, by their language, among the
Malay nations) that when they came to
this land, the head of the barangay,
which is a boat became a datu. And so,
even at the present day, it is ascertained
that this barangay in its origin 'was a
family of parents and children, relations
and slaves. There were many of these
barangays in each town, or, at least, on
account of wars, they did not settle far
from one another. They were not,
however, subject to one another, except
in friendship and relationship. The
chiefs, in their various wars, helped one
another with their respective barangays.
In addition to the chiefs, who correspond
to our knights, there were three castes:
nobles, commoners, and slaves. The
nobles were the free-born whom they
call maharlica.
They did not pay tax or tribute to the
datu, but must accompany him in war, at
their own expense. The chief offered
them beforehand a feast, and afterward
they divided the spoils. Moreover, when
the datu went upon the water those
whom he summoned- rowed for him. If
he built a house, they helped him, and
had to be fed for it.
The same was true when the whole
barangay went to clear up his lands for
tillage. The lands which they inhabited
were divided among the whole
barangay, especially the irrigated
portion, and thus each one knew his
own. No one belonging to another
barangay would cultivate them unless
after purchase or inheritance. The lands
on the tingues, or mountainridges, are
not divided, but owned in common by
the barangay. Consequently, at the time
of the rice harvest, any individual of any
particular barangay, although he may
have come from some other village, if he
commences to clear any land may sow
it, and no one can compel him to
abandon it. There are some villages (as,
for example, Pila de la Laguna), in which
these nobles, or maharlicas, paid
annually to the datu a hundred gantas of
rice. The reason of this was that, at the
time of their settlement there, another
chief occupied the lands, which the new
chief, upon his arrival, bought with his
own gold; and therefore the members of
his barangay paid him for the arable
land, and he divided it, among those
whom he saw fit to reward. But now,
since the advent of the Spaniards, it is
not so divided.
The chiefs in some villages had also
fisheries, with established limits, and
sections of the rivers for markets. At
these no one could fish, or trade in the
markets, without paying for the privilege, master, he ransomed himself, becoming
unless he belonged to the chiefs thus a namamahay, or what we call a
barangay or village. commoner. The price of this ransom
was never less than five taels, and from
The commoners are called aliping
that upwards; and if he gave ten or more
namamahay. They are married, and
taels, as they might agree, he became
serve their master, whether he be a datu
wholly free. An amusing ceremony
or not, with half of their cultivated lands,
accompanied this custom. After having
as was agreed upon in the beginning.
divided all the trinkets which the slave
They accompanied him whenever he
possessed, if he maintained a house of
went beyond the island, and rowed for
his own, they divided even the pots and
him. They live in their own houses, and
jars, and if an odd one of these
are lords of their property and gold.
remained, they broke it; and if a piece of
Their children inherit it, and enjoy their
cloth were left, they parted it in the
property and lands. The children, then,
middle.
enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they
The difference between the aliping
cannot be made slaves (saguiguilid) nor
namamahay and the aliping saguiguilid,
each either parents or children be sold.
should be noted; for, by a confusion of
If they should fall by inheritance into the
the two terms, many have been classed
hands of a son of their master who was
as slaves who really are not. The
going to dwell in another village, they
Indians seeing that the alcaldes-mayor
could not be taken from their own village
do not understand this, have adopted
and carried with him; but they would
the custom of taking away the children
remain in their native village, doing
of the aliping namamahay, making use
service there and cultivating the sowed
of them as they would of the aliping
lands.
saguiguilid, as servants in their
The slaves are called aliping saguiguilid.
households, which is illegal, and if the
They serve their master in his house
aliping namamahay should appeal to
and on his cultivated lands, and may be
justice, it is proved that he is an alipin as
sold. The master grants them, should he
well as his father and mother before him
see fit, and providing that he has
and no reservation is made as to
profited through their industry, a portion
whether he is aliping namamahay or
of their harvests, so that they may work
aliping saguiguilid, he is at once
faithfully. For these reasons, servants
considered an alipin, without further
who are born in the house of their
declaration. In this way he becomes a
master are rarely, if ever, sold. That is
saguiguilid, and is even sold.
the lot of captives in war, and of those
Consequently, the alcades-mayor
brought up in the harvest fields.
should be instructed to ascertain, when
Those to whom a debt was owed anyone asks for his alipin, to which class
transferred the debt to another, thereby he belongs, and to have the answer put
themselves making a profit, and in the document that they give him. In
reducing the wretched debtors to a these three classes, those who are
slavery which was not their natural lot. If maharlicas, on both the father's and
any person among those who were mother's side continue to be so forever;
made slaves (saguiguilid)– through war, and if it happens that they should
by the trade of goldsmith, or otherwise– become slaves, it is through marriage,
as I shall soon explain. If these
maharlicas had children among their
slaves, the children and their mothers
became free; if one of them had children
by the slave-woman of another, she was
compelled, when pregnant, to give her
master half of a gold tael, because of
her risk of death, and for her inability to
labor during the pregnancy. In such a
case half of the child was free namely,
the half belonging to the father, who
supplied the child with food. If he did not
do this, he showed that he did not
recognize him as his child, in which case
the latter was wholly a slave. If a free
woman had children by a slave, they
were all free, provided he was not her
husband.
If two persons married, of whom one
was a maharlica and the other a slave,
whether namamahay or saguiguilid, the
children were divided: the first, whether
male or female, belonged to the father,
as did the third and fifth; the second, the
fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother,
and so on. In this manner, if the father
was free, all those who belonged to him
were free; if he tex were a slave, all
those who belonged to him were slaves;
and the same applied to the mother. If
there should not be more than one child
he was half free and half slave. The only
question here concerned the division,
whether the child were male or female.
Those who became slaves fell under the
category of servitude which was their
parent's, either namamahay or
saguiguilid. If there were an odd number
of children, the odd one was half free
and half slave. I have not been able to
ascertain with any certainty when or
what age the division of children was
made, for each one suited himself in this
respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the
saguiguilid could be sold, but not the
namamahay and their children, nor
could they be transferred. However, they
could be transferred from the barangay
by inheritance, provided they remained
in the same village.
The maharlicas could not, after
marriage, move from one village to
another, or from one barangay to
another, without paying a certain fine in
gold, as arranged among them. This fine
was larger or smaller according to the
inclination of the different villages,
running from one to three taels and a
banquet to the entire barangay. Failure
to pay the fine might result in a war
between the barangay which the person
left and the one which he entered. This
applied equally to men and women,
except that when one married a woman
of another village, the children were
afterwards divided equally between the
two barangays. This arrangement kept
them obedient to the datu, or chief,
which is no longer the case - because, if
the datu is energetic and commands
what the religious fathers enjoin him,
they soon leave him and go to other
villages and other datu, who endure and
protect them and do not order them
about. This is the kind of datu that they
now prefer, not him who has the spirit to
command. There is a great need of
reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless
and faint-hearted.
Investigations made and sentences
passed by the datu must take place in
the presence of those of his barangay. If
any of the litigants felt himself
aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously
named from another village or barangay,
whether he were a datu or not; since
they had for this purpose some persons,
known as fair and just men, who were
said to give true judgment according to
their customs. If the controversy lay
between two chiefs, when they wished
to avoid war, they also convoked judges
to actas arbiters; they did the same if the
disputants belonged to two different
barangays. In this ceremony they
always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting
the others.
They had laws by which they
condemned to death a man of low birth
who insulted the daughter or wife of a
chief; likewise witches, and others of the
same class.
They condemned no one to slavery,
unless he merited the death penalty. As
for the witches, they killed them, and
their children and accomplices became
slaves of the chief, after he had made
some recompense to the injured person.
