Ethnic Representation: Making Democracy Works in

Multiethnic Context
By Noor Mohammad D. Saada
Zamboanga City (April 13, 2023) – In a society transitioning from armed conflict
towards democracy, ethnic representation serves both as a case of identity politics and a
quest for just representation. While the “majority rule” holds true in a democratic society,
democracy also promotes “minority rights.” In a multiethnic context, majoritarian
democracy is indeed problematic.

While the majority population can easily expect representation by virtue of their sheer
electoral number, the representation of minority ethnic groups can sometimes be elusive.
This is why many governments across the world embraced the concepts of “reserved
seats,” “proportional representation” and “affirmative actions” as legal devices and
assurances that these minority ethnic groups can participate in the public decision-making
spheres and have their voices heard and considered. The crafting of the electoral system
is therefore crucial for the development of functional and inclusive democracy. In their
introduction to “Electoral Systems and Democracy” (1994), Larry Diamond and Marc F.
Plattner point out how the exclusion of minorities can be a serious threat to democracy.

Diamond and Plattner (1994) also cited the important works of Donald Horowitz,
professor of law and political science at Duke University, on the purposes of electoral
system. Those purposes that have implication to minority or ethnic representation are the
ideas of proportionality, accountability of elected representatives, and inter-ethnic
conciliation. Without these devices in place, the minority can be perpetually excluded
from governance. Thus, the success of democratization will be harder to attain and
largely limited without the participation of ethnic minorities in public leadership and
discourses. This is even more problematic in cases of highly-selective representation or
biased arguments of representation as determined by those in power, such as who should
represents and which ethnic groups should be represented or be allowed to participate.

We place our trust in democracy because, according to Adam Przeworski's analysis in

"Democracy and the Market" (1991), it is the best prospect for managing deep societal
divisions, whether through the conscientious crafting of electoral design or the presence
of legal devices that promote minority rights. Timothy Sisk, in his book "Power Sharing
and International Mediation in Ethnic Conflicts" (1996), argues that practices and
institutions resulting in broad-based coalitions, generally inclusive of ethnic groups in
society, can reconcile the principles of self-determination and democracy in multiethnic
contexts. Therefore, we call on the current government to continue building public
institutions and processes that are inclusive and representative of society's diversity. Ben
Reilly and Andrew Reynolds (2000) consider institution and process building to be of
greater importance in societies where people are deeply divided along ethnic lines.
Sisk (1996) proposes two ways forward: the consociational and integrative approach. The
former relies on elite cooperation to form a multiethnic coalition after the election, while
the latter involves party coalitions before the election.

The last active non-violent recourse of those unrepresented in the public sphere is the
civil society. This is the case of 1Sama Coalition, a gathering of Sama professionals who
started as an online group discussion about their political predicaments. But we should
take not that even within Civil Society, it may be difficult for ethnic minorities to thrive.
Without a promotive and protective framework for civil society, it will be difficult for
ethnic minorities to address their grievances especially those beyond their collective
resources and capacities.

A plural society like ours can only be truly pluralistic if there is participation and
representation of ethnic and other diversities. There is a saying on the essence of
democracy attributed to John Dewey, American philosopher, and education reformer,
“the old saying that the cure for the ills of democracy is more democracy is no apt if it
means … introducing more machinery of the same kind … But the phrase may also
indicate the need of returning to the idea itself, of clarifying and deepening our
apprehension of it, and of employing our sense of its meaning to criticize and remake its
political manifestations.”

Moros as Muslims, we can take guidance from the Holy Qur’an reminding us the purpose
of our diversity, “O mankind, indeed We have created you from male and female and
made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of
you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you. Indeed, Allah is Knowing and
Acquainted.” (Verse 13, Chapter 49: Al-Hujurat, Holy Qur’an). Or in an earlier verse
(10) in this same chapter, reminding who we are and how we shall treat each other, “The
believers are but brothers, so make settlement between your brothers. And fear Allah that
you may receive mercy.”

In this blessed month of Ramadan, and particularly in the period of Laylat ul-Qadr, we
have a unique opportunity to reflect and make amends in order to address disparities and
promote fairness in the Bangsamoro region. This includes ensuring equitable
participation and representation for all ethnicities in the region. May the light of Laylat
ul-Qadr shine upon our leaders and those in whose hands our collective unity rest upon,
May the Almighty guide them towards creating a legacy of inclusivity and justice,
Ameen.