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Contents
Right
Liberty
Power
In short, a power is one's ability to alter legal (or moral) relations. For
instance, I can have the power to enter into a contract with S
whereby he agrees (for a consideration) to refrain from smoking in
my presence. Thus, I have the power to change our legal relations in
that I make S contractually bound (as well as myself). S, thus, has a
liability, which is correlative to power, in that he is liable to having his
legal relations altered by my exercise of power. Hohfeld's analysis
clears the practical meaning of the term power; on myriad occasions,
:
lawyers have created confusion by referring to a 'right' to do
something when, in fact, they mean a Hohfeldian power to do
something. Suppose X steals my car. Does he have a 'right' to sell it
on to Y? If X sells it to Y, who is the bona-fide purchaser for value, he
can pass good title on to him. Thus, X has a Hohfeldian power to
perform the sale of my car. However, he is not at liberty (in Hohfeld's
sense) to do so, because liberty is the absence of a duty not to do
the act, whereas here, X's sale of the stolen car to Y is a legal wrong
and he thus clearly breaches his legal duty by selling it. Although he
has effective power to transfer the title, he does not have a liberty to
do so. How confusing would it be to say that X has a right to sell the
car, but he does not have a right to sell the car in the absence of
Hohfeld's precise vocabulary? Hohfeld's analysis indeed helps to
clarify the legal position of the parties and is able to more accurately
predict the effect of the alterations in their respective legal positions.
Immunity
But so what? After all, there are numerous practices where the term
'right' is employed in a non-Hohfeldian manner. Such a criticism is
therefore incapable of either validating or belying Hohfeld's analysis
especially since MacCormick himself acknowledges[35] that the
diverse entitlements in s.5(1) are all perfectly capable of being
accommodated in a Hohfeldian vocabulary. Importantly, one needs
to appreciate that when we are using the term 'right' in a non-
Hohfeldian manner it does not mean that our talk of rights is in some
substantive way flawed. It would arguably help to achieve greater
precision and clarity in our discourse of rights if the non-Hohfeldian
terminology was eschewed altogether in favour of the Hohfeldian
vocabulary, but I would not suggest that there is anything
fundamentally wrong with it. Rather, my allegation is that it is usually
the anti-Hohfeldian talk of rights that is misguided, especially in
:
instances where it is directed at denying Hohfeld's postulations of
correlativity between rights and duties etc.
As a slight digression, it can be seen that Lord Lindley uses the term
right in a non-Hohfeldian manner. He uses the term 'liberty' ('...to
deal with other persons') and then says that this liberty involves a
correlative general duty not to interfere. The liberty does not entail a
correlative duty. If it does then it would mean it also entails a claim-
right (as a correlative to someone else's duty). This cannot be right.
And, indeed, Leathem merely had a Hohfeldian liberty (correlative to
a no-right) to trade, he did not have a claim-right as I could well
interfere with his business by, for instance, opening up a rival shop in
the same street. We see that when Lord Lindley says that Leathem's
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'right' (Hohfeldian liberty) placed correlative duties on Quinn, he
must be contemplating (wrongly) a claim-right. This provides an
example where one can see how, by not applying Hohfeld's analysis,
a distinguished judge gets it spectacularly wrong.[40] Arguably, a
different (correct) outcome of the judgement would have been
achieved had Leathem's 'right' been termed a Hohfeldian liberty as it
would not entail a correlative duty on anyone else. Indeed, business
competition would be legally impermissible if company X's 'right' to
trade and earn profits entailed a correlative duty on company Y not
to interference with X's running of the business, earning profits etc.
This shows the pertinence of Hohfeld's analysis in that, if applied,
such quandaries would be avoided. Under the Kantian analysis of
rights we could reconstruct the passage (as Lord Lindley seemingly
does) in the following manner: Leathem had a right to run his
butchery business because such action was permissible. The
exercise of his right is juridically inviolable, because it is protected
against interference by law. I have already noted that the Kantian
analysis is misleading because it is wrong to say that a mere
permissibility of an action entails a duty on others not to interfere.
