Why Jat Reservations?

Author(s): AJIT KUMAR SINGH

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , APRIL 23-29, 2011, Vol. 46, No. 17 (APRIL 23-29,
2011), pp. 20-22
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41152125

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COMMENTARY

money has not been a problem at least process-oriented

Continuing with this absurd recom- for им model with all its
mendation, the report mentions: the established iims (Boruah 2011). frustrations and problems.
The donations so received by the iims from
Conclusions
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same in all these states. The general eco-

Why Jat Reservations?
AJIT KUMAR SINGH
Instead of the image of a
prosperous and dominant
community, the Jats of Uttar
Pradesh have socio-economic
indices comparable to Other
Backward Classes like the
Yadavas and Gujjars. The recent
protest by Jats in Uttar Pradesh
asking for OBC classification
and reservations in government
jobs is driven by the extended
government neglect of their
backwardness.
Ajit Kumar Singh {aksinghioi@frediffmail.com)the states of Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan mon perception, the Jats are regarded as
is at the Giri Institute of Development Studies,
Lucknow.
nomic condition of Jats is relatively better
in Punjab and Haryana as they have larger
landholdings. Religion-wise Jats belong to
the Hindu, Muslim and Sikh religions. In
the brahminical system Jats had an ill-
the Jats in Uttar Pradesh defined status and were put below the
upperand
(up) resorted to public protest castes, though not subject to prac-
blocked rail traffic on the Delhi tices like untouchability. Upper castes still
Lucknow route in support of their demand look down upon Jats as a rustic, uncul-
for reservation in central services. The tured and socially backward community.
state government deliberately took no In Rajasthan, which has the largest con-
steps to clear the rail tracks till the high
centration of Jats, they enjoyed a low social
court intervened to force the government status
to historically, except in the two princely
states of Alwar and Bharatpur. They were
take necessary steps in this direction. The
Jats have threatened to resume their agita-
mainly tenant farmers at the mercy of the
tion if their demand is not met in a time Thakur landlords and subject to social dis-
bound fashion. To many, the demand of the crimination. Rajasthan was the first state to
Jats for reservation did not seem justified, give Jats the Other Backward Classes (овс)
as in the public image they are a prosper- status for reservation. Later, the govern-
ous and dominant agricultural caste. A ments of Himachal Pradesh, up and mp also
question that needs to be asked in this con- granted овс status to Jats in their respec-
text is why are increasing number of com- tive states. The Central Backward Classes
munities resorting to violent agitation for Commission, which examined the issue of
reservation and competing with each other reservation for Jats in the late 1990s, found
to get the status of a backward class. This the demand of Jats of Rajasthan for reser-
article attempts to address this issue. vation to be justified. The commission gave
short shrift to the demand for reservation
Roots of the Agitation of Jats in up, without examining the ques-
The Jats constitute about 2% of country's tion in all its dimensions. Subsequently, on
population and are spread over several states the recommendation of the commission,
in north India from Jammu and Kashmir, Jats from Rajasthan were granted reserva-
Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, tion in central services also.
up, Madhya Pradegujash (mp) and Gujarat. To many the demand of Jats for reser-
There is a larger concentration on Jats in vation appears to be unjustified. In com-
a rich and dominant agricultural class.
and western up. Economically, politically
and socially the status of Jats is not the This is far from reality. The Jats are not a

