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minorities? Why?
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Introduction
To endorse an electoral system that can best represent the electorates represents a desideratum for
every electoral democracy. Therefore, in conjunction with the emergence of newer democracies
which has raised awareness concerning the significance of creating a stable politics that can address
the needs of various groups, electoral-system design is increasingly recognised as the key lever that
can be used to improve the political accommodation of women and offer stability in an ethnically
divided society (Canon, 1999). This essay will therefore argue in favour of the conventional
wisdom which posits that the proportional representation (PR) system is a better electoral system to
recognise that women will perform better in closed-list PR system against the backdrop of gender
inequality, while whether PR is the best for the representation of ethno-national minorities will
depend on their spatial distribution and level of assimilation. This essay will first define the
different forms of electoral systems and representations before pitting the PR system against the
majoritarian system to highlight the theoretical benefits of the PR system in empowering both
women and ethno-national minorities. This essay will then scrutinise the effectiveness of the PR
system by considering its application in different social contexts. Lastly, the essay will conclude
that the adoption of a PR electoral system will contribute to the advancement of women’s political
participation, while a proportional representative system will not always be advantageous for ethnic
minority groups.
The key difference between proportional representative and majoritarian electoral systems lies in
the district magnitude, that is the number of seats per constituency (Salmond, 2006). In a
majoritarian system – first-past-the-post, alternative vote – where only one member is elected
(single-member district, SMD), the district magnitude will be one; therefore, a majoritarian system
would require the candidate to either win a plurality or absolute majority (Norris, 1997). In the case
of a plurality election (first-past-the-post), the candidates neither have to pass a minimum threshold
of votes nor do they require an absolute majority to be elected; in fact, one or more votes than their
closest rival will guarantee their electoral victory (Norris, 1997). Consequently, the majoritarian
system produces an effective working parliamentary majority at the expense of penalising those at
the bottom of the poll - often the minority party (Cannon, 1999; Norris, 1997). Alternatively, under
any proportional system, the total number of seats in a constituency received by each party is
proportional to the share of the popular votes it received (Norris, 1997; Gallagher, Mitchell, 2005).
Therefore, they may provide a more efficient voice for the marginalised social groups in a majority
rule political system (Canon, 1999). Overall, electoral rules are not neutral when determining how
votes are translated into seats, thus the distinction implies that some groups, parties, and
representatives will be ruled into the policy-making process, while some are ruled out (Norris,
1997).
The utilisation of different electoral systems will also influence both descriptive and substantive
representation of women and ethno-national minorities. The former refers to the extent to which the
representatives resemble those being represented (Suzanne, 2018). Indeed, prejudices in the process
of candidate selection and gender norms in contemporary society served as barriers to effective
descriptive representation of women and ethno-national minorities where they are less likely to be
chosen as suitable candidates (Maguire, 2018). The latter, however, is an active form of
representation that is mainly concerned with the activity of the representatives - that is the actions
taken in the interest of the represented (Suzanne, 2018). The ideal electoral system should,
therefore, be one that is capable of helping women break through their glass ceiling within
legislatures and one that serve to include rather than assimilate the voices of the ethnic minorities;
The PR system can better enhance the representation of ethno-national minorities and women to
achieve higher legislative representation than is possible under the plurality system due to the
different incentives they create for candidate selection (Sawer, 2022). Given that the party-list
system permits a broader range of candidates to be nominated, there are more opportunities for
social engineering through ticket balancing (Salmond, 2006). Indeed, the greater visibility of the
whole slate of candidates meant that political parties are incentivised to produce a “balanced ticket”
that reflects the broad spectrum of voters to maximise their appeal (Bird, 2004); in fact, the absence
of a small number of women on a national electoral list could be a negative factor for some of the
electorate (European parliament, 1997). This is also true for the representation of ethno-national
minorities as political parties attempt to capture ethnic voting blocs since even a small increase in a
party’s vote share could mean more legislative seats in the proportional system (Moser, 2008). In
contrast, the slate of candidates cannot be balanced by gender and race within a single-member
district as only one candidate can be elected; she is either a woman or he is not, he or she is either a
minority or he or she isn’t (Salmond, 2006). Therefore, balancing acts becomes easier as district
magnitude increases since the demands for representation of women, rural communities, and ethnic
The fact that only one candidate is elected in a pluralist election also meant that a heavier emphasis
is placed on an individual’s characteristics than on the parties; the candidate’s sex and ethnicity
could therefore play an important role under proportional arrangements (Profeta, Woodhouse 2022).
