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Barbarian kingdoms
The barbarian kingdoms,[1][2][3]
also known as the post-Roman
kingdoms,[4] the western
kingdoms[2] or the early
medieval kingdoms, [2] were the
states founded by various non-
Roman, primarily Germanic, peoples
in Western Europe and North Africa
following the collapse of the Western
Roman Empire in the fifth
century.[1][2][3] The formation of the
barbarian kingdoms was a
complicated, gradual and largely
unintentional process, as the Roman
state failed to handle barbarian
migrants on the imperial borders, Political map of Europe, North Africa and the Middle East in 476,
leading to both invasions and showing the remaining Eastern Roman Empire in the Eastern
invitations into imperial territory, but Mediterranean and the various new kingdoms in the territory of the
simultaneously denied barbarians the former Western Roman Empire
ability to properly integrate into the
imperial framework. The influence of
barbarian rulers, at first local warlords and client kings without firm connections to any territories,
increased as Roman emperors and usurpers used them as pawns in civil wars. It was only after the
collapse of effective Western Roman central authority that the barbarian realms transitioned into
proper territorial kingdoms.

The barbarian kings of the west drew on legitimacy through connecting themselves to the Roman
Empire in order to strengthen their rule. Virtually all of them assumed the style dominus noster
("our lord"), previously used by the emperors, and many assumed the praenomen Flavius, borne
by virtually all Roman emperors in late antiquity. The kings typically also assumed a subordinate
position in diplomacy with the remaining Eastern Roman Empire. The barbarian kings also
adopted many aspects of the late Roman administration, but the old Roman system gradually
dissolved and disappeared over the centuries, accelerated by periods of political turmoil. The
major difference between the administration of the old Western Roman Empire and the new royal
administrations was their scale, as the barbarian governments, on accounts of controlling
significantly less territory, were less deep and less complex. As a result, there was a considerable
breakdown in living standards as well as social and economic complexity. For the most part, the
barbarian kingdoms were highly fragile and ephemeral. By the time of the coronation of
Charlemagne, king of the Franks, as emperor in 800, the event usually seen as marking the end of
the age of the barbarian kingdoms, only the Frankish kingdom remained out of the once vast and
diverse network of kingdoms.

Contents
Formation
Roman heritage and continuity
Administrative continuity
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Roman legitimacy
Possibility of imperial restoration
Culture
End of the barbarian kingdoms
See also
Notes
References
Bibliography

Formation
The rise of the barbarian kingdoms in the territory previously
governed by the Western Roman Empire was a gradual,
complex and largely unintentional process.[5] The starting
point of the process that led to their formation were the
migrations of large numbers of barbarian (i.e. non-Roman)
peoples into the territory of the Roman Empire. The
migrations were spurred by both invasions and invitations.
Inviting peoples from beyond the imperial frontier to settle
Roman territory was not a new policy, but something that had
been done several times by emperors in the past, mostly for
economic, agricultural or military purposes. The capacity for
immigration in a state as large and powerful as the Roman
Empire was nearly infinite, but several events and accidents in
the fourth through fifth centuries complicated the situation.[5]

In 376, the Visigoths, fleeing before the Ostrogoths, who in

20th-century painting of Alaric I,turn were fleeing before the Huns, were allowed to cross the
leader of the Visigoths 395–410, Danube river and settle in the Balkans by the government of
entering Athens after capturing the
the Eastern Roman Empire. Mistreatment of the Gothic
city in 395 refugees caused a full-scale rebellion, and in 378 they inflicted
a crippling defeat on the Eastern Roman field army in the
Battle of Adrianople, in which Emperor Valens (r.  364–378)
was also killed. The defeat at Adrianople was shocking to the Romans, and forced them to
negotiate with and settle the Visigoths within the borders of the Empire, where they would become
semi-independent foederati under their own leader.[6] Roman civil wars in the late 4th century, as
well as periods of cold war between the imperial courts of the Western and Eastern Roman
empires allowed the Visigoths under their leader Alaric I (r. 395–410) to become an active force in
imperial politics, only tenuously linked to the imperial government itself.[5] The arrival of the
Visigoths in the Balkans was followed by the Alans, Vandals and Suebi migrating into Gaul
between 405 and 407 in the crossing of the Rhine.[5] Though the barbarians on the Rhine were
effectively kept in check and managed by the usurper-emperor Constantine III (r.  407–411), the
end of his reign due to further internal Roman conflict led to the tribes being able to penetrate
deep into Gaul and Hispania.[7]

With the barbarians settling within the imperial borders in large numbers, the second stage in the
formation of the barbarian kingdoms was imperial acceptance of the status quo. Though Romans
did not see the existence of the barbarian realms as desirable, they began to be tolerated through
the 420s and 430s.[5] It was not the goal of either the Romans or the barbarians to found lasting
territorial kingdoms in the sense of replacing the imperial government; their formation derived