20 apríl 23, 2011 vol XLVi no 17 ШШк Economic & Political weekly

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 COMMENTARY

The corresponding proportion was 2.5% of these three communities fall below the
homogeneous community economically
across or within states. Moreover, duefor
to Gujjars and 1.9% for Jats. Female illit- poverty line of one dollar per capita per
successive division of land among sons
eracy was also very high in all the three day expenditure.
communities, varying from 43.6% for Jats,
and the continued stagnation of the agricul- Yadava and Gujjar in up got the status
tural sector the economic condition of Jats
52.3% for Gujjars and 63% of Yadavas. of backward class much earlier and were
has deteriorated substantially over time.
All the three communities depend mainlythus in a better position to benefit from
The roots of the current agitation canonbeagriculture and animal husbandry asreservation. In our survey only 1.82% of the
traced to these changes. their main occupation. Yadava and Gujjar Jats were in government service, mostly in
communities were the main beneficiary of lower cadres. The corresponding figures
Profile of the Community Zamindari abolition and acquired land for Gujjar and Yadava workers were 1.72%
I have carried out a detailed study rights
of over substantial areas, which they and 2.99% respectively. In the category of
earlier cultivated as tenants. This led to
2,000 rural households in five districts private service too the proportion of Yadava
of Western up, namely, Muzaffarnagar,
their economic and educational develop-
and Gujjars was higher at 2.32% and 1.7%
Bulandshahr, Moradabad, Badaun and
ment over time. However, with continuous
as compared to only 1.3% for Jats.
Mathura. The findings of this study subdivision
are of landholdings among all the Thus, with a shrinking economic base
available in the book Socio-Economic Status in agriculture the rural communities, in-
sons under the prevailing law of inheritance,
the average size of landholdings havecluding Jats, are looking for other job ave-
of Farming Communities in Northern India
been declining over time. The average size
(Lucknow 2003). The study ranked 10 social nues. Reservation in government services
groups and castes in rural western upofin
holding in case of Gujjars, in our sample,
is one of the ways in which these aspirations
terms of 30 indicators of socio-economic
was 4.1 acre. The average holding of Jat are fulfilled. When a community feels that
development. A look at the findings of households
the was lower at 3.4 acres and that
other communities in their region who are
study would help us in understanding of Yadava still lower at 3 acres. Almost one
the economically and socially in similar con-
genesis of the current Jat agitation. half of the holdings, in the case of Jat
ditions are getting the benefits of reserva-
households and about two-thirds in the
For purpose of illustration, in this arti- tion, they also claim for the same status.
cle I have compared the status of three
case of Yadava households were below 2.5
Those among Jats who have got educated
castes, namely, Jat, Yadava and Gujjar. acres.
The The position of Gujjars is better, and
as obtained a government job also lend
sample consists of 409 Jat households, far support to this demand to ensure that
377 as ownership of land is concerned as
Yadava households and 179 Gujjar house-
compared to the other two communities.
their sons and daughters are not discrimi-
are such a small size of landholdings, nated
holds. In many ways the three castesWith it in the labour market.
similar to each other. Among the three,is no longer possible for the rural house-
as to live a decent life as farmers. The Government
holds
Yadava and Gujjar are generally accepted Neglect
belonging to backward castes. They were
problem has been further aggravated by
The issue of reservation in government jobs
given reservation in up government serv- is a much larger social issue and should
stagnation of agriculture during last two
ices much earlier. It was only the в jp gov- not be confused with better delivery of
decades and declining profitability of agri-
ernment led by Ram Prakash Gupta which
culture due to the rising cost of inputs. services or poverty alleviation programmes.
The average household income from
extended reservation to Jats. Many felt that In fact, it is not and cannot be a poverty
Jats did not deserve this status. In fact, a
agriculture per household in our sample
alleviation strategy as is sometimes wrongly
conceived. Reservation as an affirmative
was Rs 17,739, Rs 14,860 and Rs 12,934
sizeable section of relatively well-off Jats
for
also were not happy with their inclusion action is enshrined in our Constitution to
in Jat, Gujjar and Yadava households,
respectively. Yadava households also earn
the OBC category, which hurt their pride. ensure proper representation of economi-
However, as our study has shown that cally and socially backward classes who
much higher income from non-agricultural
there are no significant differences in activities
the like animal husbandry and busi-
are not well represented in government.
socio-economic status of the three commu-
ness. Total household income is lowest It is not only an employment issue but one
for Jat households (Rs 31,202) and highest
nities. In fact, in many respects Jats compare of wider participation in government and
for
unfavourably with the other two castes. A Yadava households (Rs 37,478), with
local institutions. Moreover, having a
Gujjar households falling in the middle
few facts taken out from the above study family member in the government service
will come as a surprise to many not well
(Rs 32,954). This comes to a monthly
especially in a higher position has a multi-
aware of the present ground reality. income per household of barely Rs 2,500 plier effect on the larger community over
Educationally all the three communities to Rs 3,000. Thus, the average income time as it helps in securing access to many
are backward. About half of the Yadava of the so-called rich agricultural class services
is and benefits which are normally
and one-third of Jat and Gujjar household less than that of a class iv employee denied.
of Reservation is not merely a ques-
members are illiterate. Very few are able the state government. In annual per capita
tion of poor economic condition but has to
to go up to the graduate level or above. income Yadava (Rs 6,514) and Gujjar be seen in the context of social deprivation
In this respect, the Yadavas are better (Rs 6,482) households enjoy higher in- together with economic condition. To hope
placed with 3.7% family members with come as compared to the Jat households that the various government programmes
education up to graduate level and above. (Rs 5,849)· Thus, most of the households
aimed at promoting socio-economic uplift