All other offenses were punished by
fines in gold, which, if not paid with
promptness, exposed the culprit to
serve, until the payment be made, the
person aggrieved, to whom the money
was to be paid. This was done in the
following way: Half the cultivated lands
and all their produce belonged to the
master. The master provide the culprit
with food and clothing, thus enslaving
the culprit and his children until such
time he might amass enough money to
pay the fine. If the father should by
chance pay his debtthe master then
claimed that he had fed and clothed his
children, and should be paid therefor. In
this way he kept possession of the
children if the payment could not be met.
This last was usually the case, and they
remained slaves. If the culprit had some
relative or friend who paid for him, he
was obliged to render the latter half his
service until he was paid house as
aliping saguiguilid, but living
independently, as aliping namamahay. If
the creditor were not served in this wise,
the culprit had to pay the double of what
was lent him. In this way slaves were
made by debt: either saguiguilid; if they
served the master to whom the
judgment applied: or aliping
namamahay, if they served the person
who lent them wherewith to pay.
In what concerns loans, there was
formerly, and is today, an excess of
usury, which is a great hindrance to
baptism as well as to confession; for it
turns out in the same way as I have
showed in the case of the one under
judgment, who gives half of his
cultivated lands and profits until he pays
the debt. The debtor is condemned to a
life of toil; and thus borrowers become
slaves, and after the death of the father
the children pay the debt. Not doing so,
double the amount must be paid. This
system should and can be reformed.
As for inheritances, the legitimate
children of a father and mother inherited
equally, except in the case where the
father and mother showed a slight
partiality by such gifts as two or three
gold taels, or perhaps a jewel. When the
parents gave a dowry to any son, and
when, in order to marry him to a chief's
daughter, the dowry was greater than
the sum given the other sons, the
excess was not counted in the whole
property to be divided. But any other
thing that should have been given to any
son, though it might be for some
necessity, was taken into consideration
at the time of the partition of the
property, unless the parents should
declare that such a bestowal was made
outside of the inheritance. If one had
children by two or more legitimate wives,
each child received the inheritance and
dowry of his mother, with its increase,
and that share of his father's estate
which fell to him out of the whole. If a
man had a child by one of his slaves, as
well as legitimate children, the former
had no share in the inheritance; but the
legitimate children were bound to free
the mother, and to give him something -
a tael or a slave, if the father were a
chief; or if, finally, anything else were
given it was by the unanimous consent
of all. If besides his legitimate- children,
he had also some sons by a free
unmarried woman, to whom a dowry
was given but what was not considered
as a real wife, all these were classed as
natural children, although the child by
the unmarried woman should have been
begotten after his marriage. Such
children did no inherit equally with the
legitimate children, but only the third
part. For example, if there were two
children, the legitimate one had two
parts, and the one of the inaasawa one
part. When there were no children by a
legitimate wife, but only children by an
unmarried woman, or inaasawo the
latter inherited all. If he had a child by a
slave woman, that child received his
share as state above. If there were no
legitimate or natural child, or a child by
an inaasawa, whether there wa a son of
a slave woman or not, the inheritance
went only to the father or grandparents,
brother or nearest relatives of the
deceased, who gave to the slave-child
as stated above.
In the case of a child by a free married
woman, born while she was married, if
the husband punished the adulterer this
was considered a dowry; and the child
entered with t others into partition in the
inheritance. His share equalled the part
left by the father, nothing mo If there
were no other sons than he, the children
and the nearest relatives inherited
equally with him. But if the adulterer
were not punished by the husband of-
the women who had the child, the latter
was not considered as his child, nor did
he inherit anything. It should be noticed
that the offender was not considered
dishonored by the punishment inflicted,
nor did the husband leave the woman.
By the punishment of the father, the
child was fittingly made legitimate.
Adopted children, of whom there are
many among them, inherit the double of
what was paid for their adoption. For
example, if one gold tael was given that
he might be adopted when the first
father died, the child was given (in
inheritance) two taels. But if this child
die first, his children do not inherit from
the second father, for the arrangement
stops at that point. This is the danger to
which his money is exposed, as well as
his being protected as a child. On this
account, this manner of adoption
common among them is considered
lawful.
Dowries are given by the men to the
women's parents. If the latter are living,
they enjoy the use of it. At their death,
provided the dowry has not been
consumed, it is divided like the rest of
the estate, equally among the children,
except in case the father should care to
bestow something additional upon the
daughter. If the wife, at the time of her
marriage, has neither father, mother, nor
grandparents, she enjoys her dowry
which, in such a case belongs to no
other relative or child. It should be
noticed that unmarried women can own
no property, in land or dowry, for the
result of all their labors accrues to, their
parents.
In case of a divorce before the birth of
children, if the wife left the husband for
the purpose of marrying another, all her
dowry and an equal additional amount
fell to the husband; but if she left him,
and did not marry another, the dowry
was returned. When the husband left his
wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and that a data who did anything contrary to
the other half was returned to him. If he this would not be esteemed; and, in
possessed children at the time of his relating tyrannies which they had
divorce, the whole dowry and the fine committed, some condemned them and
went to the children, and was held for adjudged them wicked.
them by their grandparents or other
Others, perchance, may offer a more
responsible relatives.
extended narrative, but leaving aside
I have also seen another practice in two irrelevant matters concerning
villages. In one case, upon the death of government and justice among them, a
the wife who in a year's time had borne summary of the whole truth is contained
no children, the parents returned one in the above. I am sending the account
half of the dowry to the husband whose in this clear and concise form because I
wife has died. In the other case, upon had received no orders to pursue the
the death of the husband, one-half of the work further. Whatever may be decided
dowry was returned to the relatives of upon, it is certainly important that it
the husband. I have ascertained that this should be given to the alcaldes-mayor,
is not a general practice; for upon accompanied by an explanation; for the
inquiry I learned that when this is done it absurdities which are to be found in their
is done through piety, and that all do not opinions are indeed pitiable.
do it.
May our Lord bestow upon your
In the matter of marriage dowries which
Lordship His grace and spirit, so that in
fathers bestow upon their sons when
every step good fortune may be yours;
they are about to be married, and half of
and upon every occasion may your
which is given immediately, even when
Lordship design to consider me your
they are the only children, there is a
humble servant, to be which would be
great deal. There is a fine stipulated in
the greatest satisfaction and favor that I
the contract, that he who violates it shall
could receive. Nagcarlan, October 21,
pay a certain sum which varies
1589.”
according to the practice of the village
and the affluence of the individual. The
fine was heaviest if, upon the death of
the parents, the son or daughter is FRAY JUAN DE PLASENCIA
unwilling to marry because it has been  
arranged by his or her parents. In this
case the dowry which the parents had
received was returned and nothing
more. But if the parents were living, they
paid the fine, because it was assumed
that it had been their design to separate
the children.
Fr. Pedro Chirino's Account of
The above is what I have been able to
the Pre-Spanish Filipinos and
ascertain clearly concerning customs
observed among these natives in all this Their Civilization (1604)
Laguna and the tingues, and among the  
entire Tagalog race. The old men say
Learning Objectives:
1. Determine the central ideas or
information of a primary source
2. Examine the context, content, and
perspective of different kinds of
primary sources
3. Determine the importance of
different kinds of primary source in
understanding Philippine history
 
 Of Baths in the Philippines.
From the time when they were
born, these islanders [Filipinos] are
brought up in the water. Consequently
both men and women swim like fishes,
even from childhood, and have no need
for bridges to pass over rivers. They
bathed themselves at all hours, for
cleanliness and recreation; and even the
women after childbirth do not refrain
from bath, and children just born are
bathed in the rivers and springs of cold
water. When leaving the bath, they
anoint the hand with ajonjoli (i.e., oil of
sesame) mixed with civet- of which, as
we shall later show, there is great
abundance in those regions.
