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INTRODUCTION

The new coronavirus pandemic of 2019 (COVID-19) is an unprecedented global public

health calamity in contemporary history. Aside from the biological setting, coping with it is a

challenge to psychological resilience given to the vast and long-term changes it may create in

daily life. The impact of information reporting on human behavior was heightened by the

COVID-19 pandemic, as individuals were compelled to swiftly adjust to a new health-

threatening scenario by depending on fresh information.  There are a few types of sources that

people tend to look for and these are: (1) word of mouth, (2) print media, (3) televisions and

radios, and (4) internet. Under internet based information, there are the official websites, and

social media. Evidence of the influence of social media on health knowledge, behavior, and

results has been published by scholars, indicating that these technologies can be helpful in

satisfying individual and public health demands. In addition to that, COVID-19 brought great

stress to the public and affected people’s mental health. High levels of worry, stress, and

depression have already been seen in the general population as a result of this pandemic

(Balasubramanian, et. al, 2020). The majority of research focuses on individual treatments and

techniques that differ greatly in emphasis, target demographic, theoretical foundations, manner

of delivery, functionality, and usability. Because of this large range, it is difficult to determine

what works and how, and efforts to compare techniques are problematic (Korda & Itani, 2013).

The purpose of this study was to investigate the impact of the types of sources older and younger

people used to obtain COVID-19 knowledge, to identify the impact of the information on the

general public's attitudes and actions, and to establish their coping methods.  
BODY

AGE DIFFERENCES IN INFORMATION SEEKING

According to one study, having alternative information access alone empowered older

people and boosted their degree of stability in the healthcare area (Manafo & Wong, 2012). But

Li Chu, PHD et al. (2021) argues that in comparison to the younger generation, the older adults

seek less information. Older folks may be more cautious in their information search and use

fewer sources. Furthermore, the information sources that older folks gravitate toward are more

likely to be people they know (Chu, PHD et al., 2021).

In the researches of Chu, PHD, et al. (2021), the findings demonstrated that older persons

acquired information from more sources than younger adults, lending credence to the second

theory. Allington et al. (2021) discovered that elderly people are more inclined to reject

conspiracy theories and participate in health-protective behaviors, maybe because they consume

more broadcast media and less social media. Furthermore, the partial mediation results showed

that older persons who got information from a broader range of sources had a higher degree of

anxiety, which contributed to them engaging in more protective health behaviors. Given that

WHO (2020) classified older adults as one of the most vulnerable demographics, it is probable

that older adults viewed COVID-19 information to be personally important, motivating them to

seek information from additional sources. COVID-19 information may have a stronger impact on

older people since the virus provides greater health risks to those with weakened immune

systems. 
SOURCES OF INFORMATION

The current sources of health information are numerous, and they all have an impact on

people's perceptions of medical expertise. Having a trustworthy source of health information is

crucial for establishing a solid basis of health awareness among the general population,

especially in light of the current internet and social media revolution (Alduraywish et al., 2020).

And because the virus has made the world shut itself off, in today's technologically advanced

society, the answer is the virtual world. As people try to preserve normalcy in their lives in the

face of pandemic limits, social networking, virtual meetings, online gaming, and online shopping

have become the "new normal" on a national and worldwide scale.

SOCIAL MEDIA

The internet makes information on COVID-19 more accessible, particularly for

individuals who are staying indoors due to the epidemic, with official public health

organizations' websites being the best source of online information about COVID-19 and how to

prevent it (Hernández-García & Giménez-Júlvez, 2020). Social media platforms are seen as

excellent methods for raising public awareness since they contribute to the real-time distribution

of information about the disease's current situation and provide suitable recommendations to the

public on how to avoid infection (Al-Dmour et al., 2021). According to Gluskin RT et al. (2014),

social media platforms provide beneficial climate and socioeconomic data. Furthermore, social

media platforms have been demonstrated to be an important source of communication that

allows for the development and transmission of information to individuals via the internet

(Laranjo et al., 2015; Kouri et al., 2017).