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not from an interest by the barbarians in

founding them but rather from failures in
Roman governance and the failure to grant the
barbarian rulers a place within the Roman
imperial systems.[8] The early barbarian kings
were tolerated only on the terms of the empire.
Early kingdoms, such as those of the Suebi and
Vandals in Hispania, were relegated to the
edges of less important provinces. In 418,
Emperor Honorius (r.  393–423) settled the
Visigoths in Aquitania in southern Gaul, the
beginning of the Visigothic Kingdom. The
Romans envisioned the settlement as a
provisional settlement of loyal clients of the
imperial government, whose support could be
relied on in internal struggles, and not a ceding
of territory given that the imperial government
was also envisioned as continuing in the
granted lands.[7] Though Roman generals in
the time of Honorius had worked to curb the
influence and power of the barbarian kings, the Map of the Western Roman Empire (red), and the new
number of civil wars that followed Honorius's barbarian kingdoms in the west, in 460
death made the status of the barbarians a
secondary concern. Instead of suppressing the
barbarian kings, emperors and usurpers in the 4th century viewed them as useful internal
players.[9]

The third stage was the imperial government of the Western Roman Empire recognizing that it
could no longer effectively administrate its territories. This led the empire to cede effective control
of more lands to the barbarian kings, whose realms now formed a permanent part of the
landscape, though this did not mean that the lands within the former imperial borders ceased to be
part of the empire on a conceptual level.[5] Treaties made with the Visigoths in 439 and the
Vandals, who had conquered North Africa, in 442 effectively recognized the rulers of those peoples
as territorial governors of parts of imperial territory, ceasing the pretension of active imperial
administration. These treaties, though not seen as irrevocable, laid the foundations of true
territorial kingdoms.[10]

Almost nowhere in the west were the kings firmly linked to territorial kingdoms until the very late
fifth century or even later.[11] The fourth and final stage in the formation of the barbarian
kingdoms was the barbarian kings, left to their own devices, slowly losing the habit of waiting for
the empire to again function properly and instead starting to take on the roles of the former
emperors, becoming proper territorial kings.[5] This process was only possible through the
acceptance of the barbarian rulers by local Roman aristocrats, who in many cases supported the
barbarian kings as they saw the possibility of restored Western Roman central control as an
increasingly futile prospect.[12] The exact process in which the barbarian kings took on certain
functions and prerogatives previously ascribed to the Roman emperors is not entirely clear but it
was a highly drawn-out process.[13] Alaric I, the generally recognised first king of the Visigoths, is
only seen as a king retroactively; contemporary sources call him only dux or at times hegemon,
and he did not rule a kingdom, but rather spent much of his career unsuccessfully trying to
integrate himself into the Roman imperial system as a Roman military officer. The earliest
Visigoth ruler to unambiguously call himself king, and to issue documents from something
resembling an imperial chancery, was Alaric II (r. 484–507), though contemporary writings allude

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to widespread acceptance and recognition of a Visigothic kingdom in Gaul by the 450s.[14] The
Visigoths did not establish a secure power-base as a consciously post-imperial kingdom until the
560s under Liuvigild, after slow and often brutal conquests in Hispania.[11]

Roman heritage and continuity

Administrative continuity

Although power was dispersed from a single capital, such as Rome or Ravenna, to local kings and
warlords, the apparatus of the former Roman imperial government fundamentally continued to
function in the west as the new barbarian rulers adopted many aspects of the late Roman
administration.[4][1] Roman law continued to remain the predominant legal system in the west
through the fifth and sixth centuries. Several barbarian kings showing interest in legal matters and
issuing their own law codes, developed based on Roman law.[15] Initially, towns and cities, the
main building blocks of the Roman Empire, remained the building blocks of the barbarian
kingdoms as well. The old Roman imperial administrative framework dissolved and disappeared
only gradually in a slow process spanning centuries, at times accelerated due to political
upheaval.[16]

The major difference between the Roman imperial administration and the new royal
administrations that meant to imitate and replicate it was their scale. Without a central imperial
court, and officers that linked the governments of the different provinces together, the
administration in the kingdoms was flattened. Compared to the Roman Empire, the governments
of the barbarian kingdoms were as such significantly less deep and less complex.[13] This
breakdown in Roman order had the side effect of resulting in a marked decline in living standards,
as well as a marked collapse in economic and social complexity.[16]