Even when not bathing, they are
accustomed to anoint their heads for
comfort and adornment, especially the
women and the children. Through their
modesty, they bathed with their bodies
drawn up almost in a sitting posture,
with the water to the neck, taking the
greater care not to be seen, although no
one may be near to see them. The most
general hour of bathing is at the setting
of the sun, because at that time they
have finished their labors, and bathe in
the river to rest and refresh themselves;
on the way, they usually carry, some
vessel for bearing water to use in their
domestic duties. In the island of Panay I
saw all the people, at the conclusion of a
burial, hasten to the river upon leaving
the church and bathe there, as was the
custom among Jews–although these
Indians [Filipinos] have no knowledge of
that dead law. They keep a vessel full of
water before the door of every house;
every person, whether belonging to the
house or not, who enters it takes water
from the jar with which to wash his feet
before entering, especially during the
season of much mud. They wash their
feet with great facility, rubbing one foot
with the other; the water flows down
through the floor of the house, which is
of cane and fashioned like a window-
grating with bars close together.
They also employ the baths as a
medicine, and God our Lord has given
them for this purpose, springs of hot
water. In the last few years the hot
springs of Bai [Bay, Laguna Province],
on the banks of the lagoon, [Laguna de
Bay], have been most helpful and
famous, and many Spaniards of both
sexes as well as ecclesiastics and
religious, have had recourse to them in
various maladies and recovered their
health.
Of the Languages of the
Filipinos.
There is no single or general
language of the Filipinas extending
throughout the islands; but all of them,
though there are many and different
tongues, are so much alike that they
may be learned and spoken in a short
time. Consequently if one is learned, all
are almost known. They are to each
other like the Tuscan, Lombard, and
Sicilian dialects of Italia, or the Castilian,
Portuguese, and Galician in Espana.
Only the language of the Negrillos is
very different from the rest, as, in
Espana, is the Vizcayan (i.e., Basque).
There is not a difference for each of the
islands, because some of them as, for
example, Manila, and even Panai, which
is more than four hundred leguas
smaller contain several languages; and
there are languages each of which
prevails in several islands. In the Island
of Manila alone, there are six different
tongues; in Panai, two; in some others,
but one.
The languages most used, and
most widely spread, are the Tagal and
the Bisayan; and in some areas of
Pintados [Visayan Islands] another
tongue is also prevalent, called
Harayan. The Tagal embraces the
greater part of the coast and interior of
the islands of Manila, Mindoro, Luban,
and some others. Bisaya is in use
through all the island of the
Pintados,although in some of the
villages therein the Harayan is spoken.
Of all those languages, it was the Tagal
which most pleased me and which I
most admired. As I told the first bishop
[Bishop Domingo de Salazar], and,
afterwards, other persons of dignity in
the Islands and in Europe, I found in this
language four qualities of the four
greatest languages of the world,
Hebrew; Greek, Latin, and Spanish: it
has the abstruseness and obscurity of
the Hebrew; the articles and distinctions
in proper as well as in common nouns of
the Greek; the fullness and elegance of
the Latin; and the refinement, polish,
and courtesy of the Spanish.
Of the Letters of the Filipinos.
All these islanders are much
given to reading and writing, and there is
hardly a man, and much less a woman,
who does not read and write in the
letters used in the island of Manila -
which are entirely different from those of
China, Japan, and India. This will be
seen from its alphabet, which is as
follows:
 The three vowels serve as five.
 The consonants are only twelve.
 The letter alone with no point
above or below it, is pronounced
with the vowel–sound A
 By placing the point above, each
is pronounced with the vowel–
sound E or I
 By placing the point below, they
are pronounced with the vowel–
sound O or U
By means of these characters,
they easily make themselves
understood and convey their ideas
marvellously, he who reads applying,
with much skill and facility, the
consonants which are lacking. From us
they have adopted the habit of writing
from left to right. Formerly they wrote
from the top to the bottom placing the
first line on the left... and continuing the
rest at the right, contrary to the custom
of the Chinese and Japanese - who
although they write from top to bottom
begin from the right and continue the
page to the left.
They used to write on reeds and
palm-leaves, using as pen an iron point:
now they write their letters, as well as
ours, with a sharpened quill, and, as we
do, on paper. They have learned our
language and its pronunciation, and
write it even better than we do, for they
are so clever that they Team anything
with the greatest ease. I have had letters
written by themselves in very handsome
and fluent style. In Tigbauan I had in my
school a very young boy, who using as
model letters written to me in a very
good handwriting, learned in three
months to write even better than I; and
he copied for me important documents
faithfully, exactly, and without errors.
Of the Civilities, Terms of
Courtesy, and Good Breeding
Among the Filipinos.
The Filipinos are not as
ceremonious in their actions as are the
Chinese and Japanese; yet they have
their politeness and good breeding,
especially the Tagalogs, who are very
civil and courteous in word and action.
Upon meeting one another, they
practise our custom of uncovering the
head - not that they used hats, caps, or
bonnets; but they wore a piece of cloth
like a towel, some three or four palmos
long, which they wound around the head
in becoming fashion, like the ancient
crowns or diadems. This they removed,
as they now do with the hat (sombrero),
which they have adopted, in imitation of
us, abandoning the potong, as they
called the towel or diadem which they
formerly wore. As among them, it is not
a courtesy to remain standing before a
person whom they respect, they seat
themselves upon the ground, or rather
on their heel-bones. Seated in this way,
with hand uncovered and the potong
thrown like a towel over the left
shoulder, they talk with their superiors.
The mode of salutation upon
entering or meeting anyone is as
follows: They draw the body together
and make a low reverence, raising one
or both hands to the face, and placing
them upon the cheeks; they next sit
down waiting for the question that they
may be put to them, for it is considered
bad manners to speak before one is
spoken to. Their greatest courtesy is in
their form of address; for they never
speak to one as "thou," or in the second
person, whether singular or plural, but
always use the third person, saying for
example, "Does the lord, or the chief,
wish for this or that?" There are many
examples of this to be found in the Holy
Scripture or sacred language, and
particularly in the Psalms. In the
relations of man with woman, woman
with man, or woman with woman, they
are very careful - even when they are
quite equal, and, too, among the middle
class to use, after every important word,
nothing but "my Lord" or "my lady;" as,
"My Lord, as I was coming up the river, I
saw, my Lord," etc. This term and
pronoun are used as agreeable and
even affectionate, even in the languages
of much greater importance, as Hebrew,
Greek, and Latin, which are the three
most venerable tongues. In polite and
affectionate intercourse they are very
extravagant, addressing letters to each
other in terms of elaborate and delicate
expressions of affection, and neat turns
of thought. As a result of this, they are
much given to musical practice; and
although the guitar that they use, called
kudyapi, is not very ingenious or rich in
tone, it is by no means agreeable, and
to them is the most pleasing. They play
it with such vivacity and skill that they
seem to make human voices issue from
its four metallic cords. We also have it
on good authority that by merely playing
these instruments they can, without
opening their lips, communicate with
one another - a thing unknown of any
nation. The Bisayans are more rustic
and less civil in manners, just as their
language is harsher and less polished.
They have not so many terms of
courtesy, as formerly they had no letters
until, a very few years ago, they
borrowed theirs from the Tagalogs.
 
Concerning the False Heathen
Religion, Idolatries, and
Superstitions of the Filipinos.
Although upon entering into the
dark abyss of such blind idolatry I find a
disorderly confusion of the vilest and
most abominable things worthy of its
inventor, although in examining the walls
within this informal cave, I discovered an
infinitude of loathsome creatures, foul,
obscene, truly damnable, it is my task,
aided by the light of truth, to reduce
them to order, so that we upon opening
our eyes find ourselves within the light of
truth, may offer praise to Almighty God,
and have compassion for those who,
blinded by their ignorance, love and
prize these things of darkness, and
cannot open their eyes to any light
beyond. I shall speak first concerning
the false heathen belief that they hold
concerning the divinity of their idols;
second, of their priests and priestesses;
third, and last, of their sacrifices and
superstitions. All their government and
religion is founded on tradition, and on
custom introduced by the Devil himself,
who spoke to them through their idols
and the ministers of these. They
preserve it in songs, which they know
by. heart and learn when children, by
hearing these sung when they are
sailing or tilling their fields, when they
are rejoicing and holding feast, and
especially, when they are mourning their
dead. In these barbarous songs they
relate the fabulous genealogies and vain
deeds of their gods–among whom they
set up one as the chief and superior of
them all.