 Social media platforms are frequently used by the WHO, health care practitioners, and

regulatory bodies throughout the world to address critical public health concerns (Benetoli et al.,

2018). They may be used to educate citizens and health care professionals on a wide range of

issues, from antimicrobial resistance problems to adverse reaction reporting. The fundamental

focus of these activities is represented by awareness-building campaigns that take advantage of

social media platforms' huge scale, breadth of reach, and immediacy to communicate rapidly,

effectively, and efficiently.

However, misinformation about COVID-19 circulating on social media has become an

increasing concern as it may contribute negatively to older adults’ mental health, and lead people

to engage in too many or too few precautions (Cuello-Garcia et al., 2020; Garrett, 2020;

Schroyer, 2020). YouTube and Facebook have been highlighted as important channels for the

dissemination of conspiracy theories and misinformation on medical and other matters (AVAAZ,

2020; Bora et al., 2018; Buchanan & Beckett, 2014; Byford, 2011; Chaslot, 2017; Li et al., 2020;

Pandey et al., 2010; Pathak et al., 2015; Seymour et al., 2014; Sharma et al., 2017). Most Twitter

research indicates that it serves a similar role (Broniatowski et al., 2018; Kouzy et al., 2020;

Ortiz-Martínez & Jiménez-Arcia, 2017; Oyeyemi et al., 2014). However, while social media

disinformation is widespread and widespread, its impacts are difficult to quantify, and it is

unclear which groups are most vulnerable to its influence (Wang et al. 2019).

WORD OF MOUTH

 In one study (Chu, PHD, et al. 2021), elderly individuals were more likely than younger

adults to acquire information from close social partners (i.e., relatives and friends, either online
or in person). Individuals may then be motivated to speak with others in order to obtain

information or find help connected to their COVID-19 experiences as a result of their exposure

(Houston et al., 2018). More catastrophe exposure (e.g., injuries, loss of a loved one, property

damage) was connected with more interpersonal communication about the event following a

large tornado in Joplin, Missouri (Houston & Franken, 2015). Individuals may hear disturbing

portrayals of COVID-19 experiences from others while discussing COVID-19. As previously

stated in the media, troubled individuals may seek out talks about incidents such as COVID-19 in

order to process events or get help, therefore establishing a relationship between distress and

discourse (Houston & Franken, 2015).

MASS MEDIA

During the previous decade, we have seen conventional media constantly adapt to the

new communication reality brought about by the advent of social networks. Despite an

existential crisis at its inception, caused by the fear of losing relevance, its contents are now part

of users' informational diets and acquire importance when they are distributed by them.

Baraybar-Fernández et al. 2021 has stated that although the economic viability of these methods

is debatable, the hunt for virality or contagion that boosts the distribution of their news, and

hence their power, is undeniable. Income is important in business, but trust is the decisive value

of relationships, since individuals not only satisfy their demand for knowledge through

consumption, but they also enjoy its transmission and public judgment. A study has revealed that

the press sector was the one that achieved the best monitoring and engagement outcomes on

social networks in relation to their COVID-19 news (Baraybar-Fernández et al. 2021).

 Older adults acquired more information through traditional media (TV, radio, periodicals,

and newspapers) than younger individuals, which is likely due to the older generations'

familiarity with such sources (Chu, PHD et al., 2021). A considerable collection of research by

Houston et al. (2018) has revealed adverse mental health reactions related to paying more

attention to traditional media coverage of disasters (e.g., television, newspaper, radio).

IMPACT OF INFORMATION

Since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, the psychological and emotional impact is

also evident. Its emergence and spread create a lot of concern for people leading to increased

levels of anxiety (Roy et al., 2020). Receiving information from additional sources may have

emotional consequences since it is connected with a higher degree of fear; yet, such negative

feeling appears to inspire older persons to participate in more preventative health behaviors in

the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Shavit and Carstensen (2020) discovered in a recent

conference presentation that, while age was related with less change in attitude on activities,

older individuals were more willing to engage in activities after learning more about the

advantages of these activities. According to Dong and Zheng (2020), people demonstrated

heightened knowledge of the epidemic as well as emotional reactions (e.g., fear and worry) with

increasing media exposure. The findings of the research demonstrate that public awareness and

public health behavioral changes play an important mediating role in the link between the usage

of social media platforms and public health protection, however the degree of mediation was

only partial (Al-Dmour et al. 2021). 