Roman legitimacy

In the aftermath of the collapse of the Western Roman Empire,

the various barbarian rulers in Western Europe made an effort
to strengthen legitimacy by adopting certain elements of the
former empire. The title most widely used by the kings was rex,
which formed a basis of authority that they could use in
diplomacy with other kingdoms and the surviving imperial Coin of Desiderius, king of Italy
court in Constantinople.[17] Although some Eastern Roman 756–774, with the inscription DN
authors, such as Procopius, described rex as a 'barbarian term', DESIDER REX (dominus noster
it had at points in the past sometimes been used to describe Desiderius rex)
Roman emperors and clearly indicated that the barbarian
rulers were sovereign rulers, though not with authority
eclipsing that of the emperor in Constantinople.[18] Many, but not all, of the barbarian kings used
ethnic qualifiers in their title, the Frankish kings for instance rendering their title as rex
Francorum ("king of the Franks"). The rulers of Italy, where the pretense of Roman continuity was
especially strong, are notable in that they only rarely used ethnic qualifiers.[19]

In addition to rex, the barbarian rulers also assumed a selection of Roman imperial titles and
honours. Virtually all of the barbarian kings assumed the style dominus noster ("our lord"),[a]
previously used only by Roman emperors, and nearly all of the Visigothic kings and the barbarian
kings of Italy (up until the end of the Lombard kingdom) used the praenomen Flavius, borne by
virtually all Roman emperors in late antiquity.[21] The early barbarian rulers were careful to

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maintain a subordinate position to the emperors in Constantinople, and were in turn sometimes
recognised with various honours by the emperors,[22] in effect being highly autonomous client
kings.[23]

Possibility of imperial restoration

In the early 6th century, the most powerful kings in Western

Europe were Theodoric the Great of Italy and Clovis I of the
Franks. Both rulers received honours and recognition by the
imperial court in Constantinople, which granted them a certain
degree of legitimacy and was used to justify territorial
expansion.[23] Theodoric was recognised as a patrician by
Emperor Anastasius I, who also returned the western imperial
regalia, in Constantinople since 476, to Italy.[22] These regalia
were worn by Theoderic on occasions, and some of his Roman
subjects referred to him as an emperor,[b] but he appears to
himself only have used the title rex,[24] careful not to insult the At his realm's height in 523,
emperor. [25] After the Franks defeated the Visigoths at the Theodoric the Great ruled the
Battle of Vouillé in 507, Clovis was recognised by Anastasius as Ostrogoths of Italy, was regent for
honorary consul, a patrician and a client king. [23] Like Hispania's Visigoths and had forced
Theoderic, some of the subjects of Clovis also referred to him the Burgundians and Vandals to pay
as an emperor, rather than king, though he never adopted that tribute.
title himself. If Theodoric and Clovis had gone to war against
each other, something that appeared likely many times, it is
conceivable that either would have re-established the Western Roman Empire under their own
rule.[26] Though no war happened, such developments worried the eastern emperors, who after
seeing how their granted honours could be seen as imperial "stamps of approval" never granted
them to the same extent again.[23] Instead, the eastern empire began to emphasise its own
exclusive Roman legitimacy, which it would continue to do for the rest of its history.[26]

In the 6th century, Eastern Roman historians began to describe the west as "lost" to barbarian
invasions, rather than the barbarian kings having been settled by the Romans themselves, a
development termed the "Justinianic ideological offensive" by modern historians.[26] Though the
rise of the barbarian kingdoms in the place of the western empire was far from an entirely peaceful
process, the idea of "barbarian invasions" bringing a sudden and violent end to the world of
antiquity, once the widely accepted narrative among modern historians, does not satisfactorily
describe the period. Ascribing the end of the Western Roman Empire to "barbarian invasions"
ignores the diversity of the new kingdoms in favor of a homogenous non-Roman barbarism and
ignores any analysis in which the empire could be seen as complicit in its own collapse.[27]

Culture
Despite being divided into several smaller realms, the populace of the barbarian kingdoms
maintained strong cultural and religious connections with each other, and continued to speak
Latin.[1] The barbarian kings adopted both Christianity (at this point firmly established as the
Roman religion) and the Latin language themselves, thus inheriting and maintaining Rome's
cultural heritage. At the same time, they also remained connected to their non-Roman identity and
made efforts to establish their own distinct identities.[4] The Eastern Roman Empire emphasizing
its own unique Roman legitimacy, sometimes through waging war on the barbarian kingdoms, and
the barbarian ruling class and Roman population merging ethnically, led to the gradual

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disappearance of Roman identity in the west.[28][29] The fading connectivity to the Roman Empire
and the political division of the west led to a gradual fragmentation of culture and language,
eventually giving rise to the modern Romance peoples and Romance languages.[30]