Permissibility is at most a mere Hohfeldian liberty in the sense that
the person has no duty not to perform the action. A more serious
problem with the Kantian view is the conflation of permissibility and
inviolability. Conflation arises from the fact that in Kant's view of
internal complexity, a single concept of a 'right' entails both
permissibility (Hohfeldian liberty) and inviolability (Hohfeldian claim-
right as a correlative to duties incumbent on other specifiable
persons). Such conflation is wrong because rather than offering a
clear line of sight as to how the judge should deal with the issue it
adds fog into the context of what the issue of the case is.[41] In
Quinn v Leathem, such issue was whether Leathem had liberty to
trade, which ought to be protected by a claim-right against
interference.
:
If Hohfeld's analysis is applied it is absolutely clear that Leathem's
liberty does not entail any incumbent duties on others - and this
must be right. If not, then we could potentially outlaw much of
reasonable business competition. Such straightforward clarity is
obtained given the stipulative nature of Hohfeld's work. For him,
rights are discrete, atomic elements, which are distinct and
separable from other rights-elements. For Hohfeld, the nature of the
right-element is static, and when applied to a particular issue this
specific right-element automatically entails a specific duty /
outcome.[42] But this is not the case for Kant who views the
concept of a right as a complex molecular structure, which
comprises various components including permissibility and
inviolability. Hohfeldian language gives a precise tool for identifying
the issue in the case and then describes with precision the effect of
the decision in relation to that issue. The Kantian notion of 'right' is
based on the idea that the internal logic of the right must be worked
out through legal reasoning. In this case, the judge would apply such
a meaning to the concept of right as he thinks fit given the particular
situation. Perhaps the judge would take into account broader
considerations of social policy and justice. Quinn v Leathem shows
that this is, in fact, not always true. Indeed in Lord Lindley's use of
the Kantian notion of right we can see that he is appealing to logic,
rather than the broader question of justice etc.
In this essay I have dealt with and dismissed some of the most
noteworthy criticisms of Hohfeld's analysis of rights and have argued
that his work is the essential tool for gaining not only a conceptual
but a practical understanding of the nature of rights. In the course of
producing his analytical scheme, Hohfeld examined the fundamental
underpinnings of our legal doctrines and institutions as well as the
foundations of our rights discourse. Hohfeld's work involved a deep
and thorough analysis by which he sought to reflect the true
convictions that people held about rights. Therefore, although
analytical in its nature, Hohfeld's analysis is of fundamental practical
value. As he himself insists, proper analysis is the prerequisite of
correct practical application, and 'the deeper the analysis, the
greater becomes one's perception of the unity and harmony in the
law'.[52]
:
Bibliography
W.W. Cook, 'Hohfeld's Contribution to the Science of Law', 28 Yale
Law Journal (Yale, 1919)
P.M.S. Hacker and J. Raz (eds) Law, Morality and Society (Oxford,
1977a)
Halpin, D. Phil, Rights and Law: Analysis and Theory (Oxford, 1997)
Acts
Notes
[1] Shown in Fig.1.
[2] Harris criticised Hohfeld for the fact that his vocabulary does not
match that of his fellow jurists. J.W. Harris, Legal Philosophies
(London, 1980), p.82. Such criticism is misguided since Hohfeld's
intention was to correct the confused judicial discourse over rights
by offering a precise analytical framework. He never intended to
engage in a descriptive exercise of clarifying jural relations.
[10] To illustrate how the judiciary correlates duty and right, Hohfeld
uses the case of Lake Shore and MSR Co v Kurtz (1894)
[10] Ind. App.60, 'Duty and right are correlative terms. When a right
is invaded, a duty is violated'.
[15] Some critics, including Simmonds, have argued that the duties
of the state cannot only be governed by analytical thinking on which
Hohfeld's analysis is based, as the state needs to be able to make
both legal and moral decisions. But, Kramer ('Rights Without
Trimmings', p.8.) points out that Hohfeld's analytical scheme can
also apply to the structuring of moral relationships after making the
necessary changes to it.
[16] For instance, against assault, battery, theft etc, which would
provide a protective perimeter for his liberty to smoke.
[40] Naturally, Hohfeld's work was not available at the time, but this
still serves as a good example.
[47] That is a power that is given to the individual under the law, i.e.
that has been given to the individual by governing persons.