 Direct COVID-19 exposure increased the incidence of depression and sleeplessness but

not clinical PTSS, for which the perceived impact on livelihood appeared to be more essential.

Data from studies have shown that direct exposure to COVID-19 elevated the risk for depression

and insomnia but not for clinical PTSS, for which the perceived impact on livelihood seemed

more important (Guo et al. 2021). Parents who were quarantined or whose family members were

quarantined for 2 weeks have higher levels of depression than those who had no family members

being quarantined, the recent study has found that although isolation reduced the spread of the

virus, it led to negative emotional experiences such as depression and anxiety (Yuan J. et al.,

2019).

The impact on livelihood was likewise linked to depression, but not to insomnia

(Polimanti et al., 2019). Wu et al. (2021) has stated that people’s incomes are affected to varying

degrees in the case of the pandemic. Families with a lower economic level will be more affected,

which may lead to more stress responses, anxiety and depression among these parents. The

possibility of poverty and worsening economic situations as a result of the epidemic appears to

be more pressing based on the surveys made by Guo et al. (2020).

COPING MECHANISMS

Increased mental health issues were linked to more extensive media exposure. Previous

pandemic research distinguished two forms of coping, namely general coping style and practical

coping behaviors were differentiated. According to Folkman and Lazarus (1988) general coping

style refers to the cognitive and behavioral patterns used to manage certain external and/or

internal pressures that are seen as taxing or even beyond an individual's resources, and has yet to
be examined in relation to mental health concerns in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.

And Marshall et al. (2009) has stated that practical coping practices pertain to how individuals

are likely to respond in the event of a pandemic. 

The neuroendocrine-immune system (Cao, 2020) as cited in the study of (Mehrsafar et.

al, 2020), which is involved in stress and stress resilience as well as coping techniques, has

recently been found to be severely suppressed by COVID-19 infection (Cao, 2020). COVID-19's

detrimental impact on these interactions and responses suggests stress vulnerability, which might

be detected using immunological and stress biomarkers (Simpson & Katsanis, 2020). 

The studies of Guo et al. (2020) found that a problem-focused coping style and positive

cognitions and prosocial coping behaviors predicted reduced mental health problems. Problem-

focused coping is a good technique that includes some active tactics such as researching various

solutions to the problem or seeking assistance from family or friends. Emotion-focused coping

emphasizes passivity and powerlessness, which exacerbates anxious and depressive feelings

(Lazarus, 1999). Not only students experienced stress but also teachers, parents and other health

care employees as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, which was related to poorer mental

health, coping, and teaching. At the same time, teachers reported resiliencies, which were related

to better coping and teaching (Baker et al., 2021). 

More emotion-focused coping behaviors, such as "crying, being angry, and yelling,"

"drinking," or "smoking," appeared to be associated with the highest risk for mental health

problems, but "praying," "taking more medicine," or "taking one's temperature" also increased

this risk, albeit to a lesser extent. Coping techniques such as "telling myself that things will be

better soon," "learning more about COVID-19," and "staying at home and observing the social
distance rule" were the most effective in lowering the likelihood of mental health problems. In

keeping with the beneficial impacts of problem-focused coping, Guo et al. (2020) discovered that

practical actions including focusing positive cognitions and learning more about the virus were

actually related with less mental health issues.

CONCLUSIONS

When there is a health crisis, there is generally a strong demand for information; there are

many unresolved questions, and individuals tend to rely on trusted sources. There are now

several information sources accessible for getting health-related information. As a result, the

significance of these sources during a global health crisis grows. Traditional media, such as

television and newspapers, for example, play a role in disseminating evidence-based information

to the public (Zarocostas, 2020). People may also seek information on COVID-19 from family

members, friends, and coworkers (Wang et al., 2020). Social media is also an important platform

for individuals to communicate their thoughts, beliefs, and attitudes on COVID-19 public health

policy (Pérez-Escoda et al. 2020).