End of the barbarian kingdoms

The barbarian kingdoms proved to be extremely
fragile states.[31] Even out of the most powerful and
longest-lasting kingdoms, those of the Visigoths,
Franks and Lombards, only that of the Franks
survived the Early Middle Ages.[32] The Visigothic
realm collapsed already in the sixth century and
had to be restored almost from scratch under
Liuvigild in the 560s and 570s. It was finally
destroyed when it was conquered by the Umayyad
Caliphate in the early 8th century. In a series of
wars in the 6th century, the Eastern Roman Empire Political map of Europe in 814
under Justinian I (r.  527–565) conquered and
destroyed the kingdoms of the Vandals in Africa
and that of the Ostrogoths in Italy. Most of the smaller kingdoms in Gaul were conquered and
absorbed into the Frankish kingdom or disappear from historical sources entirely.[31]

The new realms that emerged in the seventh through ninth centuries represented a new order
largely disconnected from the old Roman world. The Umayyad Caliphate, which conquered
Hispania from the Visigoths and North Africa from the Eastern Romans, made no pretences of
Roman continuity. The Lombard kingdom, though often counted among the other barbarian
kingdoms, ruled an Italy destroyed by conflict between the Ostrogoths and the Eastern Roman
Empire.[31] Their rule in Italy came to an end when their kingdom was conquered by the Franks in
774.[33] The small successor kingdoms of the Visigoths in Hispania, the predecessors of medieval
kingdoms such as León, Castile and Aragon, were fundamentally sub-Frankish, culturally and
administratively closer to the Frankish kingdom than the fallen Visigothic realm.[31]

As the sole survivor of the old kingdoms, the Frankish realm provided the model of early medieval
kingship that would later inspire medieval monarchs throughout the rest of the medieval
period.[11] Though the Frankish rulers remembered Roman ideals and often aspired to vague ideas
of imperial restoration, the centuries of their rule had transformed the governance of their
kingdom into something that resembled the Roman Empire very little. The new form of
government was a personal one, based on powers of and relationships between individuals, rather
than the heavily administrated, judicial and bureaucratic system of the Roman Empire.[31] The
time of the barbarian kingdoms came to an end with the coronation of Charlemagne, king of the
Franks, as Roman emperor by Pope Leo III in 800,[34] in opposition to the authority of the
remaining Eastern Roman Empire.[35] Charlemagne's Carolingian Empire, a predecessor of France
and Germany, was in reality more similar to a collection of kingdoms united only by
Charlemagne's authority than a realm with a meaningful connection to the old Western Roman
Empire.[36]

See also
Early Middle Ages Migration Period
Byzantine Empire under the Justinian Dark Ages (historiography)
dynasty Core Europe
History of Europe Germanic Europe

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Latin Church Germanic Heroic Age

Late antiquity Timeline of Germanic kingdoms in the
Germanic Christianity Iberian Peninsula

Notes
a. Dominus noster continued to be used throughout Western Europe for centuries. For rulers of
Italy, the style is recorded as late as under Desiderius (r. 756–774), the last Lombard king of
Italy, whose coins style him as dominus noster Desiderius rex.[20]
b. For instance, an inscription by Caecina Mavortius Basilius Decius (western consul in 486,
praetorian prefect of Italy 486–493) refers to Theoderic as dominus noster gloriosissimus
adque inclytus rex Theodericus victor ac triumfator semper Augustus.[24]

References
1. Croke 2003, p. 349. 19. Gillett 2002, pp. 113–114.
2. Kulikowski 2012, p. 31. 20. Gillett 2002, pp. 91–105.
3. Delogu 2002, p. 84. 21. Gillett 2002, p. 116.
4. Ghosh 2009, p. 1. 22. Bury 2005, pp. 422–424.
5. Kulikowski 2012, p. 41. 23. Mathisen 2012, pp. 105–107.
6. Katz 1955, pp. 88–89. 24. Jones 1962, p. 128.
7. Kulikowski 2012, p. 42. 25. Hen 2018, p. 66.
8. Kulikowski 2012, p. 33. 26. Halsall 2018, p. 52.
9. Kulikowski 2012, p. 43. 27. Kulikowski 2012, pp. 31–32.
10. Kulikowski 2012, p. 45. 28. Halsall 2018, p. 53.
11. Kulikowski 2012, p. 40. 29. Parker 2018, pp. 7, 10.
12. Kulikowski 2012, p. 47. 30. Pohl 2018, pp. 4, 15–18, 38–39.
13. Kulikowski 2012, p. 48. 31. Kulikowski 2012, p. 50.
14. Kulikowski 2012, p. 36. 32. Kulikowski 2012, pp. 32, 34.
15. Kulikowski 2012, p. 49. 33. Muldoon 1999, p. 47.
16. Kulikowski 2012, p. 32. 34. Bickmore 1857, Table III.
17. Halsall 2018, p. 51. 35. Nelsen & Guth 2003, p. 5.
18. Gillett 2002, pp. 118–119. 36. Delogu 2002.

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