This deity the Tagalogs call
Bathala Mei capal, which means "God
the creator or maker;" the Bisayans call
him Laon, which denotes antiquity.
These songs relate the creation of the
world, the origin of the human race, the
deluge, paradise, punishment, and other
invisible things, relating a thousand
absurdities, varying much the form,
some telling it one way, others in
another. To show better what lies and
fables these all are, there is one story
that the first man and the first woman
came from the knot of a cane [bamboo]
which burst off from its plant. After that,
certain disputes resulted concerning the
marriage of the two, on account of the
difficulties arising from the first degree of
blood- relationship, which among them
is inviolable, and thought to be allowed
only the first time from the necessity of
propagating mankind. In short they
recognized an invisible spirit, and
another life; also demons, the enemies
of men, of whom they were in abject fear
from the evils and dread which these
caused them.
Their idolatry is an adoration and
deification of their ancestors–especially
of those who distinguished themselves
through valiant deeds, or cruelties, or
obscene and lewd acts. It is a general
practice for anyone who could
successfully do to attribute divinity to his
old father when the latter died. The old
men themselves died with this illusion
and deception imputing to their illness
and death and to all their actions a
seriousness and import, in their
estimation, divine. Consequently they
chose as sepulchre some celebrated
spot, like one which I saw on the shore
of the sea between Dulac and Abuyo, in
the island of Leite. This man directed
that he should be placed there in his
coffin (which was done), in a solitary
house remote from any order to be
recognized as the god of sailors, who
would offer worship and commend
village, themselves to him. There was
another, who had caused himself to be
buried in a certain place among the
mountains of Antipolo; and out of
reverence to him no one dared to
cultivate them, fearing that he who
should go thither might meet his death.
In memory of these departed ones, they
keep their little idols, some of stone,
wood, bone, ivory, or a cayman's teeth;
others of gold. They call these Larawan,
which signifies "idol," or "statue;" and in
their necessities they have recourse to
these, offering to them barbarous
sacrifices.
They also worshipped, like the
Egyptians, animals and birds; and, like
the Assyrians, the sun and moon; they
attributed moreover, a sort of divinity to
the rainbow.
The Tagalogs adored a blue bird,
as large as a thrush, and called it
Bathala, which was among them a form
of divinity. They also worshipped the
crow (as the ancients worshipped the
god Pan and the goddess Ceres). It
bore the name Mei lupa, which signifies
"master of the soil. They held the
cayman in the utmost veneration: and,
whenever they made any statement
about when they described it in the
water, they called it Nono, which means
"grandfather." They softly and tenderly
besought it not to harm them: and to this
end offered it a part of what they carried
in their boats, casting the offerings into
the water. There was no old tree to
which they did hot attribute divinity; and
it was a sacrilege to cut such a tree for
any purpose. What more did they
adore? The very stones, cliffs, and
reefs, and the headlands of the shores
of the sea or the rivers; and they made
some offering when they pass by these,
going to the stone or rock, and placing
the offering upon it. In the island of
Mindanao between La Canela and the
river (i.e. No Grande), a great
promontory projects from a rugged and
steep coast. When passing by this
headland, the natives, as it was so
steep, offered their arrows, discharging
them with such force that they
penetrated the rock itself. This they did
as a sacrifice that a safe passage might
be accorded them. I saw with my own
eves that although the Spaniards, in
hatred of so accursed a superstition,
had set a great many of these arrows on
fire and burned them, those still
remaining. and those recently planted in
the rock numbered, in less than a year,
more than four thousand arrows; they
certainly seemed as many as that, to all
of us who passed that point. Besides
these, they had a thousand other
superstitions. If they beheld a serpent or
lizard, or heard anyone sneeze, they
always retrace their steps, and on no
account go further at that time, for such
an occurrence would be an evil omen.
Of Marriages, Dowries, and
Divorces Among the Filipinos.
I lived in the Philippines for
almost ten years before I learned that
there was any man who had married
several wives; and I did not know it until
I went to the islands of Ibabao and Leite,
for in Manila, Mindoro, and Panai, I had
not observed the practice of such a
custom. I had, however, been once told
by a Spaniard that in a certain part of
Mindanao, toward Dapitan, it was the
custom for the Bisayan women (the
inhabitants of Mindanao also are
Bisayans) to marry two husbands; the
practice of having several wives I
understood, belong only to the
Mahometans who dwell in Mindanao
and Brunei. It is certainly, however, not
a general custom in the Philippines to
marry more than one wife; and even in
the districts where this is done the
practice is by no means general. The
most common and general usage is to
marry one woman. The Bisayans always
try to procure a wife from their own
class, and closely connected with them
in relationship. The Tagalogs do not
insist so much on this latter point; they
are satisfied if the wife be not of inferior
rank. As I have already stated, in neither
race is any impediment considered than
the first degree of kindred. Uncle and
niece marry as readily as do first
cousins; but brother and sister,
grandfather and granddaughter, or
father and daughter, can in no case
marry. There is a marked distinction
between concubinage and wedlock;
because the latter, besides consent, has
its own ceremony, as we shall later see.
For marriage, moreover, they have
distinct formalities of bethrothal, which
are accompanied by conventional
penalties, most rigorously executed.
Here is an example: Si Apai promises to
marry CaiPolosin; these married
persons make an agreement with
another married pair, while the wives are
with child that if the wombs of their
respective wives should bear a male
and a female those two children shall be
joined in marriage, under a penalty of
ten gold taes. This compact is
solemnized by a feast, where they eat,
drink, and become intoxicated; and he
who later is the occasion of breaking the
compact must pay the penalty. This is
bethrothal. In the marriage there figures
a dowry, and the surrender of the
woman, with consent for the present, but
not perpetual. It is not the wife, but the
husband, who gives her the dowry - an
amount agreed upon, fixed in
accordance with his means. This is what
some authors relate of various nations,
which were accustomed to purchase
women as their wives. In addition to the
dowry the husband is wont to make
presents to the parents and relatives -
more or less, according to his means....
The marriage lasted no longer than did
peace between them; for they are
divorced on the slightest occasion. If the
cause of divorce is unjust, and the man
parts from his wife, he loses the dowry;
if it is she who leaves him, she must
restore the dowry to him. But if the man
has a just cause for divorce, and leaves
her, his dowry must be restored to him;
if in such case the wife leaves him, she
retains the dowry. For the husband, the
adultery of his wife is sufficient grounds
for divorce; for the woman, just cause
for divorce is more limited. In case of
divorce, the children are divided equally
between the two, without distinction of
sex; thus, if they are in two numbers,
one falls to the father and one to the
mother; and in a state of slavery the
same thing occurs when husband and
wife belong to different masters. If two
persons own one slave, the same
division is made; for half belongs to
each, and his services belong to both
alike. These same modes of marriage
and divorce are in use among who
marry two or three wives. The man is
not obliged to marry them all in one day;
and, even after having one wife for -
indeed, like the Mohametans as many
as he can support ... many years, he
may take another, and yet another
The Manner Which the Filipinas
Had of Shrouding and Burying
their Dead.
