16 Black Space Production in Andean
Societies
How Africans and Their Descendants
Shaped Lima’s San Lazaro Neighborhood
Leo J. Garofalo
Africans and Afro-descendants played key roles in Iberian conquests, colo-
nization, and Christianization in the Americas, Africa, and the Pacific; but
European accounts and modern national narratives render this significant
contribution virtually invisible. Revealing the production of black spaces in
the colonial Andes challenges official national discourses that invisbilize
Afro-descendants and whiten history, often with a mestizaje that blends
Europeans with indigeneity while keeping blackness at bay. Instead of spaces
for black nucleation or isolation, these ongoing and complex processes pro-
duced opportunities for Africans and African descendants to interact and
negotiate with other socio-cultural and political actors in the racial and
spatial order. Documenting Africans’ actions both in early modern Iberia
and the colonial Andes challenges historical amnesia and the logic of elim-
ination, provides examples of the conquest and colonization history missing
in textbooks and museums, and offers strategies for self-recognition, restor-
ing Afro-Latin Americans as historical agents. The Lima neighborhood of
San Lazaro in Peru opens a window into both the struggle over markerplace
ower and debates about the city’s proper resident, situated as it was close
to the center of colonial power.
Africans and Their Descendants in the Andes
People of the African diaspora arrived in the central and southern Andes in
the 1500s and 1600s as diverse peoples distinguished by ethnicities, places of
origin, religion, social status and occupation, and legal status. That diversity
endured in many eases or took on new meanings in the Andean context. Yet,
colonial legislation and che practices of royal, municipal, and Church autho-
tities treated Africans as a more homogeneous group than they actually were,
Even indigenous clites participated in creating a partcula: set of images —
almost archetypes — of Africans in the Andes. Without a doubs, certain
necessities compelled many of these same Africans to play an active part in the
homogenization of Afro-Andeans into groups such as ‘bozales’ (i.e. born in
Africa) and ‘criollos,’ ‘negros’ and ‘mulatos,” or some of the more locally
ddominane and recognized African ethnic groupings or slave trade categories.Black Space Production in Andean Societies 211
‘This creation of Afro-Andean identities in places like Lima and Cuzco
unfolded alongside the local social histories and events that defined Afro-
‘Andean places in markets, neighborhoods, religious life, and local labor sys~
tems, Not only did interactions with colonial authorities and elites play roe in
‘Afro-Andeans finding these places for themselves in colonial life, but indigenous
commoners, mestizos and other castas, and various kinds of colonists and
Spanish plebeians also engaged daily with Afticans in the Andes to shape their
roles in society and places in the urban environment. Recent research explores
the cteation of both identcies and places for Afro-Andeans in the coatext of
neighborhoods, taverns, markets, and ritual practices in the Lima and Cuzco
areas in the early and mid-colonial periods (See McKinley 2016; Jouve Martin
2005). Archival cases show Affo-Andeans actively involved in shaping some of
Lima's neighborhoods, local markets, commercial establishments, religious
institutions, and popular ritual traditions (other studies thar draw on these cases
are Arrelucea Barrantes 2018, Van Duesen 2004, and Garofalo 2006).
Peru’s sixteenth-century capital Lima came to house the viceroy, the highest
law courts, convents, merchant houses, artisans’ guilds printing presses, schools,
and a univers. Lima and its nearby port, Callao, also arose as the Pacific
oast’s main population and market center, a place where many groups came
together, crossed paths, or settled. Factious colonizers from various regions of
Iberia, thousands of west and central African people laboring as servants and
enslaved workers, enslaved and formerly enslaved Asians and Amerindians, and
‘numerous indigenous migrants engulfed ~ and soon outnumbered ~ the indigen-
‘ous fshing and farming communities native to Lima’s custer of irigated valleys,
although indigenous people's economic functions always remained important to
Lima's development.
Beginning in the 1530s, royal grants permitted the importation of enslaved
African people to Lima, Periodic labor shortages and a concentration o! wealth
and salaried crown and Church administrators encouraged steady importation;
therefore, bythe 1600s, blacks made up the majority of the valleys’ producers and
consumers, In 1554, the total enslaved African population of Lima numbered
approximately 1,539. By 1593, blacks and mulatos numbered 6,690 in a city of
12.790, others lived on che valleys’ farms and plantations, perhaps seaching.
20,000 (Bowser 1974:338-39, 341. In 1636, the Archbishop of Lima listed in the
city 13,620 blacks, 11,088 Spanish, 1,426 Indians, 861 mulatos, 377 mestizos, and
twenty-two enslaved Asians. By 1700, the city’s total population climbed ro
37,234, sill maintaining a black majority. The group of African heritage encom.
passed people of different origins and a mix of freed and enslaved, skiled and
unskilled workers. Notaries recorded twenty-one ethnic names (Bowser
1974346).
Despite the high number of Afto-Peruvians, neither the forced labor system
known as the ‘mita’ nor slavery ever fully guaranteed enough workers.
‘Therefore, indigenous people arriving in the capital outside the mita usually
found abundant, slightly beter paid manual work. Indian forasteros con-
stituted the third source of Lima's non-Spanish labor. Black workers, local212 Leo J. Garofalo
indigenous residents, and forasteros all appeared in the mercados de plaza,
fields, and fishing crews provisioning the city. Therefore, Afro-Peruvian
‘majorities and indigenous migrants together altered the ethno-racial makeup
and cultural composition of Lima. The San Lizaro neighborhood epitomizes
this process of producing Andean space.
‘The Struggle over the San Lézaro Neighborhood
The creation of the multi-ethnic San Lizaro parish illustrates the key role
Africans played in fashioning and occupying a place in Andean urban colonial
sociery. The 1590 eviction of San Lizaro’s original indigenous traders and
vendors of chicha (an alcoholic drink usually made from fermenting corn) also
pitted different groups of colonial rulers against each other. More importantly,
the San Lizaro case demonstrated how Native Andeans and Afro-Peruvians
began to forge their own ways of interacting with one another and trading,
although not without occasional clashes. Like the colonial elites, the multi
ethnic commoners were not a united group.
People of African heritage and people of mixed heritage had long compli-
cated the neat division of the colonial population into two cepublics. Peru's