Economic & Political weekly ШЗЕЭ april 23, 2011 vol xlvi no 17 21

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 COMMENTARY =

of delayed and unresponsive

the rural for reservation, at different forums,
approach of the peo for
need
government.and nearly theclamo
The governments, both at past two decades. The lack of
argued by
the central and the state levels, sleep over some,
response from the government has forced
demand for
the legitimate demands of the people, them to resort to the present
till resecourse of
onlythey findwhen agitation. The government
an expression in such violence. our should devel- e
These demand jobs
cient become more vociferous for
op a responsive and timely way of dealing al
has not
just with the demands of the various castes
before the elections because the happen
lead-
highers, as well
growth and communities in an objective
as the people, rightly feel that in manner r
Violent based on detailed surveys and studies,
the government is willing to listenprotest
to
and road traffic and the destruction of them more sympathetically during such
rather than wait for the time till the prob-
public property are encouraged by the lem becomes explosive.
times. Jats have been raising the demand

Understanding Mobile Phone

pp 31-32). India follows the latter refer-
ence level. The committee has now sug-

Radiation and Its Effects gested that the radio frequency exposure
limits in India may be lowered to i/ioth of
the existing reference level. The existing
standards are based on thermal limits and
MANASI DASH, ARUN MEHTA do not address non-thermal exposures.
The committee in its report says that the
There is as yet no conclusive Department of Telecommuni- hot tropical climate of the country, low body

evidence of an adverse effect of
mobile phone use on people's
health. An inter-ministerial
committee has, however, asked
cations (dot) has said it is going to mass index (bmi), low fat content of an
issue orders to the mobile handset average Indian as compared to European
manufacturers, to prominently displayand high environmental concentration of
the Specific Absorption Ratio (sar) levels radio frequency radiation may place Indians
on the packing, so that it is readily available under greater risk of such radiation.

that mobile phone manufacturersto the consumer at the point of sale. The
prominently display certain
health-related technical
features. With telecom use
exploding in India and with the
haphazard growth of the telecom
infrastructure (mobile towers)
it helps to be careful in using
With this the government seems to
sar is a measure of the amount of radio accept that exposure to "unsafe" radiation
frequency energy absorbed by the body
levels might be harmful. Last year a study
when a handset is in use. Lower number commissioned by Tehelka magazine found
indicates a lower radiation exposure risk. that four-fifths of the capital's area was
exposed to "unsafe" radiation levels.
On 13 January 2010 an inter-ministerial
committee submitted its report on electro-
Mobile Phone Radiation
magnetic frequency radiation to the dot.1
The committee has said that radiation can Mobile phones emit signals via radio
cause thermal effects by holding mobile waves, which comprise radio frequency

mobile phones.
Maňasi Dash (manasidash4@gmailcom)
and Arun Mehta (arun.mehta@gmail.com)
are with the Bidirectional Access Promotion
Society, New Delhi.
phones close to the body. It can also cause energy, a form of electromagnetic radia-
non-thermal effects, which may result in tion. The radiation is transmitted by the
burning and tingling sensations on the antenna and the circuitry inside the mo-
skin of the head, fatigue, sleep distur- bile handset. This radiation is not direc-
bance, dizziness, lack of concentration, tional, which means that it propagates in
ringing in the ears, reaction time, loss of all directions more or less equally. Factors
memory, headache, disturbance in diges- such as the type of digital signal coding in
tive system and heart palpitation, etc. the network, the antenna design and its
Higher the sar level of a handset, more position relative to the head determine
are the chances of health hazards. The how much radiation is absorbed by the
committee recommends buying a mobile user of the mobile phone.
phone with low sar. The sar of a mobile phone is defined by
At present we follow the International the American National Standards Insti-
Commission on Non-Ionising Radiation tute (ansi) as "the time rate at which radio
Protection (icnirp) guidelines for radia- frequency electromagnetic energy is im-
tion, which allow a radiation rate of 4.5parted to an element or mass of a biologi-
watts/sq metre at 900 mhz and 9.2 watts/ cal body. It is expressed as energy flow
sq metre at 1,800 mhz to be emitted from (power) per unit of mass in units of w/kg."
cell phone towers (Inter-ministerial Report, When referring to human tissue, this

22 apríl 23, 2011 vol XLVi no 17 E33S3 Economic & Political weekly

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