Indeed, Reynold (1999, 555) argues that party leaders are more inclined to nominate lowest-
common-denominator candidates with the broadest appeal, experience, or voter base within a
pluralist election and such candidates are rarely women or ethnic minorities since they are perceived
as less likely to be elected due pre-existing gender stereotypes within the political arena. Therefore,
the endorsement of the proportional representative system implies that the selection of candidates
for the parties will also depend on other factors in addition to a candidate’s personal appeal
(European parliament, 1997). Scholars also argue that the larger district magnitude incentivises
political parties to pull from deeper in their lists, hence it is not surprising that women and
minorities will do better in a PR system where there are more seats to be filled per constituency due
incentivising “balancing” when political parties are constructing the party lists. Similarly, it alters
the voters’ criteria when selecting a candidate to increase the opportunities for women and ethno-
Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark, and the Netherlands with 30% or more female
parliamentarians in their single or lower house are either PR or mixed electoral systems with none
having a majoritarian system (European parliament, 1997). Barker and Coffé (2017) also argue that
New Zealand’s mixed-member proportional representation has led to a greater level of descriptive
A proportional representative system is also recognised for its essentiality in promoting substantive
representation through multipartyism (Profeta, Woodhouse, 2022; Norris, 1997). Indeed, a larger
district magnitude is associated with higher numbers of parties in the political system that seek to
represent and act in the interest of women and ethno-national minorities (Salmond, 2006). Minor
parties rarely garner sufficient votes within a majoritarian system to elect their own representative,
thus they are often excluded from the legislative bodies and are under-represented; conversely, the
PR system assures a fair representation for both majorities and minorities where they are allowed to
influence policy outcomes (Amy, 1995). Such is epitomised by the case of Israel’s election in
2006, where seven parties representing specific ethnic constituencies out of a total of twelve parties
won seats in the election to the Knesset (Moser, 2008). Similarly, the inclusion of smaller and
newer parties in legislatures such as the Green or Women Equality Party in the UK where women
play a relatively significant role also contributes to the substantive representation of women (Moser,
2008).
The diversification in the composition of the parliament due to the PR system is also associated
with the broadening of political dialogues within the legislature as women and ethno-national
minorities contribute their perspectives on issues like unemployment, welfare reform, and
affirmative action (Amy, 1995). Indeed, the arrangement of PR ensures that one party rarely has
the majority in a multi-party system, hence a party will need the votes of the minority party to pass
legislation; conversely, the minority party could withhold its support until it was given real
concessions on issues that could benefit either women or ethno-national minorities (Amy, 1995).
The proportional representative system, therefore, moves away from the arbitrary rule of one party
and incentivises legislative coalition between parties in parliament to encourage greater substantive
representation for women and ethno-national minorities specifically in policy decisions that
Multipartyism produced by the PR system also gives rise to the contagion effect which could steer
political transformation and policy direction in favour of women and ethno-national minorities.
Policy contagion refers to the phenomenon whereby the insecurity of the party in power coupled
with the policy distinctiveness of the opposition, results in the former striving to emulate the policy
position of the latter as a means to maintain its position of power while undermining its opposition’s
appeal (Chandler, 1977). Indeed, the inclusion of small liberal-left parties that make gender
egalitarianism a point of difference between themselves and other parties is likely to aid the
contagion effect (Chandler, 2009). Another form of “contagion effect” is evidenced by the short-
lived women’s parties that emerged in many countries at the height of feminist mobilisation; these
parties –such as the Iceland women’s list that won seats in the national parliament in 1983– serve
to galvanise other political parties into running more women candidates to diminish their appeals
(Sawer, 2010). Similarly, if one party selects an ethnic minority candidate in a constituency with a
concentrated ethnic population, other parties will also be pressured into naming ethnic candidates as
minorities is improved.