The first and last concern of the
Filipinos in cases of sickness was to
offer some sacrifices to their anitos, or
diwatas, which were their gods. These
sacrifices were offered with dancing to
the sound of the bell; and it would
happen as I have sometimes heard, that
in the most furious part of the dance and
the bell - ringing, when the catalona or
bailana was exerting more force, all at
once she stopped at the death of the
sick person. After the death there
followed new music, the dirges .and
lamentations, which were also sung,
accompanied by weeping, not only by
the mourners but by others – the former
on account of their sorrow and grief; the
latter for their wages and profit, for they
were hired for this purpose, as is and
has been the custom among other
nations of greater reputation. To the
sound of this sad music they washed the
body of the dead person, performing it
with the gum of the storax-tree and other
aromatics which they are wont to use,
cloth it in the best garments which the
dead man possessed; then, after having
kept and mourned over it for three days,
they buried it. Others anointed the body
with aromatic balsams which prevent
corruption, especially with the juice of a
sort of ivy which grows there
abundantly, and is truly a very valuable
drug, which they call buyo. It is very
pungent, and for the living a notable
stimulant, also strengthening the teeth,
hardening the gums, and sweetening
the breath. Consequently, both
Spaniards and Indians make much -use
of it, and always carry it in their mouth,
as they use the coca on Peru. With the
juice of this plant, then, they anointed
the dead body, and so injected it
through the mouth that it penetrated the
whole body. Thus prepared, many
bodies have been found uncorrupted
after a lapse of many years; but they did
not place the corpses in the earth, but in
their dwellings, enclosed in coffins of the
hardest wood, incorruptible, and with the
cover so fitted that it was impossible for
the air to enter. Moreover, they placed
gold in the mouths of the corpses, and
laid with them many articles of values;
and thus they buried them, under the
house, richly adorned, and with the
corpse another chest, containing
garments. Besides this, they usually
were careful to carry to the burial
various viands, which they left there for
the dead person. In former times, they
would not let them depart to the other
world alone, but gave male and female
slaves to accompany the dead. These
slaves, having first eaten a hearty meal,
were immediately killed, that they might
go with the dead man. It once happened
that they buried with a chief a vessel
manned by many rowers, who were to
serve him in his voyage to the other
world. The usual place of burial was the
dead man's own house, at least on the
lower part were a great pit was dug, in
which the coffin was placed. A small
railing was constructed about the pit, way, the mourning habits were not
and, leaving it open, they placed inside removed, or the interdict lifted, until the
the food which they brought. Others sons, brothers, or relatives had killed
buried their bodies in the open field, and many others - not only of the enemies
for several days burned fires beneath and murderers, but also other persons,
their houses and set guards, so that the strangers, whoever they might be, who
dead man might not return and carry were not their friends. As robbers and
away with him those whom he had left. pirates, they scoured the land and sea,
going to hunt men and killing all of
After the burial, mourning ceased,
whom they could, until they had satiated
but not the feasting and intoxication,
their fury. When this was done, they
which lasted for more or less time
made a great feast for invited guests,
according to the rank of the deceased.
raised the interdict, and, in due time,
The widow or widower, and the orphans
abandoned their mourning.
and other relatives who felt most keenly
their grief, expressed their sorrow by  
fasting, abstaining meat, fish, and other
viands–eating during this period only Of Feasting and Intoxication
vegetables, and those in very small Among the Filipinos.
quantities. Among the Tagalogs the
The time for their feast, wherein
color for mourning is black, and among
they ate and drank to excess (and they
the Bisayans white. The latter also tear
drank too much, much more than they
out their hair and eyebrows, which
ate), upon occasions of illness, death,
makes them ugly indeed. Upon the
and mourning. Such was also their
death of a chief, silence must be
custom at bethrothals, weddings, and
observed in the village during the period
sacrifices, and with guests and visitors.
of mourning until the interdict was raised
Upon all these occasions there was not
a longer or shorter time, according to his
a door closed against anyone who might
rank; and during that time no sound of a
desire to go to drink with them - for they
blow or other noise might be heard in
designate a feast by the term "drinking,"
any house under penalty of some
not "eating." In the feast which they held
misfortune. In order to secure this
upon occasions of sacrifice, they went to
quietness, the village on the coast
place at one side of the table, a plate
placed a sign on the banks of the river,
upon which he who chose would throw,
giving notice that no one might travel, on
by way of religious ceremony, some
that stream, or enter or leave it, under
mouthful of food, which he refrained
penalty of death - which they forcibly
from eating out of respect to the anito.
inflicted, with the utmost cruelty, upon
They eat, sitting in a low position; and
whomsoever should break this silence.
their tables are small, low, and round or
Those who, died in war were extolled in
square in shape, without covering or
their dirges, and in the obsequies which
napkins. The plates containing the
were celebrated at the sacrifices made
victuals being placed on the table itself.
to or for them lasted for a long time,
They eat in groups of sufficient number
accompanied by much feasting and
to surround the tables and guests
intoxication. If the deceased had met
drinking. The food is placed altogether
death by violence, whether in war or in
upon various plates, and they have no
peace, by treachery, or in some other
hesitation in putting the hands of all into
the same dish, or in drinking out of the
same vessel. They eat but little, drink
often, and spend much time in the feast.
When they are satiated with food and
intoxicated with the drink, they remove
the tables and clear the house; and, if
the feast is not one of mourning, they
sing, play musical instruments, dance,
and in this way, spend days and nights,
with great uproar and shouting - until
finally they fall, exhausted and drowsy.
But they are never seen to become, in
their intoxication, so frenzied or crazed
that they commit excesses; on the
contrary, they preserve, in the main,
their ordinary conduct, and even under
the influence of wine, act with as much
respect and prudence as before,
although they are naturally more lively
and talkative, and utter witty remarks. It
is proverbial among us that none of
them, upon leaving the feast late at night
in a state of intoxication, fails to reach
his home. Moreover, if they have
occasion to buy or sell anything, they
not only make no mistake in the
bargaining, but if it be necessary to
weigh the gold or silver for the price
(which is the common usage among
those nations, each person carrying for
that purpose a small pair of scales in his
wallet), they do it with such accuracy
that the hand never trembles, nor is
there any error in the weight.
Of Usury and Slavery Among the
Filipinos.
Among other vicious practices
common to these natives and
proceeding from that fountain and abyss
of evil, idolatry, one was that insatiable
cupidity mentioned by the evangelist St.
John as one of the three which tyrannize
over the world. This caused them,
forgetful of that natural compassion
which we owe to one another, never to
lend succor in cases of need without
assurance of profit. Consequently,
whenever they made loans (not of
money which they did not use or
possess, but other things, most
commonly rice, bęlls, and gold - this last
more than all else, for when weighed it
took the place of money, for which
purpose every one carried in his pouch
a balance), they must always agree
upon the profit which should be paid in
addition to the sum that they were- to
lend. But the evil did not stop here, for
the profit or gain itself went on
increasing with the delay of making
payment–until finally, in the course of
time, it exceeded all the possessions of
the debtor. The debt was then charged
to his person, which the poor wretch
gave, thus becoming a slave; and from
that time forth all his descendants were
also slaves. There was another form of
this usury and slavery, by which the
debtor or his son must remain from that
time a slave, until the debt, with all the
usury and interest which were
customary among them, was repaid. As
a result of this, all the descendants of
him who was either a debtor or security
for the debt, remained slaves. Slaves
were also made through tyranny and
cruelty, by way of revenue and
punishment for offenses of small
account, which were made to appear
matters of injury. Examples of these are:
failure to preserve the silence of the
dead or happening to pass in front of a
chief who was bathing, and other similar
oppressions. They also captured slaves
in war by means of ambuscades and
attacks, keeping as much all those
whom they did not wish to kill. Since
these cruelties were so usual among
them, and, on the other hand, the poor
are commonly oppressed by the
powerful, it was easy to increase the
number of slaves. Consequently they
used to have, and still do have, a very
large number of slaves, which among
them is the greatest of riches.
The Manner in Which Names are
Conferred Among the Filipinos.
When a child is born, it is the mother's
duty to give it a name; and whatever
appellations she gives it must remain its
name. The names are most often
conferred on account of certain - as, for
example Malivag, which means
"difficult," because the child's birth was
such; Malacas, which signifies "man of
strength," because the mother thinks
that the child will be strong, or desires
that it be so. At other times they name it,
without any symbolism or special
reason, by the first word which occurs to
them - as, for example, Daan, which
signifies "road;" Babui, which means
"pig;" or "Manug," which signifies "fowl."