Since the COVID-19 pandemic has rendered the general public to the comfort of their

homes, social media has been a primary source of updated information for everyone to read. The

COVID-19 pandemic posed significant concerns among students, especially among communities

in the Southern Philippines. Students understood how the virus is spread, its symptoms, and the

precautionary measures needed to be done by both individuals and the general community.

According to Korda et al. (2013), data on the influence of social media on health knowledge,

behavior, and results demonstrates that these tools can be helpful in satisfying individual and
public health demands. The majority of research focuses on individual treatments and techniques

that differ greatly in emphasis, target demographic, theoretical foundations, manner of delivery,

functionality, and usability. This vast range makes it difficult to determine what and how works,

and it hampers efforts to compare treatments.

In addition to this, the WHO said that the COVID-19 pandemic has been accompanied by

a "infodemic" of disinformation, making it difficult to access clear information, credible advice,

and trustworthy sources. Misinformation regarding the pandemic can represent a substantial risk

to public health and public activities, compromising public health efforts to mitigate the virus's

devastating impact. In this regard, ensuring that individuals have access to reliable information

that allows them to behave responsibly is a huge difficulty. From the three studies of Allington et

al. (2021), they demonstrate that conspiracy theories limit health-protective behaviors and that

social media serves as a channel for such perspectives. The studies found a positive relationship

between COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs and the use of social media as a source of information

about COVID-19, and a negative relationship between COVID-19 conspiracy beliefs and

COVID-19-specific health-protective behaviors, with the strongest negative effects associated

with beliefs implying that the coronavirus may not exist, that its lethality has been exaggerated,

or that its symptoms may have a non-viral causation (Allington et al., 2021).

The influence of these said negative and positive information ranges from actively doing

the health protocols to encountering mental health problems. The possible benefits of adopting

social media platforms in public health protection against pandemic illnesses include the

transmission of public health interventions, increased public awareness, promotion of healthy

behavior, improved health outcomes, and community health information (Al-Surimi et al., 2017;

Hassan et al., 2019; Pagoto et al., 2019; Alqutob et al., 2020; Fagherazzi et al., 2020; Lin et al.,
2020). Individuals actively strive to ease their dread of uncertainty about the future by acquiring

knowledge and engaging in sanitary actions. It also appeared to assist when participants

attempted to manage by adhering to pro-social distance and sanitary guidelines. According to a

recent study, personal psychoneuroimmunity preventative methods such as regular hand

cleanliness and using face masks might reduce the probability of persons experiencing mental

symptoms (Tan et al., 2020).

Direct COVID-19 exposure increased the incidence of depression and sleeplessness but

not clinical PTSS, for which the perceived impact on livelihood appeared to be more essential

(Guo et al., 2020). The impact on livelihood was likewise linked to depression, but not to

sleeplessness. First et al. (2020) also found that COVID-19 exposure was linked to increased

stress via an indirect pathway involving social media use and interpersonal contact. It's

conceivable that the participants' COVID-19-related interpersonal conversations were focused on

threats and worries connected to COVID-19 exposure, which may have fueled extra stress (First

et al. 2020). 

Along with the implications of the health crisis, particularly its effect on mental health,

people have turned towards coping mechanisms which help them function with normalcy on a

daily basis. The most effective coping strategies point to cognition, suggesting a potentially

promising role for reappraisal therapy or cognitive behavioral treatments in combating the

pandemic's severe mental health repercussions(Liu et al., 2019; Hofmann et al., 2021).

Furthermore, the beneficial function of social distance and hygiene norms may imply the need of

active, prosocial engagement in the containment or slowing down of viral infection, as well as

coping with the emotional weight of the pandemic. It may provide a sense of communal
empowerment and control over an otherwise overwhelming distressing event (Dickerson &

Kemeny, 2004).
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