Overall, the PR system will empower women and ethno-national minorities who are presently
alienated by their lack of meaningful political power to work within the political process by
encouraging multipartyism, genuine coalition, and healthy competition between parties (Norris,
1997). Such led to the genuine substantive representation, where opportunities to overcome
women’s glass ceiling are provided, while a diverse array of political interests and voices within the
Not all proportional representative systems are equal in terms of women’s representation
Despite proportional electoral systems are generally more favourable to women’s political
representation than single-member or majoritarian systems, some forms of PR systems are more
favourable than others (Sawer, 2010). Indeed, the PR system can be further divided into a closed
party list system and an open party-list system. The former implies that voters can only select the
party, while the ranking of the candidates is determined by the political party; the latter, however,
allows voters to express their preferences for a particular candidate within the list (Norris, 1997).
On one hand, an open list is preferable as voters can express a preference in favour of women
candidates hence moving them higher onto the list, while simultaneously preventing a party from
restraining women’s participation by positioning them low on the list (Norris, 1997). Nevertheless,
such may not be the case as Lopvenduski and Norris (1993) argued that the cultural context can
strongly influence the opportunities for women in elections. Indeed, patriarchal values and gender
norms have often confined women to the “private sphere” of family and child care; therefore it
remains difficult for women to penetrate the public sphere, especially when the voters harbour anti-
female biases due to their lack of exposure to female politicians (Sawer, 2010). Evidently, more
women were elected in some majoritarian systems like Canada than in other countries with PR
systems like Israel (Norris, 1997). Additionally, the rise in issues revolving around national
security and military crisis has served to reinforce the citizen’s preference for “masculine” traits and
their beliefs that men are more qualified to handle military crises while women are better at tackling
issues revolving around poverty and children (Lawless, 2004). Such is the case for the US in the
post-September 11th era wherein the political climate dominated by foreign policy and military
concerns significantly reduced the women candidates’ electoral viability for high-level office
(Lawless, 2004).
Therefore, it is possible to conclude that the close party system is the most positive for the
representation of women against the backdrop of gender stereotyping that continues to exist within
the political arena, albeit the argument that an open list proportional representation system is
determined by the minority’s level of assimilation and spatial distribution (Moser, 2008) Ethno-
national minorities that are geographically concentrated and less assimilated rely primarily upon
coethnic voters for electoral victory, hence they tend to perform better in single-member districts
where the absolute threshold for gaining a single seat in the legislature is relatively lower (Moser,
2008); such is especially true when their geographic concentration coincides with the constituency
boundaries (Bird, 2004). Indeed, a major cause of African Americans’ and Latinos’
underrepresentation in the US’s state legislative could be attributed to their dispersed population
(Norris, 1997). In contrast, ethno-national minorities that are large, geographically dispersed, and
representation than in the majoritarian system as they are capable of either marshalling the support
of a significant voting bloc on a national scale or sustaining a viable ethnic party (Bird, 2004). This
makes them attractive candidates for multi- and nonethnic parties (Moser, 2008). Interestingly, a
high level of assimilation will diminish the impact of the electoral systems on minority
representation by lessening the perceived differences between the assimilated minority and the
Therefore, the endorsement of a PR system may increase the likelihood that ethnic parties will
emerge but it provides no guarantee (Moser, 2008). A geographically concentrated group of ethno-
minorities will have greater opportunities for representation through SMD elections, while ethnic
minorities that are highly assimilated will experience little difference between SMD or PR systems.
Conclusion
The choice of electoral systems reflects an attempt at constitutional engineering designed to achieve
certain objectives (Norris, 1997). While there is a consensus in the literature on the political
representation that countries applying a PR system are associated with a higher number of women
in their national parliament than those with majoritarian rules (Profeta, Woodhouse, 2022), it is
important to recognise that the political opportunities and constraints for women are structured
largely by macro-level factors – electoral system and cultural beliefs (Bird, 2004). The
opportunities and constraints for ethnic minorities however are shaped by a combination of micro-
level – assimilation, and spatial concentration of ethnic population – and macro-level factors (Bird,
2004). These micro-level factors tend to be more important than macro-level factors in impacting
between either proportional representation or a majoritarian system depending on the social context
of the country.
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