All persons are called by- these names
from birth, without using surnames until
they married. The first-born son or
daughter then gives his or her name to
the parents; for until they die they call
the father AmaniCoan, "father of So-and
so," and the mother InaniCoan, "mother
of So-and so." The names of the women
are distinguished from those of the men
by adding "in." Thus while the name of a
man and of a circumstances woman
may be practically the same, that of the
man is left intact, and "to the woman's is
added You sent Today at 3:33 PM the
(termination) "in;" for example, Ilog
(which means "river") being the name of
two persons of different sex, the man is
called log, the woman Illoguin. In
naming children they use diminutives;
just as we do; but in order not to exceed
the limits of my narrative, or to enter
those of grammar, I shall not enumerate
these, or the other appellations more
personal, more intimate, or more
elegant, which those people use for
nearly all the degrees of relationship.
RECOPILACIÓN DE LEYES DE LOS
REINOS DE LAS INDIAS (translated
from Spanish)
The Recopilacion is a compilation of the
different laws promulgated by the Queen
or the King of Spain and were legislated
to guide the Spaniards in the colonies as
to their behavior towards the natives.
The following is an excerpt from the
Laws of the Indies regarding the
establishment of reducciones.
Excerpt:
On arriving at the locality where the new
settlement is to be founded, the plan of
the place, with its squares, streets
and building lots is to be outlined by
means of measuring by cord and ruler,
beginning with the main square from
which streets are to run to the gates and
principal roads and leaving sufficient
open space so that even if the
town grows it can always spread in a
symmetrical manner. Having thus laid
out the chosen site the settlement is to
be founded the following form. The
chosen site shall be on an elevation;
healthful; withmeans of fortification;
fertile and with plenty of land for farming
and pasturage; fuel and timber; fresh
water, a native population,
commodiousness; resources
of convenient access and egress. It shall
be open to the north wind. If on the
coast, care is to be taken that the sea
does not lie to the south or west of the
harbor. If possible, the port is not to be
near lagoons or marshes in
which poisonous animals and corruption
of air and water breed. In the case of a
sea coast town, the main plaza is to be
the starting point for the building of the
town, is to be situated near the landing
place of the port. In inland towns the
main plaza should be in the center of
the town and of an oblong shape, its
length being equal to at least one and
half times its width, as this proportion is
best for festivals in which horses are
used and any other celebrations
which have to be held. The size of the
plaza shall be in proportion to the
number of residents, heed being given
to the fact that towns of Indians, being
new are bound to grow and it is intended
that they shall do so. Therefore, the
plaza is to be planned with reference to
the possible growth of the town. It
shall not be smaller than two hundred
feet wide and three hundred feet long
nor larger than eight hundred feet long
and three hundred feet wide. A well
proportionated medium size plaza is
not six hundred feet long and four
hundred feet wide. From the plaza, the
four principal streets are to diverge, one
from the middle of each of its sides and
two streets are to meet at each of its
corners. The four corners of the plaza
are to face the four points of the
compass, because thus the streets
diverging from the plaza will not be
directly exposed to the four principal
winds, which could cause much
inconvenience. The whole plaza and the
four main streets diverging from it shall
have arcades, for these are a great
convenience for those who resort thither
for trade. The eight streets which run
into the plaza at its four corners are to
dos o freely without being obstructed by
the arcades of the plaza. These arcades
are to end at the corners in such a way
that the sidewalks of the streets can
evenly join those of the plaza. In cold
climates, the streets shall be wide; in hot
climates narrow, however, for purposes
of defense and where horses are kept
the streets had better be wide. The other
streets laid out consecutively around the
plaza are to be so planned that even if
the town should increase considerably in
size it would meet with no obstruction
which might disfigure what had already
been built or be a detriment to the
defense or convenience of the town.
At certain distances in the town smaller,
well proportion plazas are to be laid out
on which the main church, the parish
church or monastery shall be built so
that the teaching of religious doctrine
may be evenly distributed. If the town
lies on the coast, its main church shall
be so situated that it may be visible from
the landing place and so built that its
structure may serve as means of
defense for the port itself. After the plaza
and streets have been laid out building
lots are to be designated, in the first
place, for the erection of the main
church, the parish church or monastery
and these are to occupy respectively
and entire block so that no other
structure can be built next to them
excepting such as contribute to their
commodiousness or beauty.
Immediately afterwards the place and
site are to be assigned for the Royal and
Town Council House, the Custom
House and Arsenal which is to be close
to the church and port so that in case of
necessity one can protect the other. The
hospital for the poor and sick of
noncontagious diseases shall be built
next to the church forming its cloister.
HISTORIA DE LOS PADRES DOMINICOS
EN LAS ISLAS FILIPINAS Y EN
SUS MISIONES DEL JAPON, CHINA,
TUNG-KIN Y FORMOSA (1870-1972)by
Juan Fernando and Joaquin Fonseca,
translated by Jose Rhommel
Hernandez
Excerpt:
Not only in Luzon, but also in the
Visayas can be found the true oceanic
blacks which form an entirely different
race from the rest known in the
discovered world. In the Philippines,
they are known by the Spaniards as the
“Negritos,” and by the natives, as Aetas,
Itas, Etas, Balugas, etc., according to
the provinces in whose surroundings
they live. They are very likely the first
inhabitants of the country. In nothing are
they similar to those of the Malay race in
the divisions, color, hair, customs and
mode living. Even their dialect is distinct
from that which the nations coming from
their caste speak. Many of the like those
who go down to the towns speak the
idiom of the Indios. Many doubt if they
have a proper idiom. In their dances,
however, they sing in an unintelligible
manner and many seem to howl rather
than sing. In their hair, not all are
equals. Some tribes have it somewhat
straight, but they are generally curly, like
those who come from Africa, although
not so dark. The color of the body is so
dark, much more than that of the natives
of the Malay race. They have their
mouths broader than the ordinary, and
more distant from the nose, which is
small and grounded in some. Almost all
have side burns and some have beard.
Their clothing is made of a miserable
girdle which covers their shame. The
women, when going to the Christian
towns cover their breasts with another
piece of cloth made of cotton or valete
bark. They are of very limited
intelligence, although in some can be
discovered signs indicating more than
the regular talent, if they will be
cultivated. Their race can be called as
the ultimate of the human species. Their
physique has all the characters of a
savage and degraded race. They
themselves have an idea so low of
themselves that they say that they are
not men nor people, but Aetas. They live
within the forests in the ranges of the
west of Manila Bay, from Mariveles until
Pangasinan; in the slopes of one and
another side, from that which crosses
the island from the east to west from
San Fabian until Valer; to the west of
some towns of Cagayan, and in the
other ranges from the Cape of Engaño
until Tayabas; in the mountains of San
Mateo and Camachin; in some parts of
the provinces of the South; in a word,
they are in almost all the mountains of
Luzon, grouped in small tribes with
relations between themselves,
particularly the neighbors of a same
range. They do not have any dwelling
other than bad huts under the trees and
at time some entangled branches to
avoid in some way the effect of bad
weather. Most of them sleep where the
night seizes them, and when they are
cold, or the humidity is very great, they
burn bonfires and they turn themselves
over on hot ashes. They are not
dedicated to agriculture and are
maintained from wild roots, leaves of
trees and cattles that by chance opens
itself to an arrow shot. They suffer much
on rainy days, and days passed without
them taking anything other than herb.
For the hunting of the wild boar, or wild
hogs, they have some arrows whose
iron points are held with a cane by
means of some strong small cords. The
arrows are released to enter into the
body of the wild beast, which afterwards
remains in the thickets and the hunter is
easily freed from its fangs, which is
known to cause terrible wounds. Their
government consists in leaving each
one in a more complete liberty, and in
the observance of some practices
inherited from their old one. One of them
is the eating in common large cattle
gathered by some of them. There is no
sign of religion found among them, as
they may not be some practices
indicating their belief in the immortality
of the soul. Their matrimonies are
solemnized with some brute feasts that
do not merit the hardship of being
narrated. The essential ceremony
consists in making an old woman nod at
those engaged, saying sometimes the
following expressions: “Produce the
man, produce the woman”, very proper
to designate the primary end of the
marriage, in which they differ hardly
from the beasts. In some points they
themselves go around burning notably,
as happens in the mountains of Bataan,
an effect of the miserable life they live.
They lack women, since the Tagalog
Indias hire many of them to their service.
These women are mixed at times with
the Indios, and the Mestizos who are
born from them do not have curly hair.
There is someone saying that their
feature is better than that of the
Tagalog. Those who live in the
surroundings of the Christian towns are
voluntary slaves. For a little rice or other
trifle, they cross from great distance
wax, wood, canes and reeds. All have
their patrons, who give them lodging
when they go down to the towns. This
benefit is not little favor considering the
disgust that is in their uncovered bodies,
covered regularly from the hips and
groins. From the conversion of the
natives of the islands which the
missionaries began, they also thought of
converting the people of this degraded
caste. But nobody until now has been
able to boast of have subjected and
united a tribe for a long time to show
them the civil and Christian life.
HISTORIA GENERAL DE FILIPINAS:
CONQUISTAS ESPIRITUALES Y
TEMPORALES DE ESTOS ESPAÑOLES
DOMINIOS, ESTABLECIMIENTOS
PROGRESOS, Y DECADENCIAS
The following excerpt narrates a certain
Fray Rodrigo’s experience in working
with the Filipinos near Bagumbayan
which was then a highly forested area.
Excerpt:
Father Fray Rodrigo was one day
passing through a thicket. That thicket
was, according to their customs, one of
the reserved ones, and it was
considered sacrilegious to cut anything
from it, and that such act would be
punished with immediate death. So
infatuated were they with that blindness
that no one, even though in great need,
dared to take anything from that place,
being restrained by fear. The Father saw
a beautiful tree, which they call pajo,
laden with ripe fruit. He ordered his
followers to gather some by climbing the
tree. They strenuously resisted, but
Father Fray Rodrigo insisted on it. They
declared that they would not do it under
any circumstances, and that it meant
sure death if they offended the respect
whose fatal sentence comprehended all
the trees of that place. The Father
severely chided them for their error, and
to show them that it was so, he
determined to gather fruit himself. He
began to break branches and to clear
the trunk, in order to facilitate the
ascent. The Indians were grieved, and
urgently begged him to desist from that
undertaking which they considered as
so rash. But the religious, arming
himself with the sign of the cross, and
reciting the antiphon, Ecce lignum
crucis, managed to gather some of the
ripe fruit, which the tree offered. He ate
it in front of them and liked the fruit very
much, for indeed it is savory. They
looked as his face amazed, expecting
his instant death. When that did not
happen, they recognized their delusion
and detested their cheats. They also ate
without experiencing any harm. The
Father charged them to say nothing
upon their arrival at the village. He took
with him a goodly quantity of that fruit
and divided the great portion of it among
the chiefs. Esteeming the gift, they, in
their ignorance, ate it without fear. In a
sermon on the following day, the Father
disclosed the secret and checked their
vain fears; so that, undeceived by
experience, they followed him with their
axes, and in short order felled that
thicket, which was a confused center of
perverse iniquities. Thereupon, many of
those infidels submitted to the true
knowledge.
PRÁCTICA DEL MINISTERIO
The following is an excerpt of the
Augustinian Tomas Ortiz’s Practica del
Ministerio. Originally published in 1731,
this particular excerpt is from the 1893
edition published by Wenceslao E.
Retana in his edition of Joaquin
Martinez de Zuñiga’s Estadismo de las
Islas Filipinas.
Excerpt:
Inasmuch as many natives, especially
those of the provinces distant from
Manila are much inclined to nonos or
genii, to idolatries, maganitos,
superstitions, enchantments, charms,
and witchcraft, which have as great a
diversity as have the witches, and
therefore they call them by different
names, according to the various duties
which they attribute to them; it is
necessary for the father ministers, not
only to preach to them continually, and
to argue against, censure, and decry so
pestilent abuses, but they must also be
very skillful, solicitous, and careful in
discovering persons infected with that
mortal poison, and to apply to it the
necessary remedy. In the confessions,
for the same reason that but seldom will
they accuse themselves all possible
efforts ought to be made (without
overstepping the boundaries of
prudence) in order to see whether
anything may be obtained; and he who
has the good fortune to have any witch
confess to him, will bear himself toward
her as the authors teach. They ought
also to charge the natives with their
obligation to denounce to the ordinary,
etc.
There are many abuses (or as they say
ugales) which the natives practice
against our holy faith and good customs,
among others of which are the following.
First, the above-mentioned idolatry of
the nonos. In regard to this it must be
noted that the word nono does not alone
signify “grandfather,” but that it also is
used as a term of respect to the old men
and genii. The Indians comprise these
under the word nono, just as the
Chinese do under the word Espiritus [i.
e., “spirits”], and the Romans under the
word “Gods,” which other called Lares,
Penates, etc. With the above-mentioned
genii or nonos the Indians perform many
acts of idolatry frequently, such as for
example, asking permission, relief, and
aid from them, and that they do the
people no harm, and that they do not
prove hostile to them, etc. They make
such requests on many occasions, and
among others are the following. When
they wish to pluck any flower or fruit
from the tree, they ask permission from
the nono or genius to pluck it. When
they pass certain fields, rivers, creeks,
or streamlets, large trees, sugar-cane
plantations and other places, they ask
permission and good passage from the
genii or nonos. When they are obliged to
cut any tree, or not to observe the things
or ceremonies which they imagine to be
pleasing to the genii or nonos, they ask
pardon of them, and excuse themselves
to those beings by saying, among many
other things, that the father commanded
them to do it, and that they are not
willingly lacking in respect to the genii,
or that they do not willingly oppose their
will, etc. When they are taken with the
sickness that they call pamave, which
they attribute to the genii or nonos
(although they try to conceal this by
saying that the country [has not?]
agreed with them) they ask them for
health and offer them food. They do that
both on this, and many other occasions,
in the fields, sugar cane plantations,
streamlets, at the foot of any large tree,
more generally some calunpan,2 and in
various other places. This sort of idolatry
is very deeply rooted and of long
standing among the Indians.
Consequently, it is very necessary for
the father ministers to be very careful
and make great efforts to extirpate it,
and not avoid any labor or work until it is
annihilated.
Secondly, the Indians very generally
believe that the souls of the dead return
to their houses the third day after their
death, in order to visit the people of it, or
to be present at the banquet, and
consequently, to be present at the
ceremony of the tibao. They conceal
and hide that by saying that they are
assembling in the house of the
deceased in order to recite the rosary for
him. If they are told to do their praying in
the church, they refuse to comply
because that is not what they wish to do.
Consequently, the minister will prevent
the gathering at the house of the
deceased after the burial, and will not
allow the people to ascend into the
house under any considerations, least of
all on the third day. On the fourth day, in
consequence of the said ceremony of
the tibao, or because of their evil
inclination, they light candles in order to
wait for the soul of the deceased. They
spread a mat, on which they scatter
ashes, so that the tracks or footsteps of
the soul may be impressed thereon; and
by that means they are able to ascertain
whether the soul came or not. They also
set a dish of water at the door, so that
when the soul comes it may wash its
feet there. It does not appear that it
would be much to say that those matters
of the nonos or genii and the deceased
were taken by the Indians from the
Sangleys who are reared with various
things [of belief]. It needs a strong
remedy nevertheless.
The tigbalāg which some call a ghost
and others a goblin, appears to be the
genius or devil, who appears to them in
the shape of a black man, or in the
shape of an old man (or as they express
it in the shape of a very small old man),
or in the shape of a horse, or of a
monster, etc. That being inspires them
with so great fear that they come to
make friendship with him, and surrender
their rosaries to him, and receive from
him superstitious things, such as hairs,
herbs, stones, and other things, in order
that they may obtain marvelous things,
and that they may be aided by him in
certain of their affairs.
The patianac whom some also call a
goblin (but it is only their invention,
dream, or imagination) must be the
genius or devil who generally plays with
them as also with many others, when
losing the faith, they espouse his cause,
become familiar with him, or become
subject to him. They attribute to this
being the ill success of births, and say
that in order to harm them and cause
their destruction, he enters or hides in
some tree or in any other place near the
house of the woman who is about to
give birth, and there they sing like those
who wander about, etc. In order to
prevent any harm from the patianac, the
men take their position naked and with
their privies exposed to the air; and arm
themselves with shield, catan, lance,
and other arms. In this condition they
stand on the ridgepole of the roof, and
also under the house, and in all places,
they slash and cut right and left with the
catan and make various gestures and
set movements for the same purpose.
Others, in order to prevent said harm,
generally move the woman who is about
to give birth to another house, for they
say that her house contains a patianac.
Among other things they also attribute to
the patianac the death of children, as
well as to the usang. They refer to them
in the following manner. They assert that
the bird called tictic is the pander of the
sorcerer called usang. Flying ahead of
that being, the bird shows it the houses
where infants are to be born. That being
takes its position on the roof of the
neighboring house and thence extends
its tongue in the form of a thread, which
it inserts through the anus of the child
and by that means sucks out its entrails
and kills it. Sometimes they say that it
appears in the form of a dog, sometimes
of a cat, sometimes of the cockroach
which crawls under the mat, and there
accomplishes the abovesaid. In order to
avoid that harm, they do certain of the
above things. To the patianac travelers
also attribute their straying from or
losing their road. In order to keep the
right path, they undress and expose
their privies to the air, and by that
observance they say that they make
sure of the right road; for then the
patianac is afraid of them and cannot
lead them astray.
The bongsol they sometimes assert to
be various durojones which are caused
by the sorcerer ganay, and which run all
through the body of the bewitched, who
generally remains some moments as if
dead or in a faint, and at other times as
though mad or raving from the sight of
the ganay who appears to them in
various shapes. In order to cure this
sickness or enchantment, they summon
another sorcerer, and he after the
incantations or efforts, which will be told
later, generally leaves the patient as he
was before. Sometimes they say that
that sickness appears to be natural or a
stomach ache caused by the
obstructions or durojones which grow in
the stomach or in the patient’s side or by
shivers which move from one place to
another, and from which the women of
this country generally suffer. But when
they are unable to cure the pain with the
promptness that they desire, they
generally say, especially the physicians,
that the said sickness is bongsol, that is
enchantment, and that it can be cured
only by the one who is of the faculty,
that is by one who is a sorcerer. They
then bring a sorcerer, who performs the
things that pertain to his faculty, and
summons the first sorcerer who they say
caused that sorcery. If the sickness is
not lessened, the sorcerer finishes his
duty by saying that the said first witch is
very far away, and could not hear him;
and consequently, it has happened that
he has not been able to cure the said
sickness. In such wise do they leave the
sick person with his pains.
The ceremony or superstition of bilao is
ordered for the discovery thereby of any
thief. It is reduced to placing in a bilao,
sieve, or screen, some scissors
fastened at the point in the shape of the
cross of St. Andrew, and in them they
hang their rosary. Then they repeat the
name of each one of those who are
present and who are assembled for this.
If, for example, when the name Pedro is
mentioned, the bilao shakes, they say
that Pedro is the thief. They also are
accustomed to light candles to St.
Anthony of Padua for the purpose of
discovering the thief of anything [that is
stolen]. For this they kneel down to pray
(and perhaps to utter and perform
indecent things) and wait until the flame
leans toward any of those about, for
instance, toward Juan, and then they
declare that Juan is the thief. It is very
usual for the Indians to carry about them
various things in order that they might
obtain marvelous effects: for example,
written formulas, prayers, vitiated or
interspersed with words arranged for
their evil intent, herbs, roots, bark, hairs,
skin, bones, stones, etc., so that they
may not be killed, or apprehended by
justice, or to obtain wealth, women, or
other things. They are also very much
inclined to believe in omens and in
unlucky days, in regard to which they
are wont to keep various books of
manuscripts which must be burned for
them. The natives are accustomed to
circumcise the boys; and although they
perform the circumcision by slitting the
skin of the penis lengthwise, instead of
around, still it appears that that may be
accounted for by the fact that it is
inferred that that ceremony was
introduced into Philipinas, by the Moros
from Borneo, Mindanao, or Holo, as was
also the word biñag, which is used for
“baptize,” and to mean “Christian,” and
the word simba, which appears to mean
“adoration” among them. From this use
they transfer it to their temples and
mosques, and the Tagálogs took it not
to mean “adoration,” but “church,” and
afterward used it to mean “mass,” which
it never could mean. Not only do they
circumcise the males but also the
women, girls, or dalagas, [an operation]
which they call sonad. It is reduced to
cutting the organ or opening it up
somewhat. However, some of them, and
very reasonably, affirm that that
ceremony in them in itself in both males
and females is rather the offspring of
lust than that of Judaism. They are also
accustomed to measure or compare the
weapons that they make, for ]example,
measuring the catan by spans and
praying at the same time the “Our
Father.” If the conclusion of the
measuring is reached at the same time
or when they come to the word “forgive
us” they say that they cannot be
punished, but that they may kill people,
etc. It appears that the custom has been
introduced among women who have
recently brought forth of not going to
church until the fortieth or sixtieth day as
they say of the purification of their use this locution, saying “the dragon,
bodies. In that not only do they fail in the tiger, or crocodile is swallowing the
precept to hear mass but they also moon.” The Tagálogs also make use of
perform a Mosaic ceremony. it and say, Linamon laho bovan. It
appears that the Indians learned all this
The Indians are generally corrupted by from the Sangleys of China, where all
many errors, and it would take a long the abovesaid is performed and
time to mention them. Consequently, the executed to the letter. It is not right to
ministers will be very careful to uproot allow them to retain these deceits of the
them, for although it does not cause any Chinese, and not to teach them our
great harm in some because of their customs and truths. All the above
ignorance and lack of intelligence, in contents of this section is not universal
others they do cause great harm; for in all parts. Consequently, although all
example, Angel catutubo, which literally ministers ought to be careful to ascertain
signifies “that my guardian angel was whether they are or are not contained in
born with me or at the same time as I.” their ministries, they ought not to go
In order to avoid danger, one should ahead to censure what they are not sure
say, Angel taga tanor, and the same of, for that very thing would perhaps
thing in other languages. Finally, so teach them what we are endeavoring to
many are the superstitions, omens, and extirpate.
errors, that are found among the Indians
that it would be very difficult or
impossible to mention them all. The
above have been mentioned so that the
father ministers may examine others by
them. It is to be noted that there are
sectarians and preachers of various
false sects among the Indians,
especially in the distant provinces, either
because they had false sects formerly
and have continued them, or because
they took them (and this is more likely)
from the Joloans, Mindanaos, Sangleys,
and other heathen nations with whom
they are accustomed to have
intercourse. When the moon is eclipsed,
the Indians of various districts generally
go out into the street or into the open
fields, with bells, panastanes, etc. They
strike them with great force and violence
in order that they might thereby protect
the moon which they say is being eaten
or swallowed by the dragon, tiger, or
crocodile. And the worst thing is that if
they wish to say “the eclipse of the
moon” it is very common in Philipinas to